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Title: Anarcho-Syndicalism and Anarchism
Author: Pierre Besnard
Date: May 30, 1937
Language: en
Topics: anarcho-syndicalism, anarchism
Source: Retrieved on 3rd January 2021 from https://libcom.org/library/anarchosyndicalism-anarchism-pierre-besnard

Pierre Besnard

Anarcho-Syndicalism and Anarchism

The following excerpts, translated by Paul Sharkey and appearing in

English for the first time, are taken from Pierre Besnard’s address to

the June 1937 Paris Congress of the anarcho-syndicalist International

Workers’ Association (IWA), L’Anarcho-Syndicalisme et l’Anarchisme,

Rapport de Pierre Besnard, Secretaire de l’A.I.T. au Congrès Anarchiste

International de 1937 (dated 30 May 1937; republished as a supplement to

le Monde Libertaire, 1963), for which Alexander Schapiro wrote the

(previously posted) introduction.

The IWA held a special congress in Paris, June 11–13, 1937, to debate

the relationship between the anarcho-syndicalist and anarchist

movements, and to deal with the participation of the Spanish CNT in the

Republican government in Spain as part of its fight against fascism. In

July 1937, the well respected French anarchist, Sebastien Faure

[Anarchism, Volume 1, Selection 66] published a stinging rebuke of the

Spanish anarchists in the French anarchist paper, Le Libertaire, in a

series of articles entitled “The Fatal Slope,” castigating them for

joining the government. The CNT was furious, and forced Besnard to

resign as general secretary of the IWA.

Besnard was very active in the French anarcho-syndicalist movement from

the end of the First World War until the Second World War. He

contributed to Faure’s Encyclopédie anarchiste, and wrote several books

on the theory and practice of revolutionary syndicalism, including Les

syndicats ouvriers et la révolution sociale (Paris: Le Monde nouveau,

1930); Le Monde nouveau (Paris: CGTSR, 1936); and L’Ethique du

syndicalisme (Paris: CGTSR, 1938). He tried to modernize

anarcho-syndicalism, and to persuade other anarchists to support

anarcho-syndicalist trade unions without derogating from their

independence and autonomy. Nevertheless, Besnard sought to achieve

ideological unity among anarchists, taking a position somewhat similar

to the Platformists associated with the Russian anarchist, Peter

Arshinov, and the Ukrainian anarchist partisan, Nestor Makhno

(Anarchism, Volume 1, Selection 115). For more on Besnard, see Wayne

Thorpe, “Anarchosyndicalism in Inter-War France: The Vision of Pierre

Besnard,” European History Quarterly, Vol. 26, No. 4, 559–590 (1996).

---

I. What is Revolutionary Anarchism?

Revolutionary Anarchism is a movement whose doctrine is designed to

institute an individual and collective existence from which the State,

Government and Authority will be barred. Incontrovertibly, the

foundation of that society will be man.

So Anarchism is the affirmation of an ongoing social demand in the

here-and-now and into the infinite future, into the indefinite future.

It implies an economic, administrative and social project and has to

begin right now…Historically, Revolutionary Anarchism is the third

branch of traditional socialism.

By contrast with the other two branches, Socialism and Communism — both

of them political, authoritarian and statist — it is a-political,

anti-parliamentary and anti-statist. Its essential feature is freedom in

a context of accountability, individual and collective alike. Its chief

tasks at present are: propaganda, popularization and social education of

the labouring masses today and, tomorrow, the administration of society.

II. What is Anarcho-Syndicalism?

Anarcho-Syndicalism is an organizational and organized movement. It

draws its doctrine form Anarchism and its organizational format from

Revolutionary Syndicalism. It is the contemporary expression of the

anarchist doctrine as regards matters economic and social.

In terms of the revolution, it is also, as the Spanish experience itself

has demonstrated, the essential agent of realization. At the world

level, it is represented by the IWA and its National Centres. Its

doctrine has been defined by the founding Congress of the 2^(nd) IWA

(25–31 December 1922 [Anarchism, Volume 1, Selection 114]), by

succeeding congresses, and by the works and writings of its militants.

In Spain, the CNT stands for the Anarcho-Syndicalism of the IWA.

Practically and no less historically, Anarcho-Syndicalism is the

organizational format assumed by Anarchy for the purposes of the fight

against capitalism. It is fundamentally at odds with political and

reformist trade unionism. Anarcho-Syndicalism’s substitution of the idea

of Class for the notion of Party makes it an essential tool for workers

obliged to defend their living conditions in their preparation for

economic and social liberation.

