đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș anarchist-federation-the-future-society.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 06:59:19. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-06-20)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: The Future Society Author: Anarchist Communist Federation Date: 7 June 1997 Language: en Topics: anarcho-communism, future Source: Retrieved on October 27, 2009 from https://web.archive.org/web/20091027145714/http://www.geocities.com/knightrose.geo/futsmall.htm Notes: Here is the text of the afternoon session of the joint Anarchist Communist Federation/Subversion discussion meeting at Sheffield Red and Black Centre on 7/6/97, presented by Claire and Mike (ACF Nottingham).
During the McLibel trial it was suggested that there is nothing wrong
with raising chickens on a battery farm as long as they had been born
into such conditions. Chickens who had never seen a farm-yard, grown up
in a normal chicken family, sunbathed in the hay (chickens do,
apparently) or sheltered from the cool rain could not, as though by
definition, be stressed by missing these things. Indeed they could not
be said to suffer, because they thought their crowded shed was all that
there was to life and expected no more. This seems a fitting analogy to
the human condition under the tyrannies of capitalism and the state.
Those who lead a relaxed and enjoyable, even decadent lifestyle feel no
guilt about depriving the worldâs poor and oppressed of freedom and even
the basic means of subsistence. It is as though, having never
experienced self-determination and equality, we will be happy without
them. But in truth, in the cage, it is sometimes difficult to visualise
what else the world could be like. Although we are capable of great
creativity, the state/bosses and their media feed us an obese-making,
putrefying, cannibalistic diet of âa fair days work for a fair dayâs
wageâ, ânormal family lifeâ and âconsume or dieâ whose invented values
conceal the true obscenity of a life in which we are actually starving.
When we see through this we see that we are indeed battery chickens,
destined only to become golden McNuggets. But revolutionaries know that
we have the power to break out of the shed and then to create something
better than the âhumane alternativeâ, the ârightâ to move around the
farmyard and lay eggs wherever we want and even to be followed around
the farm by some of our own chicks. This afternoon we will be poking our
beady black eyes up to the key-hole of our chicken shed and glimpsing
another of many possible alternative futures in the world beyond the
walls â the egalitarian and libertarian society.
But the chicken analogy ends there, for now. The first serious point to
make is to explain the view point which Mike and I are taking in
discussing the future society. We are partially rejecting the
pseudo-Darwinistic approach which some political thinkers have taken in
describing the âidealâ world. As atheistic nineteenth-century society
discovered that evolutionary laws governed the natural world, so they
tried to extend them to human society as part of that world. From this
(to condense and simplify too much) rose the view that human history was
in itself a process of unstoppable evolution towards higher and more
advanced forms of social organisation; from feudalism, through
capitalism, state socialism and finally to communism, as Marx envisaged
it. To Kropotkin it seemed that under capitalism human society was
already evolving forms of voluntary social co-operation which had not
existed before: for example farmersâ co-operatives and pan-national
trading syndicates and, better still, altruistic organisations such as
the international red-cross and the lifeboat rescue service. Because
these by-passed the state at a time when most people professed to
support government, this was proof that they would eventually and
inevitably render government redundant. This naive optimism arose from
the profound belief that human society was governed and directed by
natural, indeed âmoralâ laws which would result in massive upheaval by
which the working class would eventually govern as their birth-right.
Such a view of inevitable and irresistible natural law ignores the fact
that, by some freak of nature, human beings and human beings alone, as
individuals and as part of society, can, to a limited extent, avoid one
âdestinyâ entirely and shape the future to suit their desire and will,
consciously and deliberately. This is not a judgement on chickens, who
accept their fate; it is simply a fact that we have evolved to the point
that we can understand our evolution in terms of biology and our history
in terms of power, politics, exploitation and so forth. Therefore, given
the opportunity, the working class can change the future. The ânatural
lawâ view also ignores the fact that those in whose interests it is to
suppress any impulse towards self- and communal-fulfilment in the
working class also act consciously to stop it. They seal up cracks in
the walls of the chicken shed so that we cannot glimpse alternative
futures. They have the power to do this. We have the power to obstruct
and destroy them. But there is nothing ânaturalâ or inevitable about
these processes.
Nor is there anything inevitable about revolution; this is why the
revolution must be built though revolutionary organisation and culture.
