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Title: An Introduction to Anarcho-Syndicalism Author: Organise! Date: July 1996 Language: en Topics: introductory, anarcho-syndicalism Source: Organise! pamphlet #1. https://organiseanarchistsireland.com/an-introduction-to-anarcho-syndicalism-the-tactics-and-vision-for-a-new-workers-movement/
Our class is suffering attack after attack: the “Welfare State” is being
carved up, our bills and taxes go up while real wages go down, working
conditions are getting worse and worse, “job security” is a thing of the
past, anti-social crime is increasing in our communities, unemployment
is rampant.
What passes for politics in the north of Ireland offers our class
nothing but continued and perhaps worsening hardship and sectarianism.
The choice between British nationalism (Loyalism) and Irish nationalism
is no choice at all. Neither will do anything to the benefit of our
class, rather they would play one section off against the other while
seeking to maintain their sectarian power bases.
Sectarianism serves only to weaken us at a time when capitalism is
waging all out war on our class.
We need new forms of organisation, ones that would do away with the
false barriers between us, if we are to fight capitalism successfully.
In short, the form of organisation needed, one capable of defending the
working class from the capitalist system, is one that would scrap it.
We want a workers movement that is confident and has the commitment to
fight a class war with the same conviction as the bosses and government
are doing now. A movement that is open to all working class people,
waged or unwaged, where Solidarity is not a mere slogan.
We want nothing but the best for our class, and that doesn’t mean “a
fair day’s wage for a fair day’s work”. It means, in the short term,
higher wages, shorter hours, better conditions. In fact we want what the
middle classes take for granted. Why shouldn’t we have decent homes for
all? We bloody built them!
We want all that and more. But it must be at the expense of the bosses,
not other workers. Surely the last 15 plus years have shown that sitting
back and watching while one section of workers have been attacked has
got us nowhere and the bosses in the position they are in today.
A revolutionary, or Anarcho-Syndicalist Union is one that is by
necessity both political and economic, based within industry and our
communities, and independent of all political parties and bureaucracies.
A union movement that recognises that workers and bosses can never have
common interests and which, while fighting on day to day issues such as
pay and conditions, knows that in order to win any decisive gains or
victories from capitalism we must scrap it. The ultimate goal of such a
union is the destruction of capitalism and its replacement with an
anarchist or libertarian communist society.
The society we live in at present is a capitalist society. Capitalism
is, put simply, the exploitation of the working class and the planet by
bosses to create profit for themselves. The boss (or ruling) class
consists of those who “own” the means of production and distribution and
who profit from the toil of the working class, who must sell their
labour to survive — tough if the bosses don’t need you.
In reality it is the working class who do not need the bosses or
politicians. We can and we must get them off our backs before they
plunge this planet into irreversible ecological disaster, famine, or war
in the name of ever-increasing profits.
Anarcho-Syndicalism combines revolutionary syndicalist organisation with
the ultimate goal of anarchism or libertarian communism.
Society can and should function without government or bosses; in their
place we, as workers, can manage society directly from our communities
and workplaces. This will not result in chaos and disorder, that is what
we’ve got now! Such a society would demand a high degree of organisation
to ensure that real participatory democracy in every aspect of our lives
becomes reality.
Anarchism seeks a form of social organisation in which nobody is in a
position to oppress anyone else, in which all the means to achieve
maximum material and intellectual development are available to everyone
equally. It is a vision of how society can work: without poverty,
hunger, or greed; a society that will embrace everyone equally.
Before this society can be realised the means of production and
distribution must be under the direct control of the workers and geared
towards the needs of society and not the profits of a few.
Syndicalism is revolutionary industrial unionism. Organising by industry
rather than trade, it cuts across the barriers of trade sectionalism by
uniting workers in a given industry. Syndicalism aims at uniting the
working class as a class in order not only to win improvements within
Capitalism but ultimately to win the class war with its overthrowal
through social revolution. Anarcho-Syndicalists also stress the need for
community-based organisation, of workers in the same locality.
The way in which an Anarcho-Syndicalist union is organised reflects the
type of society we are aiming for. A central principle of
Anarcho-Syndicalism is that of DIRECT DEMOCRACY or WORKERS CONTROL. The
workplace branch and the local are controlled directly by their members.
Branches and locals link with others at local, regional, national, and
international levels in order to effectively co-ordinate action and
solidarity.
