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Title: Anarchist Organisation
Author: Anarcho
Date: 05/05/2016
Language: en
Topics: anarchist organization, theory, praxis, organizing, organization
Source: http://anarchism.pageabode.com/anarcho/anarchist-organisation-practice-theory-actualised

Anarcho

Anarchist Organisation

“organisation, that is to say, association for a specific purpose and

with the structure and means required to attain it, is a necessary

aspect of social life. A man in isolation cannot even live the life of a

beast... Having therefore to join with other humans... he must submit to

the will of others (be enslaved) or subject others to his will (be in

authority) or live with others in fraternal agreement in the interests

of the greatest good of all (be an associate). Nobody can escape from

this necessity.” – Errico Malatesta[1]

Introduction

Rather than being a peripheral concept, organisation is fundamentally a

core aspect of any ideology as it is “the point where concepts lose

their abstraction” and “are interwoven with the concrete practices

sanctioned or condemned by an ideology”.[2] What organisational forms an

ideology advocates say far more about its actual core values than the

words it uses.

George Woodcock proclaimed that “it seems evident that logically pure

anarchism goes against its own nature when it attempts to create

elaborate international or even national organisations, which need a

measure of rigidity and centralisation to survive.” A syndicalist union,

in contrast, needs “relatively stable organisations and succeeds in

creating them precisely because it moves in a world that is only partly

governed by anarchist ideals”. He reflected the opinions a large band of

more hostile commentators on anarchism who inflict a fundamental

irrationality on anarchists. If “pure” anarchism is against any form of

organisation beyond its “natural unit” of the “loose and flexible

affinity group” then few sensible people would embrace it for neither a

rail network nor a hospital could be reliably run by such a unit.[3]

However, if we accept that anarchists are no different from other social

activists and so fundamentally rational and realistic people as Davide

Turcato correctly argues[4] then we need to admit that anarchist

theoreticians and activists would not be advocating an ideal that by

“its own nature” precludes practical alternatives to the social ills

they are protesting against. Theory needs to be reflected in practice

and, as will be shown, anarchists have always addressed the need for

social organisation.

The Ideological and Social Context

Anarchist thinkers and activists are not isolated individuals but rather

very much part of their society and its popular movements, seeking to

gain influence for the ideas they have produced to solve the problems of

their society. They are embedded in the world they were seeking to

transform, aware of the intellectual and social context in which they

live and critically engaged with both.

At the birth of anarchism the ideological context was liberalism (as

personified by John Locke) and democracy (as personified by Jean-Jacques

Rousseau). The social context was the failure of the French Revolution

and the rise of industrial capitalism as well as the oppositional

movements each produced: radical republicanism and the labour and

socialist movements, respectively.

Locke: Justifying Subordinate Relations

Liberalism is usually associated with John Locke yet we cannot

understand him if he has “modern liberal-democratic assumptions read

into his political thought.”[5] His theory is not primarily concerned

with defending liberty but rather property and the power that comes with

it.

Locke takes wage-labour (“Master and Servant”) as existing in his “state

of nature”. Thus “a Master of a Family” rules over others expressed by

“all these subordinate relations of Wife, Children, Servants, and

Slaves” and with “a very distinct and differently limited Power”. The

power from wealth, of “a Master over his Servant, a Husband over his

Wife, and a Lord over his Slave”, was fine as long as it did not take

the form of a political power, namely “a Right of making Laws with

Penalties of Death, and consequently all less Penalties”. However, as

the state had the right “for the Regulating and Preserving of Property,

and of employing the force of the Community, in the Execution of such

Laws”[6], the property owner could expect the full backing of the state

in ensuring his authority was obeyed.

For Locke allegedly free and equal individuals create organisations in

which the few rule the many. Yet the objection remains: “it is hard to

see why a free and equal individual should have sufficient good reason

to subordinate herself to another.”[7] He rose to this challenge with

the liberal use of the word consent and a “just-so” story to justify

property inequality. Land is given to everyone in common by God while

labour “is the unquestionable property of the labourer”. He argues

people who have taken the produce of the commons can appropriate the

commons themselves “where there is enough, and as good, left in common

for others.”[8] Yet this limitation is quickly overcome[9] and so “by a

tacit and voluntary consent” there is “a disproportionate and unequal

Possession of the Earth”[10].