And there is nothing inevitable about how post-revolutionary human
society will organise itself. No natural laws govern this. Just as we
donât believe that human beings are ânaturallyâ selfish, nor that the
âlaw of the jungleâ will prevail unless that state is there to protect
the weak, neither do we believe in a ânaturalâ human impulse for
co-operation amongst equals which has been stifled by the state and the
bosses. Human society has been hierarchical, unequal, oppressive,
homophobic and patriarchal where the state and money never existed. We
believe that the exact nature of the post-revolutionary society will be
chosen and shaped by the deliberate and conscious will of those building
it. It will not âevolveâ nor be subject to any other ânatural lawâ,
pseudo-biological or -sociological. It will be consciously chosen. When
the revolution is won, if we vent our destructive and constructive anger
in the demolition of the concrete grey architectural edifices until we
weary of the debris, it will be because we choose to, not because it is
our destiny. From there we must choose to rebuild a world fit to live
in, for ourselves and the rest of nature so vulnerable to our whims.
Finally, and most importantly, we must envisage and then choose to
create a liberated global society beyond the obvious essentials on which
all revolutionaries agree âno governmentâ and âno moneyâ, âno
homophobia, sexism or racist bigotryâ, also realising what this implies
in positive and optimistic terms; this is to say âcreativeâ, âexcitingâ,
âfulfillingâ, both âcommunalâ and âindividualâ. It is surely almost
impossible to visualise not only how we will live but what we will be
like as people; we are not âourselvesâ under capitalism, because it
fucks up every human interaction and relationship, creating and
intensifying insecurity, greed, jealousy, the desire to dominate and the
fear of the unknown as though these were ânaturalâ conditions and
emotions for us âanimalâ creatures to live with. A different society
would produce a different type of humanity from the minute of birth.
Today we have to try and visualise ourselves without the environmental
and sociological features which fuck us up. We must imagine a society in
which we are not too chicken-shit to learn how to fly.
First of all we will address how the post-revolutionary individual will
relate to the whole of society. If we were born free of the assumptions
which are thrust upon us from the beginning and into a world where the
only learned values were those born of equality and freedom, we would
assume that the world, its landscape and its people were there to be
experienced and enjoyed without there being any inherent value in this.
We would simply âbeâ in the world. We would not fear the unknown and so
create gods, experience racist bigotry or wage war against âothersâ for
there would be no âothersâ, only our global community. The emotion of
fear might almost disappear, for who or what would harm us. We would
describe the world in rational terms, not in terms of superstition and
hidden meanings, ever anxious to secure and better our place in it. If
no one controlled us or threatened us our most prevalent emotions would
range from calm to ecstatic, because individuals could consciously
choose what emotions they want to experience and can create the
environment likely to induce them. Or they could let life surprise them.
The infliction of great stress on an individual or a community would be
a moment of social crisis for the global community. And there may be
stress; in periods of natural disaster for example. But these could be
dealt with in a global society geared to compassion and practical aid
without repayment, for stress and pain and the fear of stress and pain
would become social enemies. Of course we cannot be happy all the time.
But when people make this criticism of âutopiasâ they are really
attempting to justify the status quo. We arenât striving for âhappinessâ
alone but for the necessary conditions to inspire it, or at least
tranquillity, which many people in the world have never known, and
certainly not with that knot of fear at the knowledge that peace of mind
can be taken away as quickly as it came. We will live in the ânowâ. We
wonât be striving or ambitious for personal fulfilment or success, but
instead will take pleasure in what we do, even pride, if our work makes
other people happy or healthier.
It is socially invented fear which makes life so unbearable. It isnât
just capitalism or the state which is responsible but also early
struggling societies, when âsocietyâ was first experienced and someone
decided to take power and create âsocial orderâ in their interest. Some
generations after the revolution we will realise that a commitment to
each otherâs happiness and our own, through the adoption of libertarian
economic and social values, frees us from the ways of behaving which we
now take to be normal. If it became normal to feel personally fulfilled
and cherished by our communities we would not seek to make ourselves
indispensable, and we would be taken for who we were not how useful or
skilful we were. We would not seek to be in an exclusive sexual
relationship for life, nor to sleep with whoever we could without
emotional content or respect because we would not be afraid of being
unwanted or on our own, nor to find an attractive and able bodied
partner in the supposed search for good genes irrespective of whether
they are fun to spend time with and to have sex with. Will we fall in
love? Isnât this process one whereby we mystify and glorify what is a
combination of a biological urge and sociological pressure to pair off?
Maybe we will still feel such strong feelings about another person,
after all, they are some of the most pleasurable feelings we have under
capitalism. But these wonât be based on an idealised image of a loyal,
healthy and attractive partner. And we wonât feel social pressure to
stay forever in that relationship or failure and betrayal if we want to
experiment outside of it. We wonât own each other, because the element
of control will be alien. We may grow apart from a partner, but we wonât
âleaveâ them as such because, unlike under the state, we are part of
each otherâs sorrow and happiness.