There are no full time officials, instead each branch — when and where
necessary — elects IMMEDIATELY RECALLABLE DELEGATES who are FULLY
ACCOUNTABLE to the membership, to represent them.
In keeping with the concept of direct democracy or workers control, the
way in which an Anarcho-Syndicalist union fights for social change is
through the method of DIRECT ACTION.
Direct action is basically any form of struggle under the direct control
of those involved, without reliance on politicians, trade union leaders,
or any other would-be leaders supposedly acting on our behalf. Forms of
direct action which can be used effectively include boycotts, sabotage,
strikes, go-slows, etc.
Ultimately we advocate the SOCIAL GENERAL STRIKE through which the mass
expropriation of the land and factories will take place, this is the
start of the social revolution.
Anarcho-Syndicalism rejects what is called Parliamentary Democracy, as
an institution of the ruling and middle classes, and Party Politics, as
at best a distraction and a sham. We are not in the business of
building, nor do we support any, political parties. The interests of the
working class cannot be pursued in the halls of political power and
intrigue, our real strength lies in our communities and, even more, at
the point of production, not in “the vote”. This is where we can best
organise and go on the offensive against the bosses and their puppets in
government.
We reject the notion of various “leftists”, would-be “vanguards” of the
working class, that the state can be conquered and adapted to suit the
needs of the revolution. Governments, no matter on whose behalf, have
always rested on domination and exploitation, they are inherently
repressive and cannot be reformed, won over, or used in a “progressive”
way. The basic function of the state — that is the courts and prisons,
the army and police, the Civil Service and other state institutions — is
to defend the interests of the bosses. It is useless to try and change
the system by electing “representatives” to government office, or
through the seizure of state power. A state is a top-down institution
which puts power into the hands of a few. All efforts at constructing a
“Workers State” have only led to further oppression of the workers as
those in power consolidated and strengthened their positions. The
formation of the new state is the counter-revolution.
Our environment is being destroyed as a direct result of capitalism
putting profits before people. As the effects of pollution,
over-exploitation of resources, and deliberate industrial poisoning
become more severe, protests against environmental destruction have
become harder for governments to ignore. This has led to half-hearted
and wholly inadequate measures to limit pollution. Such action will
always be inadequate, as government is an institution ran to suit the
bosses who profit from the destruction of our environment.
Workers and their families suffer the worst effects of pollution. The
workplace continues to be a very dangerous environment, and working
class communities are often the site for toxic dumps, incinerators, and
the like.
An effective fight to protect the workforce and our communities against
pollutants, against the ecological destruction which threatens our very
existence, requires direct action and a mobilisation of the widest
support across our class, rather than on lobbying the bosses’
representatives in government or activity in the various “liberal”
single issue environmental groups of the day.
Workers control of all industry is the only practical strategy for
assuring the practice of sustainable and environmentally sound forms of
production.
The increasingly global nature of capitalism, the demands of
multi-nationals coupled with the deregulation of global finance, have
had a direct and often devastating effect on workers and their
environment the world over. International capitalism now moves over $1
trillion a day around the globe in search of increased profits. This
mobility is resulting in reduced standards of living for western
workers, whose jobs are now being competed for by the “sweat shop”
economies of the Far East.
State “interference” has been, and continues to be, pulled out of areas
where capital wants less or no state control. At the same time,
governments have launched an all out offensive on the working class on
behalf of capital.
In real terms the results of “globalisation” have been the introduction
of crippling anti-union legislation (such as the removal of the right to
secondary picketing), casualisation of large sections of the workforce,
a permanently high level of unemployment to threaten those with jobs,
running down of health and safety standards, deterioration in the levels
of real wages, thousands of job losses, and the running into the ground
of “public services” in the name of increased profitability.
The lessons for us all facing the effects of “globalisation”, or
“neo-liberalism”, as it is also known, must be the absolute necessity of
global action — international solidarity — of the working class. The
only way to fight against international capital is to organise on an
international scale ourselves.
Anarcho-Syndicalists in Ireland seek to create a Social Revolutionary
Union which is built both within our workplaces and communities. Such a
union should not to be confused with the Social Democratic, or
reformist, Trade Unions which dominate the organised labour movement
throughout Ireland, Britain, and much of the world.
