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Title: The Coming Anarchy
Author: Pëtr Kropotkin
Date: 1887
Language: en
Topics: anarcho-communist
Source: Retrieved on February 25th, 2009 from http://dwardmac.pitzer.edu/anarchist_archives/kropotkin/coming.html
Notes: From The Nineteenth Century, No CXXVI, August 1887

Pëtr Kropotkin

The Coming Anarchy

The views taken in the preceding article[1] as to the combination of

efforts being the chief source of our wealth explain why more anarchists

see in communism the only equitable solution as to the adequate

remuneration of individual efforts. There was a time when a family

engaged in agriculture, and supported by a few domestic trades, could

consider the corn they raised and the plain woollen cloth they wove as

production of their own and nobody else’s labour. Even then such a view

was not quite correct: there were forests cleared and roads built by

common efforts; and even then the family had continually to apply for

communal help, as it is still the case in so many village communities.

But now, under the extremely interwoven state of industry, of which each

branch supports all others, such as the individualistic view can be held

no more. If the iron trade and the cotton industry of this country have

reached so high a degree of development, they have done so owing to the

parallel growth of the railway system; to an increase of knowledge among

both the skilled engineers and the mass of the workmen; to a certain

training in organization slowly developed among British producers; and,

above all, to the world-trade which has itself grown up, thanks to works

executed thousands of miles away. The Italians who died from cholera in

digging the Suez Canal, or from ‘tunnel-disease’ in the St. Gothard

Tunnel, have contributed as much towards the enrichment of this country

as the British girl who is prematurely growing old in serving a machine

at Manchester; and this girl is much as the engineer who made a

labour-saving improvement in our machinery. How can we pretend to

estimate the exact part of each of them in the riches accumulated around

us?

We may admire the inventive genius or the organising capacities of an

iron lord; but we must recognise that all his genius and energy would

not realise one-tenth of what they realise here if they were spent

dealing with Mongolian shepherds or Siberian peasants instead of British

workmen, British engineers, and trustworthy managers. An English

millionaire who succeeded in giving a powerful impulse to a branch of

home industry was asked the other day what were, in his opinion, the

real causes of his success? His answer was: — ‘I always sought out the

right man for a given branch of concern, and I left him full

independence — maintaining, of course, for myself the general

supervision.’ ‘Did you never fail to find such men?’ was the next

question. ‘Never.’ ‘But in the new branches which you introduced you

wanted a number of new inventions.’ ‘No doubt; we spend thousands in

buying patents.’ This little colloquy sums up, in my opinion, the real

case of those industrial undertakings which are quoted by the advocates

of ‘an adequate remuneration of individual efforts’ in the shape of

millions bestowed on the managers of prosperous industries. It shows how

far the efforts are really ‘individual.’ Leaving aside the thousand

conditions which sometimes permit a man to show, and sometimes prevent

him from showing, his capacities to their full extent, it might be asked

in how far the same capacities could bring out the same results, if the

very same employer could find no inventions were not stimulated by the

mechanical turn of mind of so many inhabitants of this country. British

industry is the work of the British nation — nay, of Europe and India

take together — not of spate individuals.

While holding this synthetic view on production, the anarchists cannot

consider, like the collectivists, that a remuneration which would be

proportionate to the hours of labour spent by each person in the

production of riches may be an ideal, or even an approach to an ideal,

society. Without entering here into a discussion as to how far the

exchange value of each merchandise is really measured now by the amount

of labour necessary for its production — a separate study must be

devoted to the subject — we must say that the collectivist ideal seems

to us merely unrealisable in a society which would be brought to

consider the necessaries for production as a common property. Such a

society would be compelled to abandon the wage-system altogether. It

appears impossible that the mitigated individualism of the collectivist

school could co-exist which the partial communism implied by holding

land and machinery in common — unless imposed by a powerful government,

much more powerful than all those of our own times. The present

wage-system has grown up from the appropriation of the necessities for

production by the few; it was a necessary condition for the growth of

the present capitalist production; and it cannot outlive it, even if an

attempt be made to pay to the worker the full value of his produce, and

money be substituted by hours of labour cheques. Common possession of

the necessaries for production implies that common enjoyment of the

fruits of the common production; and we consider that an equitable

organisation of society can only arise when every wage-system is

abandoned, and when every-body, contributing for the common well-being

to the full extent of his capacities, shall enjoy also from the common

stock of society to the fullest possible of his needs.