Philosophically minded people will be able to address the question of
exactly how the individual relates to the whole of society better than I
can. But I know what it means politically. It means the end of politics.
It means that there is no conflict between what an individual wants and
what the âmajorityâ want. The needs and wishes of an individual simply
reflect the diversity of that society. There is no âmajorityâ, only
society. Where there is room and resources for everyone to pursue want
they want and need, they will. Maybe this means the break up of a
community into two new ones, but this will be seen as a process of
growth and free expression, because there will be no âstatus quoâ to
maintain and no one interested in maintaining it. Every possible way to
fulfil that individual will be employed and if, at the end of the day,
they need more resources, time or whatever than is available after
everyone else in the community has attempted to accommodate their
happiness, then, when they settle for less, far from feeling let down or
in conflict with their community they will valued and understood by it.
If they donât feel this, then it is the job of the community to explore
why that person is unfulfilled, not of that person to keep trying to get
their own way. Conflict comes from unequal, or perceived unequal,
scarcity of resources, affection, attention and so on. We may not always
have a surplus, but what we have will be for everyone.
Related to the idea of conflicting interests is that of decision-making
in post-revolutionary society. Most anarchists and some left-communists
are really fetishistic about the need for open and
non-parliamentary/non-representative-democratic decision-making. This
stems from the correct analysis that the state is largely responsible
for our alienation from the decision-making process i.e. our
disempowerment. However, anarchists who try to claim âdirect democracyâ,
âaccountable delegatesâ or more vaguely âreal democracyâ for the
post-revolutionary society badly miss the point. What matters in the
future society is not the form of decision-making but the content. This
point is well argued in the Workers Playtinme article âWhat is Wildcatâ
(circulated by Subversion in the preliminary reading). There it is
pointed out that those who want proper democracy ârevere the moment of
decision, and class the revolution as the creation of a new
decision-making process [...] They do not understand the revolution as a
process of creating new forms of activityâ. Revolutionaries are
sometimes keen to resolve perceived âconflictâ in a âfairâ way through
the community instead of resorting to the state. This implies that
âfairnessâ is more than an abstract concept which exists in context only
under the mediation of the state, even though we understand this to be
the case about ârightsâ. But âconflictâ and its âresolutionâ exists in
an entirely different context once the concept of property, profit and
scarcity are removed.
On this question of property then. We have in our political vocabulary
the phrase âcommon ownershipâ, but ownership of any kind implies
property. âTo ownâ something only makes sense if you have it and someone
else is denied it. Under communism we will be a global community and,
until Martians come to take over the Earth and dispossess humanity, it
makes no sense to speak of âownershipâ of any kind. This is not just
semantics, it indicates a weakness in much revolutionary rhetoric,
showing that we are subconsciously still expressing ourselves in terms
of bourgeois property rights. This was illustrated in a recent informal
debate which we had in the ACF. Someone suggested that if she made
something, say a pot, that, as she had created it, then it was hers to
dispose of and not her communityâs, even though the clay was perhaps
common âpropertyâ. In a sense, she âownedâ it. No one argued against it
and at the time it was a convincing argument that in a sense, after the
revolution there would be some kind of ownership, by individuals and
communities. It did not occur to us that the debate missed the point
entirely. It only made sense if someone would want to take the pot off
her; either because they âlackedâ one themselves or because hers was
more âattractiveâ, and therefore more âvaluableâ, than one that they
had. We were still assuming a society of scarcity and acquisitiveness as
an expression of wealth or affluence. The concept of property implies
that someone would want, or need, to dispossess you after the
revolution. What our debate lacked was the psychological understanding
of life without these motives. Even if we had the intuitive ability to
understand what the communist psychology will feel like, we still lack
the necessary language to express our relationship to the world. The new
global language of the post revolutionary society will lack words which
can be translated as âowningâ, âloosingâ, âkeepingâ and âneedingâ as we
currently understand those words. Just as people will not be owned in
legal or social relationships, neither will objects; they will either be
being used or enjoyed by us, or by someone else with whom we have a
common interest.