Historically these Trade Unions have been seen as the defenders of
workers’ interests in opposition to those of the bosses. Yet it must now
be clear to everyone that these unions, based as they are on ideas of
“Social Partnership” and “Consensus” with the bosses and the state, are
far from adequate “defenders” of our class from even the worst excesses
of capitalism.
Instead of “solidarity”, the watchword of the union movement has become
“service”; this is how they seek to maintain their membership and
influence — fine if you want an insurance scheme of sorts but useless if
you want a fighting working class organisation, prepared to, and capable
of, taking on the bosses.
In Ireland these unions consist of the Amalgamated (British based)
unions, which dominate in the north, and the Irish based unions. Their
basic relationship with the state and capitalism remain the same, as can
be seen from even a brief look at their track records.
The Irish Congress of Trade Unions, ICTU, recently played the
determining role in settling disputes at Irish Steel and TEAM Aer
Lingus. This was done at the expense of workers who ended their disputes
in return for union-negotiated “survival plans” involving significantly
worsened pay and conditions.
Back in 1969 ICTU voluntarily surrendered the right to strike over pay
and hours of work in return for a tripartite (involving the unions, the
bosses, and the government) negotiated wage agreement. From 1980–84,
bosses, confident of no real union opposition, decided it was
unnecessary to enter into negotiated pay agreements. By 1984 the
tripartite wage agreements were reintroduced on the bosses’ terms with
deplorable terms and conditions for workers as profits across industry
soared.
The “Free States” 1990 Industrial Relations Act inhibited the Services
Industrial Professional Technical Union, SIPTU, from the one strategy
which could have proved effective in the Pat the Baker strike — the
blacking of goods. It also cost them IRÂŁ1.3 million when the High Court
found it had not balloted members in accordance with the Act. It must be
remembered that this Act was prepared on the basis of discussions
between the Irish government and ICTU and passed without one dissenting
voice from the unions or the Labour Party.
Amalgamated and Irish based unions work together in the north through
the Irish Congress of Trade Unions Northern Ireland Committee, which
since its recognition by Stormont in 1964 has been amongst the most
favoured of institutions both by that government and, since the
introduction of Direct Rule, the Northern Ireland Office.
One of this body’s first roles was to dutifully take its place on the
newly created Northern Ireland Economic Council. A council which has
proved nothing more than a talking shop, and which has never produced
anything in the way of even the most basic economic improvements for
working class people in Northern Ireland.
The Northern Ireland Committee of ICTU has the sole right to nominate
union representatives to innumerable statutory bodies, councils,
enquiries, and committees, including the Northern Ireland Prison
Authority and prison Boards of Visitors. These “representatives” are
often seen accompanying government ministers on trips abroad to promote
N. Ireland to industrials and potential investors — offering good
industrial relations — good for the bosses invariably means bad for the
workers.
Despite the “special relationship” with the state, the 1993 Industrial
Relations (Northern Ireland) Order has brought anti-union legislation
largely into line with that in the rest of Britain.
In face of a crisis which is both ideological and financial we have seen
a rash of trade union amalgamations in recent years. The creation of the
new “super unions”, such as UNISON and SIPTU would be a welcome
development if it was prompted by a desire to increase the industrial
strength of workers. The problem is that these amalgamations are
inspired only by financial viability and the desire of union bureaucrats
to maintain their well-paid positions at the top of the union hierarchy.
Since 1979 union membership has fallen markedly, resulting in financial
difficulty for the unions — according to TUC figures, 10% of union dues
goes straight to rich bankers to pay off union debts.
Coupled with these mergers, the unions have moved away from any
workplace base towards American-style business unions. The unions
increasingly see themselves as pressure groups who will be able to
influence government by the use of professional negotiators elegantly
expressing their views without the need for industrial action.
At the same time they have developed a vision of their membership as
“clients” which they provide with services such as credit cards, loans,
insurance, mortgages, etc.
The unions have become more and more divorced from the point of workers
power — the workplace — and the move to “super unions” will only
increase that trend.
The “Left” see the answer to the position of the trades unions in
electing a more “left-wing” leadership, but the fact is that the current
unions are not and never can be revolutionary. The problem is not with a
“right-wing” leadership but with the very ethos and structure of the
trade union movement. How can unions which accept their role within
capitalism offer us any defence against it?
ICTU, in a 1992 document, “Irish Political Economy, The Case for
Consensus”, went so far as to claim that capitalism no longer exists.
Instead they have it that the “technological revolution” has created “a
new economic system”.