We maintain, moreover, not only that communism is a desirable state of

society, but that the growing tendency of modern society is precisely

towards communism — free communism — notwithstanding the seemingly

contradictory growth of individualism. In the growth of individualism

(especially during the last three centuries) we merely see the

endeavours of the individual towards emancipating himself from the

steadily growing powers of Capital and the State. But side by side with

this growth we see also, throughout history up to our own times, the

latent struggle of the producers of wealth for maintaining the partial

communism of old, as well as for reintroducing communist principles in a

new shape, as soon as favourable conditions permit it. As soon as the

communes of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries were enabled to

start their own independent life, they gave a wide extension to work in

common, to trade in common, and to a partial consumption in common. All

this has disappeared; but the rural commune fights a hard struggle to

maintain its old features, and it succeeds in maintaining them in many

places of Eastern Europe, Switzerland, and even France and Germany;

while new organizations, based on the same principles, never fail to

grow up as soon as it is possible. Notwithstanding the egotistic turn

given to public mind by the merchant-production of our century, the

communist tendency is continually reasserting itself and trying to make

its way into the public life. The penny bridge disappears before the

public bridge; so also the road which formerly had to be paid for its

use. Museums, free libraries, and free public schools; parks and

pleasure grounds; paved and lighted streets, free for everybody’s use;

water supplied to private dwellings, with a growing tendency towards

disregarding the exact amount of it used by the individual; tramways and

railways which have already begun to introduce the season ticket or the

uniform tax, and will surely go much further on this line when they are

no longer private property : all these are tokens showing in which

direction further progress is to be expected.

It is putting the wants of the individual above the valuation of the

services he has rendered, or might render, to society; it is in

considering society as a whole, so intimately connected together that a

service rendered to any individual is a service rendered to the whole

society. The librarian of the British Museum does not ask the reader

what have been his previous services to society, he simply gives him the

book he requires; and for a uniform fee, a scientific Society leaves its

gardens and museums at the free disposal of each member . The crew of a

lifeboat do not ask whether the men of a distressed ship are entitled to

be rescued at a risk of life; and the Prisoners’ Aid Society do not

inquire what the released prisoner is worth. Here are men in need of

service; they are fellow men, and no further rights are required. And if

this very city, so egotistic to-day, be visited by a public calamity —

let it be besieged, for example, like Paris in 1871, and experience

during the siege a want of food — this very same city would be unanimous

in proclaiming that the first needs to be satisfied are those of the

children and old, no matter what services they may render or have

rendered to society. And it would take care of the active defenders of

the city, whatever the degrees of gallantry displayed by each of them.

But, this tendency already existing, nobody will deny, I suppose, that,

in proportion as humanity is relieved from its hard struggle for life,

the same tendency will grow stronger. If our productive powers be fully

applied for increasing the stock of the staple necessities for life; if

a modification of the present conditions of property increased the

number of producers by all those who are not producers of wealth now;

and if manual labour reconquered its place of honour in society — all

this decuplating our production and rendering labour easier and more

attractive — the communist tendencies already existing would immediately

enlarge their sphere of application.

Taking all that into account, and still more the practical aspects of

the question as to how private property might become common property,

most of the anarchists maintain that the very next step to be made by

society, as soon as the present regime of property undergoes a

modification, will be in a communist sense. We are communists. But our

communism is not that of either the Phalanstere or the authoritarian

school : it is anarchist communism, communism without government, free

communism. It is a synthesis of the two chief aims prosecuted by

humanity since the dawn of its history — economical freedom and

political freedom.

I have already said that anarchy means no-government. We know well that

the word ‘anarchy’ is also used in the current language as synonymous

with disorder. But that meaning of ‘anarchy’ being a derived one,

implies at least two suppositions. It implies, first, that whenever

there is no government there is disorder; and it implies, moreover, that

order, due to a strong government and a strong police, is always

beneficial. Both implications, however, are anything but proved. There

is plenty of order — we should say, of harmony — in many bunches of

human activity where the government, happily, does not interfere. As to

the beneficial effects of order, the kind of order that reigned at

Naples under the Bourbons surely was not preferable to some disorder

started by Garibaldi; while the Protestants of the this country will

probably say that the good deal of disorder made by Luther was

preferable, at any rate, to the order which reigned under the Pope. As

to the proverbial ‘order’ which was once ‘restored at Warsaw,’ there

are, I suppose, no two opinions about it. While all agree that harmony

is always desirable, there is no such unanimity about order, and still

less about the ‘order’ which is supposed to reign on our modern

societies; so that we have no objection whatever to the use of the word

‘anarchy’ as a negation of what has been often described as order.