Back to democracy â once we remove the concept of âpropertyâ, the
concept of âconflictâ looks radically different. Differences of opinion,
of need, and of desire, look exciting areas to explore and to attempt to
satisfy, not to set up machinery for arbitration and accountability. To
quote from the same article , âdemocracy has nothing to do with the
communist revolution â it is a form of political mediation in a society
fractured by capitalist social relations where people are alienated from
their productive activity, from themselves and one another, from life
itself. The communist revolution is precisely the suppression of these
social relations and of politics as a separate âprivileged sphereâ
Once we remove or minimise the emotional and physical insecurity of life
and attempt to challenge the fearful mentality that those things gave
us, other things will also change. The need for the family will surely
also disappear. The nurturing of new individuals will surely be the job
of the community. The parent who conceived and gave birth should not
have rights of control over a child. When born, able or disabled,
planned or unexpected, a child will be a member of the community, and
the community will educate it in what it needs and what it wants to
learn until it has learnt enough to take adult decisions for itself. The
community can do this better than the nuclear family or even the
extended family (the virtue of which is a myth in any case because the
parents or patriarch usually still have the most control and the child
is a family resource allocated as wanted or needed). This doesnât mean
that children will not be close to adults and know them only as
teachers. Nor that babies will be raised in dormitories. It means that a
child will, from an early age, forms bonds of its choosing aside from
those with its mother who gave it life, who will not pursue it when it
makes these choices because she will not be being rejected nor feel
rejected. We can choose not to be driven by biological urges â to
reproduce, to control and protect our âproduceâ â especially as security
and happiness will give us other options in life than reproducing
idealised images of ourselves. If we are good at making children happy
and teaching them interesting things, they will flock to us. If we
arenât interested, they will have other âparentsâ.
At present the way we live is dictated by the way capitalist society is
organised. The technologies which are available to us, whether they are
the car, the internet or the microwave, have been developed to suit the
existing order. Many people are forced, whether they want to or not, to
drive to work, use electronic mail, or cook food as quickly as possible.
Whether we actually enjoy driving, talking on the net or eating
microwave porridge is irrelevant. It is the options which are not
available to us that should concern us. In the future society our
imaginations wonât be constrained by the work-ethic-ridden,
stress-laden, or competitive mentalities of capitalism. Boring work will
be reduced to a minimum as weâll aim to do these as quickly and with as
little effort as possible, so weâll have more time to do interesting
things in a variety of different ways, some which may take longer but be
more satisfying, some which weâll want to do more efficiently than
capitalism will allow. To do this, weâll want to have the appropriate
technologies.
We cannot seriously imagine the future society with none of the
inventions and discoveries which have resulted from the minds of people
under capitalism and before â turning back the clock to a world without
plastics, synthetic pharmaceuticals and fabrics, electronics?. Obviously
what is so offensive about technology is the extent to which it has been
used for useless, harmful and degrading purposes. Much of the technology
we have today is a direct result of a search for profits. A process
which produces something more quickly, calculates faster, washes whiter
is there to sell more, faster, not to improve our lives â technology
produced without regard for the effect on the environment or on the
people that have to implement it and use it. How different it will be
when we have destroyed capitalism. Then the use value of technology
together with its effect on society and the environment will be all
important. The electronics industry is a good example of the way
capitalist innovation has helped people, yet enslaves us. We have
pacemakers and hearing aids, telephones and recorded music, food mixers
and escalators, air traffic control and radar-aided sea rescue. None of
these would exist without electronics or generation of electricity. In
this case decisions will have to be made, for example, on whether we can
have computer chips made using toxic production chemicals, or powered by
fossil fuels. Do we decide we do need computers so we find an
environmentally acceptable method, or can we find an alternative to
electronics and computers in our future lives?
Much of this may be answered in a world where the pace of life and
technological progress is slower. So many of the products we are made to
consume exist only because they can be sold in volume, and to compete
with a similar product from another company. Future technology will be
based on need, and there will be more time to come up with a good
solution to a problem. It will be acceptable to create things to help
one individual or many, not just for a mass consumer market and not
because an individual is rich enough afford it.
Another problem with todayâs technology is how it is kept mystified or
hidden, which suits the individual scientist seeking to preserve an
elitist position, or a company wanting to keep knowledge and profits to
itself. We need to find technologies which are accessible and more
understandable by as many people as possible. In this way we will not be
in awe of their creators/discoverers. Bakunin argues that political
liberty depends on preventing domination by academies of âthe most
illustrious representatives of scienceâ, that even the most well-meaning
of geniuses will be corrupted by the privilege that person gains by
membership of an academy. Although he is talking about science and
legislation over the organisation of society, the same applies to
technology. Once technology starts to sit in the hands of a few experts,
it is difficult to see how society does not begin to be led by their
desires, however well-intentioned. This is not to say that every
individual will have to be trained in the minutest detail of every
technology, as this is an impossibility, but we will need to identify
which technologies have the most impact on how society is run and
organised. This inevitably means a broad understanding of the
organisation of fuel production, communication etc. by everybody.