So what is this new economic system? Des Geraghty, national industrial
secretary of SIPTU defines it as: “a world in which money makes money,
where everyone is expendable and those who control capital have no
attachment to any other consideration”.
This sounds very much like capitalism to us!
The alternative cannot be to try and reform the trades unions, they are
irreformable and a valuable asset to the state, nor can it be to have
faith in “left-wing” political parties. We must have faith in ourselves
and create our own alternative. We need to build an industrial union
which is a combative, pro-active revolutionary organisation using direct
action to achieve its aims.
While rejecting the current unions as beyond reform, we will continue to
work inside them to fight for working class interests.
We have no intention of isolating ourselves from the many workers who
make up the rest of the rank and file membership of the unions.
— “Winning the Class War, an Anarcho-Syndicalist Strategy”, Direct
Action Movement
We will, however, be promoting workplace resistance, not standing in
union elections on so-called “radical” platforms. It is in workplace
organisation, and not in the current unions, nor developing “super
unions”, that the future of the working class lies.
Our aim is not to support social democracy, but to show it up as
irrelevant to the working class. (ibid.)
What is relevant to the working class are the necessities of class
analysis and revolution, and the creation of an organisation capable of
fighting the bosses in the here and now and of carrying out a successful
social revolution. It is to this end that Organise! is committed — the
creation of the Anarcho-Syndicalist Union here in Ireland. A union which
is at once political, economic, and internationalist.
We see no point in wasting time, energy, and resources making impossible
demands of the current Trade Unions.
The class war also takes place beyond the workplace, in working class
streets and housing estates. Groups based in our communities, on a
geographical basis, are also essential in building an effective basis
for action. We refer to such groups as “Locals”.
They are places where like-minded workers can gather both politically
and socially, providing space for debate and a basis for action.
Locals can achieve essential objectives which cannot be fully addressed
by Industrial Networks alone. Such a group would organise members of
Industrial Networks together with members who are not in a Network into
a local unit. This type of broader local organisation can play a
complementary role in the development of Industrial Networks, especially
given the increasing “flexibilisation” of the workforce, with a
decreasing number of workers being tied to a single industry or boss.
By fighting around issues of interest to all working class people,
strong local organisation will prevent any tendency to concentrate on
the particular concerns of a single industry.
We don’t need single issue groups, however broad and participative,
however radical and militant, but groups which will actually tackle all
issues from a working class perspective. By occupying this space,
Anarcho-Syndicalism gives a class character to struggles which affect
working class people.
By focusing on Solidarity we effectively combine support for industrial
disputes with agitation on local issues.
If class conflict on the shop floor is to become a real revolutionary
challenge to capitalism it needs an organisational base to develop and
spread it. Industrial Networks are our answer to the inadequacy of trade
unionism but without a wider solidarity movement they can only organise
around specific industrial issues. This risks isolation from the wider
class struggle.
We can link industrial issues and future networks with local issues and
at the same time make solidarity a function of groups with a far broader
class perspective and range of activities than a single issue group. The
result is a broader base for Anarcho-Syndicalism through acceptance that
it is the best way for people to organise. Not only will we be able to
make our own contribution to disputes but we can also make sure that,
whatever the outcome, the lessons and experience get put to good use.
Locals or Solidarity Centres are the places which provide the greatest
impetus and focus for our work towards this end.
Such unions will not appear overnight, so as a step in this direction,
we advocate the setting up of Industrial Networks. These are
industry/sector-based networks of workers which are intended to provide
the basis for the future Industrial Federations of an
Anarcho-Syndicalist union. Initially they would bring together
like-minded activists to exchange ideas, circulate information, and
engage in solidarity activity. It is to start with a political grouping
organised in a particular industry, but one that will obviously aim at
the creation of an Anarcho-Syndicalist union.
Initially Industrial Networks are likely to be groupings not necessarily
based within the same workplace as this would limit activity, but the
issues may be able to be generalised. Local and industry wide issues can
be tackled, and being based locally and within the workplace Network
members are ideally positioned to stimulate debate. They are also in an
ideal position to break the isolation felt in many workplaces as to the
situation in the rest of the industry.
In keeping with the principles of Anarcho-Syndicalism, these Networks
must be under the direct control of their membership and work through
mutual federation with those in the same industry, and also federate
with other networks on a local, regional, and international level. They
must provide a framework for militant workers to begin to set their own
agenda in the fight against the bosses and the state. The development of
Networks in different industries is a start in the direction of creating
the organisation we need in order to effectively fight against
capitalism.