Any agreement between the rich and proletariat would favour the former

and once the worker has consented to being under the authority of the

wealthy then his labour and its product is no longer his: “Thus the

grass my horse has bit; the Turfs my Servant has cut; and the Ore I have

digg’d… become my Property.” The workers’ labour “hath fixed [his

employer’s] property” in both the product and common resources worked

upon.[11] Locke’s defence of property as resting on labour becomes the

means to derive the worker of the full product of her labour.[12]

Once the land is appropriated and wealth accumulated in a few hands then

this few combine to form a political state because the previous

government – a monarchy – no longer acts as an impartial umpire and

takes a self-interested part in the numerous conflicts between property

owners which turn “the state of nature” into “the state of war”. The

Monarch exercises absolute power over the property owners which

necessitates creating a political power which defends property and this

“turns out to be the majority of the representatives, and the latter are

chosen by the propertied”, that is “males who own substantial amounts of

material property” and so “politically relevant members of society.” The

liberal state “stands over and above, and external to, the world of

everyday life.”[13]

While the “labouring class is a necessary part of the nation its members

are not in fact full members of the body politic and have no claim to be

so”. Locke considered “all men as members [of civil society] for the

purposes of being ruled and only the men of estate as members for the

purpose of ruling” (or, “more accurately, the right to control any

government”). The working class, the actual majority, “were in but of

civil society” and so he “would have no difficulty, therefore, in

thinking of the state as a joint-stock company of owners whose majority

of decision binds not only themselves but also their employees.”[14]

Locke “was not a democrat at all.”[15] This is shown by his The

Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina that postulates rule by wealthy

landlords with hereditary serfs (“leet-men”). It aimed to “avoid

erecting a numerous democracy” and so “we, the lords and proprietors of

the province… have agreed to this following form of government”. Eight

“proprietors” received one-fifth of the land in perpetually while “the

hereditary nobility” received another fifth. The parliament would be

made up “of the proprietors or their deputies” and “one freeholder out

of every precinct.” The freeholder members of parliament had to have

more than “five hundred acres of freehold within the precinct for which

he is chosen” while the electorate would be made up of those who have

more than “fifty acres of freehold within the said precinct.”[16]

Locke attacked both absolutist monarchy and radical democracy and his

theory gives “justification to, and is expressly designed to preserve,

the social inequalities of the capitalist market economy”[17].

Authoritarian (master-servant) social relationships were precisely what

his theory of property in the person sought to justify. The nature of

his theory can be seen from the organisation within which he sought to

apply it: the class state based on wealthy landlords assembling together

in a Parliament to rule themselves and their servants is exposed in his

organisation for Carolina.

Rousseau: Liberty cannot exist without Equality

Which brings us to Jean-Jacques Rousseau who “denounces the liberal

social contract as an illegitimate fraud”.[18] If Locke proclaimed “we

are born Free”[19] then Rousseau replied that we are “everywhere in

chains”[20] and sought to explain why Liberalism produced and justified

this.

Critiquing Liberalism’s “just-so” story of state formation, Rousseau

noted how “[a]ll ran headlong to their chains, in the hopes of securing

their liberty” when, in fact, it “bound new fetters on the poor, and

gave new powers to the rich; which irretrievably destroyed natural

liberty, eternally fixed the law of property and inequality, converted

clever usurpation into unalterable right, and, for the advantage of a

few ambitious individuals, subjected all mankind to perpetual labour,

slavery, and wretchedness.”[21] The liberal social contract was based on

property and not liberty:

“The first man who, having enclosed a piece of ground, bethought himself

of saying This is mine, and found people simple enough to believe him,

was the real founder of civil society. From how many crimes, wars and

murders, from how many horrors and misfortunes might not any one have

saved mankind, by pulling up the stakes, or filling up the ditch, and

crying to his fellows, ‘Beware of listening to this impostor; you are

undone if you once forget that the fruits of the earth belong to us all,

and the earth itself to nobody.’”[22]