Kropotkin argues that the division of âbrain workâ and âmanual workâ
must be avoided. Users of technology must be aware of the theory and
research which underpins it. Inventors of technology must be aware of
the social impact of putting their idea into practice. So ideally, the
user and the innovator are one and the same. Kropotkin went on to
explain how working class people are deprived of creativity, whereas the
upper classes are taught to despise manual labour (and the people doing
it), which is true to this day. He also points out the division of the
scientist from the engineer into the pure and applied fields. Though
these ideas are hardly groundbreaking nowadays, he also explains how the
divisions actually stifle creativity. How can a design be improved if
most people havenât the faintest idea how the existing one works? Also
mentioned is the problem of how most school work seems irrelevant, and
how it is quickly forgotten once people start mind-numbing exclusively
non-creative work, or how most people are not given the time or
resources to think about and apply creative ideas, how theory feeds off
application as well as vice-versa, how the division of art from science
is to the detriment of both.
We must have a program of basic education which includes the teaching of
numeracy and literacy to all, explanation of the organisation of society
and its technologies from an early age. The vision we have of the new
society can only work if we redefine both education and work. Education
would benefit if it entailed producing something visibly useful,
entertaining or interesting to society, and would give children a sense
of being part of society, not just in the process of learning how to be
part of society. Theyâd be useful to that society and valued by it. They
would contribute to society from the start of their lives and thereby
learn to have opinions and new ideas about that society. But not only
for children. Free leisure time from necessary community labour can be
used resting or doing nothing, but equally to pursue interesting avenues
of art or science, alone or with others, whether playing of or some
foreseen practical purpose. This can only be to the benefit to both the
individual and society.
How will we produce and process necessary resources in the new society?
There will undoubtedly be geographical areas where certain widely-needed
resources are processed, but not in others, for logistic reasons. Take
steel production, which is at present often carried out near coal mines
as this is the fuel required for producing steel from iron ore. Assuming
that we decide we need steel and there is no other way of producing it
but from coal and iron ore, how would the future society do it? No one
should consider it sensible for the future society to produce steel in
every locality (the disastrous Maoist experiment of an iron smelter in
every village spring to mind here...). But does this mean that the
communities living close to a natural resource have to be responsible
for it? Will they become the unwitting experts of steel production just
because of where they happen to live? Far from it â instead it would be
the responsibility of some individuals from other areas to work in that
industry for a small part of their lives. The implications of this is
that the process will have to be made as simple to learn and to use as
possible â it should be highly automated thanks to technological
innovation, enabling it to be carried out with as little skill as
possible. This is in contrast to the present, where certain work has
often been maintained as a skill to protect workers interest and wages,
seeing automation (quite reasonably) as a threat to livelihoods. The
idea of de-skilling of industrial tasks may help to counter the problem
of the mystification of technology, which some primitivists would
probably argue is a strong case for the alternative de-technologising of
society. The steel-making area, rather than being a grim and isolated
industrial region as it is now, could deliberately become a thriving
cultural centre, by virtue of the many different people visiting and
working in it from different regions. Neither will people be making
steel all day long as we wonât be working the stupidly long hours we do
at the moment, and will have lots of time to do other things. This will
help offset the uncreative nature of the work itself.
How might we produce and develop a technology in the future? Taking an
example from my own experience, namely the design of a speaking computer
which is operated by moving your limbs, which would help a person with
cerebral palsy who cannot speak to communicate more easily. It uses
mass-produced home computer technology and programming software, and
special 3D motion sensors originally designed for fighter aircraft
pilots but now being used for all sorts of body measurements, for
rehabilitation and for making animations. The money needed to do the
research has to be bid for from a government body or charity, so the
funds are limited and short term. It is not in the interests of the
university to divulge the details of the design before it is finished or
at least until results have been published, nor is it in the interest of
other institutions to do likewise as all are in competition for funding.
This means collaboration is limited. The sensors are far from perfect
for the job â they should be wireless, light-weight and (in capitalist
terms) cheaply available. New 3D sensor technology is appearing which
are all these things, but only because they can also be used in
mass-produced computer games.
Now, let us assume such a device would be useful in the future society.
How would all this be done differently? Well for a start, the needs of a
disabled person would come before video game entertainment and we
wouldnât be wasting resources developing weapons technology. The
original problem would be made widely known (that is, the problem of
communication of people with motor disabilities) then individuals with
an interest in participating in finding a solution would get together.
This would of course include people with that disability. Participation
could be local or global, depending on the level of communication
possible in the future society, and on the difficulty of the task. The
solution would not necessarily depend on existing technology so sensors
could be designed specifically for the task in hand. Results would be
more readily available at all stages.