Out of the initial Networks, Workplace Branches should be formed which
will provide the basis for the transformation of Networks into Federated
Industrial Unions. Where that would be too grand an aim at present, we
must nonetheless agitate at the workplace level, around real issues with
real workers, rather than get involved in the “phoney class war” of left
wing paper selling and leafleting at union branch meetings, lobbies,
etc.
It would be a futile leftist prank, of the kind the working class have
seen far too much of in the past, if an Industrial Network was merely a
network of contacts. We see no point in Industrial Networks unless they
provide a framework for militant workers to begin to be able to set
their own agenda and independence of action.
While we are opposed to the organised violence of the state, we also
recognise that as the social revolution develops the state will use all
the means at its disposal in the defence of Capitalism and this will
mean increasingly violent clashes. Violence in defence of the revolution
is therefore perfectly valid and necessary.
As we see direct action as the only suitable means for carrying out the
expropriation of the means of production so the task of defending the
revolution must be under the direct control of the workers. It must
therefore be carried out by a WORKERS MILITIA answerable to the mass
organisations of the working class. Defence of the revolution can under
no circumstances be allowed to fall to a military or quasi-military body
developing independently of the workers’ organisations.
With the destruction of the state, the workers would be left to
co-ordinate economic and social life in accordance with libertarian
principles, that everyone be free to run their own lives and that the
only restriction on that freedom be that it does not encroach on the
freedom of others. So let us organise now towards such a society run on
the basis of “From each according to ability, to each according to
need”.
Association
Prior to and up to the Second World War, Anarcho-Syndicalist unions
existed across Europe (from Sweden to Poland to Greece), North and South
America, Japan, Africa, Australia...
In Berlin 1922, Anarcho-Syndicalist unions from numerous countries came
together and formed the International Workers Association (I.W.A.). Most
sections of the I.W.A. had a membership of 100s of thousands.
The following years, up to the outbreak of the Second World War, brought
the near annihilation of the I.W.A. The rise of Fascism and military
dictatorships in Italy, Germany, and the subsequent invasions of Poland
and Central Europe came close to obliterating every trace of
Anarcho-Syndicalist unions in these countries. Likewise in Japan, Chile,
Argentina, and many other countries. From being immensely influential,
the I.W.A.’s sections were destroyed or driven underground across the
world. By the time of the outbreak of social revolution in Spain 1936,
only the C.N.T. itself and the S.A.C. in Sweden remained as functioning
mass organisations.
Following the defeat of the Spanish revolution and the end of the Second
World War, the I.W.A. was left a shadow of its former self.
Re-establishing Anarcho-Syndicalism proved next to impossible with the
massive influx of United States funding to guarantee the dominance of
reformist trade unions that would be “Boss Friendly” and act against all
and any possibility of subversion and revolution. The escalation of the
Cold War meant that the US was to continue its political and financial
involvement in ensuring that all workers’ movements were tame, promoting
capitalism and social partnership. This was even true of Britain where
many union leaders attended and were involved in CIA courses and
organisations! Meanwhile Russia pumped limitless cash into its
sympathetic organisations world-wide. The I.W.A. could hardly compete!
Everything changed with the death of Franco in 1975 and the subsequent
re-emergence of the C.N.T. breathed new life into the I.W.A.
The 1980s and 90s have heralded the I.W.A.’s return to being a living
and growing organisation. Today the I.W.A. has sections in over a dozen
countries, some functioning unions, others working to that end. The
I.W.A. today has a presence in North and South America, across Europe
and Australia. In addition, new Anarcho-Syndicalist organisations are
appearing in Eastern Europe, Russia, the Ukraine, and for the first time
in countries such as Nigeria and Bangladesh.
With the final discrediting of Marxist-Leninism and the state Communism
of the USSR, Anarcho-Syndicalism is now emerging as the alternative.
Revolutionary syndicalism is based on the class struggle and holds that
all workers must unite in economic combative organisations. These
organisations must fight for liberation from the double yoke of
capitalism and the state. Its goal is the reorganisation of social life
on the basis of libertarian communism, which will be achieved by the
revolutionary action of the working class. Considering that only the
economic organisations of the proletariat are capable of reaching this
objective, revolutionary syndicalism addresses itself to workers in
their capacity as producers, as creators of social wealth, so that it
will take root and develop among them in opposition to the modern
workers’ parties, which it declares inept for the economic
reorganisation of society.