The Anarcho-Syndicalist movement makes possible a yoking together of

action in pursuit of day-to-day demands and the loftiest aspirations of

the workers. It achieves an amalgamation of the two in terms of

material, moral, short-term and future interests. Out of a commonality

of interests, it brings forth an identity of aims and, as a logical and

natural consequence, a reconciliation of doctrines.

Anarcho-Syndicalism: a movement of trial and error

Like any truly social doctrine, Anarcho-Syndicalism is essentially a

matter of trial and error. Proof of this is the fact that, today, in

Spain, its doctrine, having been consecrated and confirmed by the facts,

is achievable in the short-term.

Based on trial and error? Just like every social movement and all the

sciences. In sociology as in physics or chemistry or mechanics, the idea

springs from the act and returns to it. The fact always predates the

idea and conjures up the doctrine, the philosophy from which the

realization is to sprout.

The doctrine, the idea, the yearning for further experiment as a means

to the end, follow from the phenomena recorded which give rise to laws

acknowledged by all and authenticated by experience.

Historical Comments

Down through the ages, what has social experience in every country and

in the modern world in particular taught us?

That within their own class, individuals are more and more sure to

band together on the firm ground of their interests.

That antagonistic classes seek, through elimination of their own

contradictions, to realize their common interest; capitalists by means

of the establishment of state capitalism, of which fascism is the most

distinct expression; the workers, through expropriation of capital,

abolition of wage slavery, abolition of the state and establishment of

libertarian communism.

That, like their adversaries — and unfortunately, after them — workers

try to achieve unity and a pooling of all their resources, because they

have come to realize, at last, that the crucial battles taking place

require methodical organization, coordination and massive, orderly

deployment of these forces; because they have learnt the lesson taught

by facts and experience, which plainly indicates that action should be

well-prepared, direct, widespread and synchronized.

That the age of political revolutions is over; that everywhere the

social revolution has come into its own; that no specially class-based,

proletarian party or group can, by opposing the disparate interests of

its heterogeneous membership, serve as a revolutionary spearhead, a

class organization; that, whereas an employer might profess to be a

socialist, communist or anarchist — they exist – and while he might see

eye to eye with his worker ideologically within the group, he in fact

has no class interest in common with him, once they both return to the

factory, yard, workshop, office, etc. In real life, they are and remain:

in the case of one, an employer, and, in the case of the other, a

worker, with all of the antagonisms that their circumstances imply.

That the only genuinely class group with the potential, by virtue of

its name, power and the resources at its disposal — which it alone can

set in motion — simultaneously to destroy capitalism and make a reality

of libertarian communism, is the Trade Union. Even now it brings manual,

technical and scientific operatives together organizationally — and this

is something it will take further tomorrow — ensuring that the life of

society is sustained throughout. The Trade Union is also the typical

grouping, the free and concrete model of association that can furnish

libertarian communist society with the sound economic foundations vital

to the new order that will spring from the revolution.

Revolutionary Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism Share a Common

Objective

The IWA Charter has extracted from all these historical considerations

that which is common to all of the world’s anarcho-syndicalists. In

concert with the FAI, the CNT is even now striving to put this into

effect. This notion does not at all imply that anarcho-syndicalism —

which is, remember, against the State and federalist — means and aims to

be everything and that nothing else should exist alongside it.

Instead, anarcho-syndicalism is of the view that men, while they cannot

refrain from producing in order to survive, ought not to have production

as their sole aim. It very candidly admits and has no hesitation in

announcing that man has and rightly should have other aspirations — the

highest ones at that — toward the good, the beautiful, the better, and

this in every realm to which his faculties afford him access; that

administrative and social agencies are called for equal to all the

demands of a full, rounded, complete life, operating with the

enlightened assistance and under the watchful, constant and unrelenting

supervision of all.

It accepts without question that individuals are entitled — or rather,

have a duty — to administer themselves. It formally invites them to do

just that, right here and now. Likewise, it fervently wants communes to

federate on a regional basis, confederate with one another nationwide

and for the confederations to link arms internationally, after the

pattern of the unions and the CGT [Confédération Générale du Travail].