In contrast to liberalism, Rousseau recognised that the “greatest good

of all” reduces down to “two main subjects, liberty and equality” for

the former “cannot exist without” the latter.[23] He rightly argued that

contracts between the wealthy few and the many poor will always benefit

the former and, for the latter, become little more than the freedom to

pick a master:

“The terms of social compact between these two estates of men may be

summed up in a few words: ‘You have need of me, because I am rich and

you are poor. We will therefore come to an agreement. I will permit you

to have the honour of serving me, on condition that you bestow on me

that little you have left, in return for the pains I shall take to

command you.’”[24]

Thus “laws are always useful to those with possessions and harmful to

those who have nothing: from which it follows that the social state is

advantageous to men only when all posses something and none has too

much.” The ideal society was one where “no citizen shall be rich enough

to buy another and none so poor as to be forced to sell himself.”[25]

Rousseau goes to the core problem with liberalism:

“That a rich and powerful man, having acquired immense possessions in

land, should impose laws on those who want to establish themselves

there, and that he should only allow them to do so on condition that

they accept his supreme authority and obey all his wishes; that, I can

still conceive... Would not this tyrannical act contain a double

usurpation: that on the ownership of the land and that on the liberty of

the inhabitants?”[26]

We cannot really “divest ourselves of our liberty” like “we transfer our

property from one to another by contracts” for “the property I alienate

becomes quite foreign to me, nor can I suffer from abuse of it” but it

“concerns me that my liberty should not be abused”. A contract “binding

the one to command and the other to obey” would be “an odd kind of

contract to enter into” and so “to bind itself to obey a master” would

be “illegitimate.” This was the “voluntary establishment of tyranny” and

if “the people promises simply to obey, by that very act dissolves

itself”. The “moment a master exists, there is no longer a Sovereign”

and to “renounce liberty is to renounce being a man, to surrender the

rights of humanity and even its duties.”[27]

Political association had to be participatory. The “people of England

regards itself as free; but it is grossly mistaken; it is free only

during the election of members of parliament. As soon as they are

elected, slavery overtakes it, and it is nothing.” Sovereignty, “for the

same reason as makes it inalienable, is indivisible” and so it was

“essential, if the general will is to be able to express itself, that

there should be no partial society within the State”. Any government “is

simply and solely a commission, an employment” and “mere officials of

the Sovereign”. The “people, being subject to the laws, ought to be

their author” and so the “problem is to find a form of association which

will defend and protect with the whole common force the person and goods

of each associate, and in which each, while uniting himself with all,

may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as before.”[28]

The democratic critique of liberalism produced both the idea of popular

sovereignty and the importance of equality. Rousseau’s ideas were never

implemented during his lifetime and so it is his followers during the

French Revolution we need to turn. This revolution was a conflict

between both the people and the monarchy but also between the rising

bourgeoisie and the toiling masses.[29] Power under the Jacobins was

centralised into fewer and fewer hands – from the electorate into

representatives, from representatives into the government, from the

government, finally, into the hands of Robespierre. The sections of

Paris, unions and strikes were repressed as being “states within the

state” for the Republic “called itself one and indivisible” for a reason

while the centralisation of more and more decisions produced a

bureaucracy of “thousands of officials… to read, classify, and form an

opinion” on them all.[30]

Associationism: Fraternity does not stop at the workplace door

Rousseau presented a critique of inequality but did not fundamentally

criticise property. As he lived before the rise of industrial

capitalism, with peasant farming and artisan workshops predominating,

wage-labour was not widespread nor of prime importance in continental

Europe. The solution for inequality was clear and did not need question

property (land reform) while the small-scale of technology meant that

most could become artisans working with their own tools in their own

workshop.

The French Revolution, however, raised the issue of guilds and

journeymen societies while one building employer reported that the

“workers, by an absurd parody of the government, regard their work as

their property, the building site as a Republic of which they are

jointly citizens, and believe in consequence that it belongs to them to

name their own bosses, their inspectors and arbitrarily to share out the

work amongst themselves.”[31] These perspectives only increased when the

industrial revolution transformed France. Faced with the obvious

authoritarianism within the factory, ex-artisans sought a solution

appropriate to the changed circumstances they faced.