Revolutionary Syndicalism is the pronounced enemy of all economic and
social monopoly. It aims at the abolition of privilege by the
establishing of economic communes and administrative organs run by the
workers in the fields and factories, forming a system of free councils
without subordination to any power or political party. Revolutionary
syndicalism poses as an alternative to the politics of states and
parties, the economic reorganisation of production. It is opposed to the
governing of people by others and poses self-management as an
alternative. Consequently, the goal of revolutionary syndicalism is not
the conquest of political power, but the abolition of all state
functions in the life of society. Revolutionary syndicalism considers
that the disappearance of the monopoly of property must also be
accompanied by the disappearance of all forms of domination. Statism,
however camouflaged, can never be an instrument for human liberation
and, on the contrary, will always be the creator of new monopolies and
privileges.
Revolutionary syndicalism has a twofold function. It carries on the
revolutionary struggle in all countries for the economic, social, and
intellectual improvement of the working class within the limits of
present day society. It also seeks to educate the masses so that they
will be able to completely manage the process of production and
distribution through the socialisation of all wealth. Revolutionary
syndicalism does not accept the idea that the organisation of a social
system based exclusively on the producing class can be ordered by simple
governmental decrees. It affirms that it can only be obtained through
the common action of all manual and intellectual workers, in every
branch of industry, by self-management, in such a way that every region,
factory, or branch of industry is an autonomous member of the economic
organism and systematically regulates, on a determined plan and on the
basis of mutual agreement, the production and distribution processes
according to the interests of the community.
Revolutionary syndicalism is opposed to all organisational tendencies
inspired by the centralism of the state and church. These can only
prolong the survival of the state and authority and they systematically
stifle the spirit of initiative and any independence of thought.
Centralism is the artificial organisation which subjects the so-called
lower classes to those which claim to be superior. Centralism leaves the
affairs of the whole community in the hands of a few — the individual
being turned into a robot with regulated movements and gestures. In the
centralised organisation, the necessities of society are subordinated to
the interests of a few, variety is replaced by uniformity, and personal
responsibility is replaced by unanimous discipline. It is for this
reason that revolutionary syndicalism founds its social conception on a
wide federalist organisation, an organisation which works from the
bottom to the top by uniting all forces in the defence of common
interests and ideas.
Revolutionary syndicalism rejects all parliamentary activity and all
collaboration with legislative bodies. It holds that even the freest
voting system cannot bring about the disappearance of the clear
contradictions at the centre of present day society. The parliamentary
system has only one goal: to lend a pretence of legitimacy to the reign
of falsehood and social injustice.
Revolutionary syndicalism rejects all arbitrarily created political and
national frontiers and declares that what is called nationalism is the
religion of the modem state, behind which is concealed the material
interests of the ruling classes. Revolutionary syndicalism recognises
only economic and regional differences and demands for all groups the
right to self-determination without exception.
It is for these reasons that revolutionary syndicalism fights against
militarism and war. Revolutionary syndicalism advocates anti-war
propaganda and the substitution of permanent armies, which are only the
instruments of counter-revolution at the service of capitalism, by
workers’ militias which, during the revolution, will be controlled by
the workers’ syndicates; it demands, as well, the boycott and embargo of
all raw materials and products necessary to war, with the exception of a
country where the workers are in the midst of a social revolution, in
which case it is necessary to help them defend the revolution. Finally,
revolutionary syndicalism advocates the preventive and revolutionary
general strike as a means of opposing war and militarism.
Revolutionary syndicalism supports direct action and supports and
encourages all struggles which are not in contradiction to its own ends.
The means of struggle are: occupations, strikes, boycotts, sabotage,
etc. Direct action is best expressed through the general strike. The
general strike must, at the same time, be the prelude to the social
revolution.
While revolutionary syndicalism is opposed to all organised violence of
the state, it realises that that there will be extremely violent clashes
during the decisive struggles between the capitalism of today and the
free communism of tomorrow. Consequently, it recognises as valid that
violence which can be used as a means of defence against the violent
methods used by the ruling class during the social revolution. As
expropriations of the land and the means of production can only be
carried out and brought to a successful conclusion by the direct
intervention of the workers’ revolutionary economic organisations,
defence of the revolution must also be the task of the economic
organisations. Defence of the revolution is not the task of the military
or quasi-military body developing independently of these economic
organisations.