For this example, and others like it, some questions still remain? How
do people find out about problems? At the moment, it is often left up to
the scientist to identify a problem, and pose a solution. In other
cases, interest groups have to compete to put their needs forward e.g.
charities fighting for media attention. Would we have a list of unsolved
tasks and how would these be prioritised if at all? What if there is no
one interested in carried out a task which would be beneficial to one
group but which that group is not able to do themselves? Could society
deem such a task to be necessary and compel people with the knowledge to
do it anyway? What if there is the interest, but those people are doing
other things, or a group does not have all the expertise necessary? Can
our education program be flexible enough to respond to these situation?
Related to the above are other questions I have not addressed here. What
about less obviously âusefulâ research? Should it be the case that a
person is free to pursue whatever interest takes their fancy, or does
the future society need an ethical committee or some sort? What if
someone thinks that the way to find a cure for a disease involves wiring
up a monkey?; or that they want to produce genetically engineered blue
tomatoes for fun? Why not? Who governs what is âethicalâ? Do we have
âethicsâ in a communist society? If we only innovate in âacceptableâ
directions, will the new society be too short-sighted? If industrial
work is organised like that described above, some people will need to be
involved in the tasks of keeping track of who is where, doing what etc.
Also, there is still the problem of shifting the expert base from the
âskilledâ worker to the âtechnologistâ â someone has to design and
maintain an automated system of production! This poses some problems for
libertarians as we need to avoid power being concentrated in anyoneâs
hands, so these aspects need to be discussed further.
The Malthusian view of human society says that, because it has few
predators, it cannot support each individual with adequate food, shelter
etc. as its population grows and grows. This view is still quite
prevalent, and justifies the inequality by which some thrive and some
struggle. Kropotkin pointed this out in his view of the future society
which, because of improved technology, could indeed support a growing
world population. He believed that each community could in fact be more
or less self-sufficient, the transportation of food being largely the
product of profit and rendered unnecessary if resources went into
collective farming without the profit motive. This is probably an
optimistic view, as was pointed out to him at the time. Since then, town
populations, i.e. ones that do not grow food on a large scale, have
grown and the population of the countryside decreased (an unproductive
trend which he raised his voice against to no avail). In addition, his
work is notable for only dealing with the northern hemisphere. In the
south, even more than in his day, land is often over-exploited. The end
of capitalist exploitation would partially remedy this, but natural
climate alone surely makes it impossible that, if self-sufficient, all
the people of the world would have available locally a diet that was
equally nutritious, let alone enjoyable.
Obviously we want to eliminate the waste of resources which currently
goes into transporting luxuries; for example perishable foods like
bananas. But the fact that they are not native to northern Europe does
not mean that we couldnât eat them. In fact, even with the technology of
Kropotkinâs day it was possible for him to envisage that vast areas of
agriculture could be turned over to greenhouses. Imaging taking a
fraction of the glass that is currently in car windscreens and building
hot houses to grow avocados, grapes, basil, dates. And even foodstuffs
which already grow in relatively cold climates grow more easily under
glass, and are more easily protected from pests. Imagine melting down
all the cash registers, ATM machines, cars, tanks and using the metal to
installing underground heating in fields; outdoor central heating with a
closed-water system that was not wasteful, and fuelled largely by waste
products from the community whose food it grows. So much for the frozen
North and South. In areas parched or over-exploited, of course food will
have to be imported initially and local subsistence have to be
complemented by subsidy. But when we compare this to the amount of
wastage of fuel which occurs now transporting goods globally from areas
of cheap production to where they will be sold at a profit, the
transport of decent food, and even water, to where it is needed does not
seem so decadent. In the very long term, with proper planning, regions
currently desolate can be made productive.
Utopian thinkers often picture a predominantly rural society,
identifying rightly the misery of urban life under capitalism and
desiring a closer and calmer relationship with nature. But does town
life preclude this, and do we actually want a predominantly rural
environment. It is certainly desirable to have less of a division
between towns and country in technological and productive terms. We
probably should have small factories and workshops in villages. But many
people are very attached to town life and donât feel so much alienated
by it as frustrated at the fact that what it offers is currently best
enjoyed by people with money. It will still have much to offer when its
motive is not profit, because concentrations of people can imply
cultural and architectural variety and the chance to experiment with
different lifestyles. The concentration of resources in towns which now
feel decadent and symbolise affluence will be shared out more equally
(health clubs, opera houses, elaborately decorated restaurants). Where
once were office blocks, shopping malls, factories, DSS and local
government offices and police stations we can build parks planted with
flowers and trees, inner-city herb and vegetable gardens, landscaped
ponds and open air areas for congregation with beautiful structures for
shelter, areas for performances, dances, picnics. We can adapt usefully
sized or shaped buildings such as already exist for elitist purposes,
for our own uses if they are not destroyed in the revolutionary process.