The workplace could not be broken up without destroying machines and the

advantages they produced alongside master-servant relations. This

created a new perspective in the new working class. “Associationism was

born during the waves of strikes and organised protests provoked by the

Revolution of 1830” when “there appeared a workers’ newspaper” which

“suggested cooperative associations as the only way to end capitalist

exploitation.” This paper, l’Artisan, journal de la class ouvrière, was

produced by printers and “laid the basis for trade socialism.”[32] While

some intellectuals – the utopian socialists like Saint-Simon and Fourier

– had raised various schemes for improving society, this was the first

example of workers themselves making practical suggestions for their own

liberation.

Across France, workers started to combine their existing organisations

for mutual support with trade union activity as well as visions of a

world without masters. This process intertwined with existing political

Republican ideas. Radical neo-Jacobins recruited amongst workers which

resulted in a “two-way interchange of ideas” with them taking up “the

ideology of producer associationism which was becoming central” to

artisanal socialism. Louis Blanc was the most public expression of this

process and his “distinctive contribution was to fuse the associationist

idea with the Jacobin-Republican political tradition”[33] but there were

many others who expressed the associational idea in different forms.[34]

Anarchist Organisation: Laying the foundations

By 1840 there was not only a wide appreciation for the need of some kind

of association to replace capitalism but also extensive workers

organisations across France which aimed to do so. It was in this

context[35] that a working man, a printer by trade, would transform

socialist politics forever by proclaiming himself an anarchist.

While Proudhon will forever be linked with “property is theft”, this was

just one part of his answer to What is Property?. The other was

“property is despotism” for property “violates equality by the rights of

exclusion and increase, and freedom by despotism.” Anarchy was “the

absence of a master, of a sovereign,” while proprietor was “synonymous”

with “sovereign,” for he “imposes his will as law, and suffers neither

contradiction nor control” and “each proprietor is sovereign lord within

the sphere of his property”.[36] He echoed Rousseau:

“Liberty is inviolable. I can neither sell nor alienate my liberty;

every contract, every condition of a contract, which has in view the

alienation or suspension of liberty, is null... Liberty is the original

condition of man; to renounce liberty is to renounce the nature of

man”[37]

This brings him into conflict with Locke. Rejecting the notion that

master-servant contracts were valid, he dismisses its basis of property

in the person: “To tell a poor man that he has property because he has

arms and legs, – that the hunger from which he suffers, and his power to

sleep in the open air are his property, – is to play with words, and add

insult to injury.” Property, then, is solely material things – land,

workplaces, etc. – and their monopolisation results in authoritarian

relationships. To “recognise the right of territorial property is to

give up labour, since it is to relinquish the means of labour”. Property

results in the worker having “sold and surrendered his liberty” to the

proprietor so ensuring exploitation. Whoever “labours becomes a

proprietor” of his product but by that he did “not mean simply (as do

our hypocritical economists)” – and Locke – the “proprietor of his

allowance, his salary, his wages” but “proprietor of the value which he

creates, and by which the master alone profits.” Locke is also the

target for Proudhon’s comment that “the horse... and ox... produce with

us, but are not associated with us; we take their product, but do not

share it with them. The animals and workers whom we employ hold the same

relation to us.”[38]

Yet if Locke was rejected, Rousseau did not provide a genuine

solution.[39] While Proudhon favourably quotes Rousseau on “the

conditions of the social pact”[40] he also shows how democracy failed to

achieve its goals.