It is only through the economic and revolutionary organisations of the
working class that it will be possible to bring about the liberation and
necessary creative energy for the reorganisation of society on the basis
of libertarian communism.
The international bond of struggle and solidarity which unites the
revolutionary syndicalist organisations of the world is called the
International Workers’ Association (IWA).
The IWA has as its aims:
1. To organise and press for revolutionary struggle in all countries
with the aim of destroying once and for all the present political and
economic regimes and to establish a libertarian communist society.
2. To give a regional and industrial base to the economic syndicalist
organisations and, where that already exists, to strengthen those
organisations which are determined to fight for the destruction of
capitalism and the state.
3. To prevent the infiltration of any political party into the economic
syndicalist organisations and to combat with resolution every attempt at
political domination within the unions.
4. Where circumstances demand it, to establish through a given programme
which is not in contradiction with the above, provisional alliances with
other revolutionary and working class organisations, with the objective
of planning and carrying out common international actions in the
interest of the working class. Such alliances must never be with
political parties and with organisations which accept the state as a
system of social organisation.
5. To unmask and combat the arbitrary violence of all governments
against revolutionaries dedicated to the cause of social revolution.
6. To examine all problems concerning the world proletariat in order to
consolidate and develop movements which defend the rights and new
conquests of the working class the world over.
7. To undertake shows of solidarity in the event of important economic
struggles against the declared or concealed enemies of the working
class.
8. To give moral and material support to the working class movements
whose management is in the hands of the workers themselves.
The International only intervenes in the affairs of a union when its
affiliated organisation requests it or when this submits to the general
decision of the International.
The magazine Organise! the Voice of Anarcho-Syndicalism traces its
origins back to August 1986 when the first issue, originally a
broadsheet, was produced by the Anarcho-Syndicalists of the now defunct
Ballymena Anarchist Group. It ran to six issues, stopping publication in
March 1988 just when the Ballymena Anarchist Group, who had since
adopted the name of “Organise!” for the group and the paper, folded.
In the spring of 1992 Organise! Irish Anarchist Bulletin was brought out
under the editorial control of a broadly class struggle anarchist group,
members of which had been in touch since the previous year. This group
consisted of members from across the north, including a member of the
original Ballymena based grouping.
Since then Organise! has appeared quite regularly and with improving
content and layout. Discussion within the group led to it (re)adopting
an Anarcho-Syndicalist strategy and the name of the paper, which became
a quarterly magazine in the autumn of 1995, reverted to the original
Organise! the Voice of Anarcho-Syndicalism.
The survival over this period of a small Anarcho-Syndicalist propaganda
group in the north of Ireland has been precarious to say the least.
Especially during periods of intensely heightened sectarian tensions, of
which there have been many, it often seemed that it was all the group
could do to manage to hold onto its identity and small membership.
Organise! are now starting to grow as an organisation, although we
recognise [we] are still small and exist in a part of the world with
little to no Anarchist or Anarcho-Syndicalist tradition. We are now
actively working to create the type of movement described in this
pamphlet, one which we feel is essential to bringing us success [in] our
fight against capitalist and state oppression.
We have been involved in various campaigns recently, including the
Campaign Against Nuclear Testing, Liverpool Dockers and Families Support
Group, Anti-JSA work, as well as individual members being active in the
numerous struggles taking place in their workplaces and communities.
This sort of activity will continue and be built upon. As will our
commentary, news, and analysis of events in the north, throughout
Ireland and world-wide, through our magazine.
Of central importance to us now is the creation of just the type of
movement as we have described in this pamphlet.
Members of Organise! are ordinary working class people, employed and
unemployed, from both “sides” of our community, who have come together
to help create an alternative to the Capitalist exploitation,
sectarianism, and oppression which is destroying the lives of our class
in the north. Although our membership is at present limited to Northern
Ireland, we have contacts throughout the island and are dedicated to the
creation of an Irish Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation as part of the
international Anarcho-Syndicalist movement — as organised in the
International Workers Association.
If you are sick of the crap that surrounds us, sectarian politics, power
hungry leaders more interested in their own positions than in peace, all
out attacks being waged on our class by governments which are nothing
more than the puppets of international capital, the empty rhetoric
offered up by lefty politicos, then help us build such a movement.