To reduce the psychological distance between town and countryside, many
major arteries of communication such as road and rail will be preserved,
although many will be destroyed, especially ringroads; these have
destroyed much irretrievable natural land but will be redundant when
lorries no longer transport goods for profit and the term âcommuterâ is
antiquated and travellers no longer wish to avoid towns and city centres
but to experience what they have to offer. Transportation, of produce
and people, will no longer be urgent but will be pleasurable. Canals
will be reopened and waterways will cease to be accessible only to the
privileged as boats of all descriptions will be used as a communal
resource and source of leisure. Private cars will of course have long
ago been scrapped, but environmentally friendly cars of some sort will
still be pooled communally and be available for individuals and small
groups who want to get out of the city on their own, or into the city
from rural areas. Transport will of course be excellent, encouraging
people to use increased leisure time to travel and gain and share new
experiences and to finally have a choice about where and how they live,
which is in reality a choice denied to the majority under the choice
obsessed culture of capital. The destruction of poor housing and the
gradual emergence of imaginatively designed and good quality housing and
amenities will eventually eradicate the qualitative difference between
town and country living. Not only will rural slum housing never
reappear, but the âquaintnessâ of country cottages will never be
imitated; they will be replaced by modern structures with naturally
inspired shapes, or shapes which contrast pleasingly with the natural
curve of hills, the stark crags of mountains or dead flatness of
reclaimed land on which they are built. Not only will tower blocks be
blown up, with those once forced to live in them pushing the detonator,
but the cardboard box mock-Georgian nuclear family units which pass for
affluent housing amongst the aspiring upper middle class will be
replaced by a variety of urban buildings designed with the whole town
and the chosen lifestyle of the people who will live in them; for
example, units for single people designed for a complete life, not a
room in someone elseâs house or with shred facilities endured until
âreal lifeâ starts when they enter a relationship; units for communal
living where people share cooking and leisure and maybe even sleeping
space as the company of others becomes a pleasure rather than an
endurance; houses for several people of different ages who choose to
live together with people they care about and whose specific company
they enjoy.
Some large buildings such as already exist and are attractive will be
re-utilised, part of their enjoyment being in the ironical uses to which
we will put them. Banks will become food distribution centres. Bingo
halls will be turned back into cinemas (unless whole communities want to
play Bingo without cash prizes). Concert halls and theatres, designed
acoustically for the purpose, will resound with non-elitist music and
performance. Stately homes and huge hotels will become cultural centres,
with their reception and dining rooms being used for the purpose to
which they are most fitted â staging huge Asian food festivals; their
bedrooms hosting travellers who will tell stories and hold talks and
initiate debates about initiatives being taken to improve on the quality
of life in places they have visited. the Palaces of Kurdistan, the
Pyramids, Mosques and Medieval Cathedrals will be turned into pleasure
palaces, the end of private acquisitiveness at home will make it
possible to fill them full of couches and cushions, pools of warm water,
light and music for the enjoyment of the human body both in experiencing
and exploring the full range and diversity of an individualâs sexuality
(but without any concept of ânormalâ or âdivergentâ) and in erotic
displays (the question of art vs. pornography having been resolved as
men lose social, economic and psychological power and women consequently
gain the power to define what turns them on and what makes them feel
vulnerable or objectified). Why not utilise these well-built but elitist
structures in this irreverent way. They were built for the enemy, but
with the lives and the skill of ordinary people â skills which we should
try to re-learn, as modern production has eradicated many of the craft
techniques our ancestors knew. We should celebrate these skills with
mocking the reclaimed buildings with egalitarian debauchery and
pleasures denied to the people who built them. We should also relearn
old skills and build beautiful new buildings whose structure, motifs and
position reflect egalitarian principals.
Finally, the natural environment. We can put right much of the damage
done as a matter of urgency. It donât have the technical knowledge to
really address this and Iâd value the input of those who have looked
into how this would work. But I know it has to be planned in a very long
term sense, for we need to create a balanced environment. For example,
we are told that the decline of the hedgerow has damaged British
wildlife, but hedgerows are unnatural and relatively recent in
ecological history themselves and donât necessarily fit well into a
communal farming programme. Similarly, many species have suffered
because farm and village fish ponds have been drained, but they were in
themselves a form of environmental exploitation. We cannot live without
using our environment, but each community will need to acquire both lost
and recently explored technical knowledge so as to avoid
over-exploitation. And this will of course need co-ordinating globally
as we have learned to our cost the global effects of local
over-exploitation. What is certain is that we wonât undertake a sort of
primitivist existence because we will have the resources, when they are
shared, and will be all the time developing environmentally and
ecologically minded technology to live comfortably.