It is even convinced that this is crucial and it stands ready to add its

efforts and the efforts of its trade unions to the efforts of

individuals operating as such and to the efforts of the federated,

confederated and combined communes in making a reality of that genuine

libertarian communism which cannot but be anarchism’s handiwork…

Of necessity, agreement between anarcho-syndicalists and

anarcho-communists on libertarian communism as the objective is

complete, permanent and absolute. So it is clear and self-evident that

the place of the workers, the exploited of whatever sort, whose ideal is

anarcho-communism, cannot be other than in the anarcho-syndicalist

unions and nowhere else. Their doctrine makes this an imperious,

specific and ineluctable duty. Moreover, it is their best practical

means of actually achieving that unity of action so necessary for the

modern revolutionary anarchist movement.

It is only in action and through action that anarchists will discover

their real unity of thought; that the anarcho-syndicalist movement, out

of kilter for the past 30 years, will also rediscover its equilibrium

and its vigour; that all anarchists will at last come to look upon the

social revolution as an imminent event and a feasible proposition.

The Role of the Anarchist Groups and the Unions

All of the above leads naturally and logically to consideration of the

role of the anarchist groups and the trade unions. Anarcho-syndicalists

have no difficulty in agreeing that anarcho-communist groups, being more

mobile than the trade union organizations, should go prospecting among

the labouring masses; that they should seek out recruits and temper

militants; that they should carry out active propaganda and intensive

pioneering work with an eye to winning the greatest possible number of

workers hitherto deceived and gulled by all the political parties,

without exception, over to their side and thus to the

anarcho-syndicalist trade unions.

This wholly ideological undertaking, this psychological-type propaganda

drive falls, without question, within the purview of the

anarcho-communist groups, on the express condition that they identify

with the work of the anarcho-syndicalist trade unions which they

complement and reinforce, for the greater good of libertarian communism.

But let me state bluntly that the decision-making responsibility, action

and supervision of the latter should reside in the here-and-now with the

trade unions as the executive agents and operatives carrying out

revolutionary tasks.

I am also of the opinion that it is incumbent upon these unions to

prepare all such undertakings of an economic, defensive or offensive

order. Finally, in my view, the economic, administrative and social

system ought to be homogeneous, harmonious, etc., and the basis of that

system, if it is to be real, sound and lasting, cannot but be economic.

On behalf of the trade unions, I claim the right to handle revolutionary

and post-revolutionary economic tasks because the organization of

production is the true calling of the workers.

On the other hand, logic dictates that the communes, administrative

agencies and their technical and social services, should handle

distribution of goods: interpreting the wishes of men in social terms,

organizing life in all its manifestations. Starting right now, the

anarchist groups have a duty to lay the groundwork for these

revolutionary accomplishments.

The task of every one of these bodies is therefore extremely clear-cut

and perfectly defined. Broadly speaking, it will be enough to welcome

everyone‘s acting and making an effort in every sphere of activity,

depending on the individual’s actual abilities. At no time, and let me

offer you the most formal guarantees here, at no point will the

anarcho-syndicalist trade unions be able to constitute an obstacle to

the onward march of revolutionary communism. And at no point, either,

will they be able to turn reformist, because they are and will remain

revolutionary, federalist and anti-statist, because, like the

anarcho-communist groups, their purpose is to establish libertarian

communism.

To conclude this part of my address, let me affirm:

The anarcho-syndicalist movement cannot deviate, because of the close

and unrelenting supervision exercised over its organizations and

militants.

That, in current terms, in the realm of revolution, the

anarcho-syndicalist movement represents the means whereby libertarian

communism can be achieved. That it is up to the anarcho-communist

groups, operating exclusively on ideological terrain, to take propaganda

as far as it will go.

That the anarcho-communist movement should concern itself primarily

with propaganda and education tasks: the study of society and the

popularization thereof.

That the best ongoing contact achievable will be achieved, as in

Spain, through the unrestricted recruitment into the anarcho-syndicalist

trade unions charged with preparing for and carrying out action (they

being the only ones capable of bringing this to a successful conclusion,

having the requisite membership and resources) of all anarcho-communists

in every country; that anarcho-syndicalism’s trial-and-error doctrine,

which is the doctrine of anarchism itself, is sound and solid enough not

to incur the risk of any infringement, attenuation or deviation.