First, Rousseau’s “programme speaks of political rights only; it does

not mention economic rights.” By ignoring the economic sphere he ends up

creating a class state in which the Republic “is nothing but the

offensive and defensive alliance of those who possess, against those who

do not possess”, a “coalition of the barons of property, commerce and

industry against the disinherited lower class”.[41]

Second, Rousseau’s political solution – a centralised, unitarian,

indivisible republic – recreates the division between rulers and ruled

which it claims to end. Thus, “having laid down as a principle that the

people are the only sovereign”, Rousseau “quietly abandons and discards

this principle” and so “the citizen has nothing left but the power of

choosing his rulers by a plurality vote”. Echoing Rousseau’s own words

about England, Proudhon proclaimed that France was “a quasi-democratic

Republic” in which citizens “are permitted, every third or fourth year,

to elect, first, the Legislative Power, second, the Executive Power. The

duration of this participation in the Government for the popular

collectivity is brief... The President and the Representatives, once

elected, are the masters; all the rest obey. They are subjects, to be

governed and to be taxed, without surcease.”[42]

Democracy was simply not democratic enough. It “is the negation of the

People’s sovereignty” as it “says that the People reigns and does not

govern, which is to deny the Revolution” and concludes “the People

cannot govern itself and is forced to hand itself over to

representatives”. Instead of a democracy understood in the manner of the

Jacobin left, Proudhon suggested in anarchy “all citizens... reign and

govern” for they “directly participate in the legislation and the

government as they participate in the production and circulation of

wealth”. While the state “is the external constitution of the social

power” in which others “are charged with governing [the People], with

managing its affairs”, anarchists affirm that “the people, that society…

can and ought to govern itself by itself… without masters and servants”.

When anarchists “deny the State” they “affirm in the same breath the

autonomy of the people” for “the only way to organise democratic

government is to abolish government.”[43]

This meant a real democracy requires decentralisation and federation

otherwise “democracy is a fraud, and the sovereignty of the People a

joke”. The communes that “comprise the confederation” would be

“self-governing, self-judging and self-administering in complete

sovereignty”, “universal suffrage form [their] basis” and each “enjoys a

right of secession”. Delegates would replace representatives for we “can

follow” those we elect “step-by-step in their legislative acts and their

votes” and “make them transmit our arguments” and when “we are

discontented, we will recall and dismiss them.” The electoral principle

needed “the imperative mandate, and permanent revocability” as its “most

immediate and incontestable consequences”. In “a mutualist

confederation, the citizen gives up none of his freedom, as Rousseau

requires him to do for the governance of his republic!”[44]

These democratic principles must also be extended to the economy.

Property “degrades us, by making us servants and tyrants to one another”

for the wage-workers’ lot was to “work under a master” to whom they had

“sold their arms and parted with their liberty”. Freedom and property

were incompatible and to secure the former for all we must seek the

“entire abolition” of the latter for “all accumulated capital being

social property, no one can be its exclusive proprietor” and “the land

[is] common property”. While the use of property “may be divided” its

ownership is “collective and undivided” for while “the right to product

is exclusive”, the “right to means is common.” Anarchy required

“industrial democracy” as “leaders, instructors, superintendents” must

be “chosen from the workers by the workers themselves” and so everyone

“participates... as an active factor” with “a deliberative voice in the

council… in accordance with equality.” Workplaces must become “worker

republics” within an “agricultural-industrial federation”.[45]

Proudhon, then, stressed the “abolition of man’s exploitation of his

fellow-man and abolition of man’s government of his fellow-man” were

“one and the same proposition” for “what, in politics, goes under the

name of Authority is analogous to and synonymous with what is termed, in

political economy, Property”. The “principle of AUTHORITY” was

“articulated through” both and an “attack upon one is an attack upon the

other.”[46]

Yet while denouncing both the state and the capitalist workplace as

authoritarian and seeking to replace both by associations, Proudhon

refused to apply his ideas within the family and advocated patriarchy.

This contradiction saw Joseph Déjacque in 1857 applying Proudhon’s own

ideas to the family for it was a case of placing the “issue of the

emancipation of woman in line with the emancipation of the serf” in the

workshop so that both enter “the community of anarchy”. Proudhon did

“cry against the great barons of capital” but would “rebuild a proud

barony of man on vassal-woman” and so was “liberal, but not

libertarian.”[47]

Patriarchy was another archy and subsequent anarchists recognised the

need for consistency. The fundamental commonality between organisations

anarchists oppose – the state, capitalist firms, marriage, etc. – is

that they are authoritarian and “power and authority corrupt those who

exercise them as much as those who are compelled to submit to them.”[48]

Anarchists, then, “deny every form of hierarchical organisation” [49]

Anarchist Organisation: Principles and Practice

So anarchists since the first self-proclaimed anarchist text had already

answered Engels’ question of “how do these people propose to operate a

factory, run a railway, or steer a ship without one will that decides in

the last resort, without unified direction”?[50]Indeed, anarchism was

born precisely to do so and did so with a single word: association.