I have great difficulty visualising many aspects of post-revolutionary
culture. What will be the impetus for change and growth, for artistic or
cultural movements and local diversity. Look at what are the driving
features of many cultural forms which we find inspiring in this society.
Look at protest music or world music which has in many cases been made
more dynamic by a response to imperialism; look at the blues, inspired
by the poverty, ghettoisation and exploitation of Black Americans;
twentieth-century art movements which responded on a philosophical and
political level to the state, capital and the ludicrousness of life in
the industrial west; gay and lesbian and also feminist cultures which
have been given an inch and taken a mile in terms of the ârightâ to live
certain lifestyles and make new rules enabling us to deal with life in a
sexist, homophobic and narrow minded capitalist culture; Rock and roll
music in all its diverse forms which has at its heart the expression of
tension between generations and (typically) heterosexual tension between
partners; punk rock which took all this a stage further in a violent
reaction against the political status quo. The list goes on. But what
will provoke such strong creative reactions after the revolution, when
we are living more harmoniously together?
The natural world has always inspired cultural forms; folk stories and
songs about battling for survival with the elements and dangerous
animals, the use of natural colours and shapes in decoration, of sounds
and sensuality in music, the literal portrayal of landscapes in
pictures. It may fairly be said that the privileged have made most use
of this, not least because of their increased leisure time and abundance
of resources, which after the revolution we will all share and which
will undoubtedly inspire us to communicate our reactions to it to other
people. But we canât invent new stories about lakes, hills and daffodils
for ever, or this will be a society even more boring than one which
spends its life in front of the television.
The other great inspiration which we will experience in some form after
the revolution is love and physical desire. Much of current culture is
derived from homophobic and chauvinistic notions which are not simply
offensive but also limited in creative terms, imposing a norm on
sexuality and the nature of sexual expression which it is still takes
courage to diverge from. This of course will end, in terms of the
political, economic and social hegemony enjoyed by men and by
heterosexual couples, indeed by âcouplesâ full stop. But change will go
deeper than this. As we become increasingly social animals, aiming to be
individuals operating as part of a community rather than as part of
secure family units, the negative emotions and experiences currently
associated with love, and so emotive culturally, will also change. I am
talking about the pain of rejection and the fruitless pursuit of a
chosen âmateâ whose coldness is the cause of our pain. This loathing and
suspicion of the teasing object of our affection who rejects us, most
especially directed by heterosexual men against women, is the result of
a combination of sexual power and frustrated sexual expression. In the
new society mating exclusively for life will no longer a socially
invented expectation. Sex will imply experimentation, physical variety,
enjoyment and respect for each otherâs feelings â but not necessarily
emotional commitment. Sex will therefore be less emotionally stressful
and more easily obtainable. But such a society will surely be hard
pressed to produce equivilants of the great works of art and culture
produced in this emotionally tortured society. I canât see moving
operas, rock music, poetry, stories and so on being inspired by happy
people completely at one with each other, giving each other freedom and
being happy spending time alone.
We will probably still enjoy games of various sorts and also sport and
physical exertion to some degree. We will enjoy these with more of a
sense of community and less one of competition. Re-runs of the FA Cup
Final, with deep macho voices in the blue fan enclosure chanting
tunelessly against those in the red enclosure, will be one of the
highest forms of comedy. In fact, if only because menâs voices are
gratingly so much louder than womenâs, partisan based community shouting
of all kinds will quickly die out; if we approve of something, we will
respond to it creatively and in a way in which all voices, male, female,
able and disabled are heard.
New cultural forms will undoubtedly occur as cultures globally retain
and invent new forms and these forms are blended in an infinite variety
of ways with other forms by people travelling to learn and perform.
Physical artistic forms, such as dance, whilst they may be skilful will
not be body fascist but include forms of expression in which everyoneâs
contribution is personally fulfilling and generally appreciated, whether
they are graceful or clumsy, able-bodied or disabled. Body fascism will
dissapear as a result of the revolution. We will no longer have a
concept of judgement about each otherâs bodies or each otherâs physical
contribution. One of the priorities of the immediately
post-revolutionary society will be to invent artistic and technological
forms to give a cultural voice to those who the current society deems
ugly, clumsy, talentless, pitiable and useless. It will be through the
contribution which we make to each otherâs happiness, not through how
much work we do, that we will evaluate each other.