That anarcho-communism, the real face of socialism, was spawned by the

utter inadequacy of all the political parties; that anarcho-syndicalism,

that movement’s modern, active form, deriving from anarchism, currently

caters to all of the positive tasks of anarcho-communism and paves the

way for libertarian communism, of which it will be the chief midwife;

that anarcho-communism’s tasks — like anarcho-syndicalism’s tasks — will

be accomplished in the post-revolutionary period when men, due to the

evolution and development of their capacity for understanding, will be

capable of acceding to free communism, anarchy’s goal.

In short, anarcho-syndicalism is the force required for the struggle

under the existing regime and the agent of the economic construction of

libertarian communism in the post-revolutionary period. Anarchism

assists the anarcho-syndicalist movement, without supplanting it. The

activities of its militants blend in with those of anarcho-syndicalist

militants within the trade unions. The two movements therefore owe each

other ongoing mutual aid. And later, come the peace, harmony and

concord, anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism, amalgamating into a single

movement, will pursue the achievement of libertarian communism,

anarchy’s ultimate aim.

Anarcho-syndicalism’s most pressing task today is to organize the

workers under its aegis with an eye to the decisive battle against

capitalism; to make technical preparations for that battle, to bind the

forces of production together for the revolutionary construction of the

libertarian communist order; and, tomorrow, to organize the economy

until such time as free communism is established; and finally, to defend

the revolution. That of revolutionary anarchism consists of deploying

all of the resources at its disposal to help bring this about.

Relationship between Anarchism and Anarcho-syndicalism

Self-evidently, there must be a relationship between anarchism and

anarcho-syndicalism, nationally as well as at the international level.

Moreover, the IWA, at its founding congress, anticipated just such an

eventuality. Relations between them should be founded upon each

movement’s independence and autonomy of the other and they must remain

on a footing of the completest equality.

Besides the cross-fertilization of the two movements through the actions

of their militants, it is to be wished that in every locality, region

and country, contacts may be established between anarchist and

anarcho-syndicalist organizations. If these relations are to be fruitful

and lasting, they will have to rest on the groundwork of mutual

toleration, facilitated by doctrinal common ground in every realm and a

precise understanding of the tasks incumbent upon the two movements… But

those relations can only be established on two conditions:

Anarchists in each country be of one mind, doctrinally.

The unification of the anarchist groupings within each country on the

basis of a single doctrine of revolutionary anarchism.

General Conclusions

Whatever the wishes of Congress and of the IWA may be with regard to

practical realization of these relations, they can only achieve this, as

circumstances require that they do, if those two conditions are met

beforehand by the anarchist movements in each country. It would have

been infinitely preferable, as well as consistent with our known

principles, namely, federalist principles, had that doctrinal unity and

unification of anarchist forces taken place prior to the meeting of the

Congress that is due to give birth to the Anarchist International.

On behalf of the anarcho-syndicalists who achieved that double objective

through the launching of the present IWA back in 1922, I call upon all

our revolutionary anarchist comrades to follow suit. If they all agree,

the International that emerges from this Congress will deserve the title

with which they will surely endow it and which cannot be other than: The

Revolutionary Anarchist International — and I say again — they will

accomplish this without a hitch.

It is sufficient but it is necessary that they all agree to break once

and for all with the so-called forces of democracy, be they political or

trade unionist; that they affirm that revolutionary anarchism, by dint

of its goals, its methodology and its doctrine, has nothing and can have

nothing in common with these so-called “democratic” forces which are, in

every country, capitalism’s finest servants.

If, taking this to its limits, the revolutionary anarchist movement also

breaks with all of the dissenters from the authoritarian political

parties who, like their parties of origin, have but one ambition — to

seize or to seize back power – the revolutionary anarchist movement and

the anarcho-syndicalist movement will be able to stride fearlessly and

in step toward their common goal: revolutionary social change through

the establishment of libertarian communism, a necessary step along the

road to free communism.

Pierre Besnard, IWA General Secretary

May 30, 1937

Editor’s note: Paul Sharkey’s translation is left unchanged, however

rendering the French words ‘syndicat’ and ‘syndicaliste’ as ‘trade

union’ and ‘trade unionist’ imports some connotations not there in the

original French. English (and German) speaking anarcho-syndicalists

typically use different words for (bureaucratic, legalistic) trade

unions (Ger: gewerkschaft) and revolutionary unions (Ger: union). ‘Trade

union’ also means a specific form of organisation distinct to industrial

unionism as advocated by many anarcho-syndicalists. Therefore a better

translation of ‘syndicat’ and ‘syndicaliste’ may simply be ‘union’ and

‘union member’ — Joseph Kay