Anarchists recognise that freedom is a product of interaction between

people and it is how we associate which determines whether we are free

or not. While anarchism’s perspective is social, Engels’ is

fundamentally liberal as it sees isolation as true freedom and so

confuses agreement with authority, co-operation with coercion.

The real question is simple: is an association based on self-government

of its members or do a few decide for all? So to qualify as libertarian

an organisation must be based on certain core principles that ensure

that liberty is not reduced to simply picking masters.

An organisation that is not voluntary would hardly be free. So free

association requires that individuals decide for themselves which groups

to join. Yet it is more than that for “to promise to obey is to deny or

to limit, to a greater or lesser degree, individuals’ freedom and

equality… To promise to obey is to state, that in certain areas, the

person making the promise is no longer free to exercise her capacities

and decide upon her own actions, and is no longer equal, but

subordinate.”[51] Being free to join a group that is internally

hierarchical is simply voluntary archy and so groups have to be

democratic so that those subject to decisions make them.

Thus how we organise was what mattered for “man in isolation can have no

awareness of his liberty. Being free for man means being acknowledged,

considered and treated as such by another man. Liberty is therefore a

feature not of isolation but of interaction, not of exclusion but rather

of connection”.[52] This means freedom does not end at the workplace

door or with a marriage ceremony. The capitalist workplace is not

consistent with anarchism for, lest we forget, “a corporation, factory

or business is the economic equivalent of fascism: decisions and control

are strictly top-down.”[53] This means that “staying free is, for the

working man who has to sell his labour, an impossibility” and so a free

economy existed only when “associations of men and women who would work

on the land, in the factories, in the mines, and so on, became

themselves the managers of production.”[54]

Collective decision making (democracy) must be contrasted to “the

principle of authority, that is, the eminently theological,

metaphysical, and political idea that the masses, always incapable of

governing themselves, must at all times submit to the benevolent yoke of

a wisdom and a justice imposed upon them, in some way or other, from

above.” Long before Rosa Luxemburg made the same distinction, Bakunin

contrasted two kinds of discipline: an “authoritarian conception” which

“signifies despotism on the one hand and blind automatic submission to

authority on the other” and another “not automatic but voluntary and

intelligently understood” which is “necessary whenever a greater number

of individuals undertake any kind of collective work or action.” The

latter was “simply the voluntary and considered co-ordination of all

individual efforts for a common purpose” and did not preclude “a natural

division of functions according to the aptitude of each, assessed and

judged by the collective whole”. However, “no function remains fixed and

it will not remain permanently and irrevocably attached to any one

person. Hierarchical order and promotion do not exist, so that the

executive of yesterday can become the subordinate of tomorrow.” In this

way “power, properly speaking, no longer exists. Power is diffused to

the collectivity and becomes the true expression of the liberty of

everyone, the faithful and sincere realisation of the will of all”. [55]

Yet while democratic, anarchist organisations have to be egalitarian for

simply electing a few who govern the rest reintroduces hierarchies,

albeit elected ones, and least we forget government is the “delegation

of power, that is, the abdication of the initiative and sovereignty of

every one into the hands of the few.”[56] As the “people does not govern

itself” it meant that “free and equal citizens, not about to abdicate

their rights to the care of the few, will seek some new form of

organisation that allows them to manage their affairs for themselves”.

Kropotkin pointed to the sections of the French Revolution as popular

institutions “not separated from the people” and “remained of the

people, and this is what made the revolutionary power of these

organisations.” Rather than nominating representatives and disbanding,

the sections “remained and organised themselves, on their own

initiative, as permanent organs of the municipal administration” and

“were practising what was described later on as Direct Self-Government”.