By taking for our watchword anarchy, in its sense of no-government, we

intend to express a pronounced tendency of human society. In history we

see that precisely those epochs when small parts of humanity broke down

the power of their rulers and reassumed their freedom were epochs of the

greatest progress, economical and intellectual. Be it the growth of the

free cities, whose unrivalled monuments — free work of free associations

of workers — still testify of the revival of mind and of the well-being

of the citizen; be it the great movement which gave birth to the

Reformation — those epochs witnessed the greatest progress when the

individual recovered some part of his freedom. And if we carefully watch

the present development of civilised nations, we cannot fail to discover

in it a marked and ever-growing movement towards limiting more and more

the sphere of action of government, so as to leave more and more liberty

to the initiative of the individual. After having tried all kinds of

government, and endeavoring to solve the insoluble problem of having a

government ‘which might compel the individual to obedience, without

escaping itself from obedience to collectively,’ humanity is trying now

to free itself from the bonds of any government whatever, and to respond

to its needs of organisation by the free understanding between

individuals prosecuting the same common aims. Home Rule, even for the

smallest territorial unity or group, becomes a growing need; free

agreement is becoming a substitute for the law; and free co-operation a

substitute for the governmental guardianship. One after the other those

functions which were considered as the functions of government during

the last two centuries are disputed; society moves better the less it is

governed. And the more we study the advance made in this direction, as

well as the inadequacy of governments to fulfill the expectations laid

in them, the more we are bound to conclude that Humanity, by steadily

limiting the functions of government, is marching towards reducing them

finally to nil; and we already foresee a state of society where the

liberty of the individual will be limited by no laws, no bonds — by

nothing else by his own social habits and the necessity, which everyone

feels, of finding co-operation, support, and sympathy among his

neighbours.

Of course, the no-government ethics will meet with at least as many

objectives as the no-capital economics. Our minds have been so nurtured

is prejudices as to the providential functions of government that

anarchist ideas must be received with distrust. Our whole education,

since childhood up to the grave, nurtures the belief in the necessity of

a government and its beneficial effects. Systems of philosophy have been

elaborated to support this view; history has been written from this

standpoint; theories of law have been circulated and taught for the same

purpose. All politics are based on the same principles, each politician

saying to the people he wants to support him : ‘Give me the governmental

power; I will, I can, relieve you from the hardships of your present

life.’ All our education is permeated with the same teachings. We may

open any book of sociology, history, law, or ethics : everywhere we find

government, its organisation, its deeds, playing so prominent a part

that we grow accustomed to suppose that the State and the political men

are everything; that there is nothing behind the big statesmen. The same

teachings are daily repeated in the Press. Whole columns are filled up

with minutest records of parliamentary debates, of movements of

political persons; and, while reading these columns, we too often forget

that there is an immense body of men — man-kind, in fact — growing and

dying, living in happiness or sorrow, labouring and consuming, thinking

and creating, besides those few men whose importance has been so swollen

up as to overshadow humanity.

And yet, if we revert from the printed matter to our real life, and cast

a broad glance on society as it is, we struck with the infinitesimal

part played by government in our life. Millions of human beings live and

die without having had anything to do with government. Every day

millions of transactions are made without the slightest interference of

government; and those who enter into agreements have not the slightest

intention of breaking bargains. Nay, those agreements which are not

protected by government (those of the Exchange, or card debts) are

perhaps better kept than any others. The simply habit of keeping his

word, the desire of not losing confidence, are quite sufficient in the

immense overwhelming majority of cases to enforce the keeping of

agreements. Of course, it may be said that there is still the government

which might enforce them if necessary. But not to speak of the

numberless cases which even could not be brought before a court,

everybody who has the slightest acquaintance with trade will undoubtedly

confirm the assertion that, if there were not so strong a feeling of

honour to keep agreements, trade itself would become utterly impossible.

Even those merchants and manufacturers who feel not the slightest

remorse when poisoning their customers with all kinds of abominable

drugs, duly labelled, even they also keep their commercial agreements.

But, if such a relative morality as commercial honesty exists now, under

the present conditions, when enrichment is the chief motive, the same

feeling will further develop very fast as soon as robbing somebody of

the fruits of his labour is no longer the economical basis of our life.

 

[1] Nineteenth Century, February 1887. The present article has been

delayed in consequence of the illness of the author.