These were “the principles of anarchism” and they “had their origin, not

in theoretic speculations, but in the deeds of the Great French

Revolution” and “by acting in this way – and the libertarians would no

doubt do the same today – the districts of Paris laid the foundations of

a new, free, social organisation” for “the Commune of Paris was not to

be a governed State, but a people governing itself directly – when

possible – without intermediaries, without masters.”[57]

Anarchists tend to call this self-management because democracy has, in

practice, meant electing a government rather than a group of people

governing themselves. Yet self-management does not preclude the need to

“allocate a given task to others” in the shape of committees but it is a

case of group members “not abdicating their own sovereignty” by “turning

some into directors and chiefs”.[58] Committees would be agents of the

group rather than their masters for they would be “always under the

direct control of the population” and express the “decisions taken at

popular assemblies.”[59] How much an individual participates is up to

each person but the option to take part is always there for anarchist

organisation is rooted in “the possibility of calling the general

assembly whenever it was wanted by the members of the section and of

discussing everything in the general assembly”.[60]

Just as individuals associate within groups, so groups will need to

co-ordinate their activities by the same kind of horizontal links that

exist within an association. In this federalist structure decisions are

co-ordinated by elected, mandated and recallable delegates rather than

representatives.[61] This would, by definition, be a decentralised

organisation for power remains at the base in the individuals who

associate together into groups rather than at the top in the hands of a

few representatives and the bureaucracies needed to support them. This

would be in all areas of life: economic (“federations of Trade Unions”),

social (“independent Communes”) and personal (“free combines and

societies”).[62] Federation is extensive:

“society will be composed of a multitude of associations, federated for

all the purposes which require federation: trade federations for

production of all sorts... federations of communes among themselves, and

federations of communes with trade organisations; and finally, wider

groups covering all the country, or several countries, composed of men

who collaborate for the satisfaction of such economic, intellectual,

artistic, and moral needs as are not limited to a given territory. All

these will combine directly, by means of free agreements between them…

for all sorts of work in common, for intellectual pursuits, or simply

for pleasure.”[63]

The permanence of specific groups or agreements is very much dependent

on the functional needs of the situation or the wishes of the

participants and so cannot be formalised by a hard or fast rule. Some

agreements will be fleeting (to provide specific goods or services) and

others more-or-less permanent (to provide healthcare or railway

networks). The key is that the federation lasts as long as is required,

that association is produced by objective needs and does not exist for

its own sake.

The question is “to organise universal suffrage in its plenitude” for

each “function, industrial or otherwise”. Each functional group would

elect its own delegates in its own separate bodies meaning “the country

governs itself solely by means of its electoral initiative” and “it is

no longer governed.” Such popular assemblies are “a matter of the

organisation of universal suffrage in all its forms, of the very

structure of Democracy itself.” Instead of centralising all issues into

the hands of one assembly, there would be a multitude of assemblies each

covering a specific social function for “a society of free men” is based

on the “associating with different groups according to the nature of

their industries or their interests and by whom neither collective nor

individual sovereignty is ever abdicated or delegated” and so “the

Government has ceased to exist as a result of universal suffrage”. This

“truly democratic regime, with its unity at the bottom and its

separation at the top, [is] the reverse of what now exists” and

“centralisation [would] be effected from the bottom to the top, from the

circumference to the centre, and that all functions be independent and

govern themselves independently”.[64]

While some suggest that anarchism inherently supports small-scale groups

or industry this is not the case. It recognises that size is driven by

the objective needs of a functional task. A workplace is as big as its

output requires (“oceanic steamers cannot be built in village

factories”[65]) while a commune can be a village, town or a city. While

large organisations would – as is the case now – be sub-divided

internally into functional groups, this does not change the fact that

anarchists have always incorporated the fact of, and need for,

large-scale organisation and industry. Indeed, federalism is advocated

precisely to co-ordinate, plan and provide services judged by those who

need them to be better done together.

What level a specific industry or service should be co-ordinated at will

vary depending on what it is so no hard and fast rule can be formulated

but the basic principle is that groups “unite with each other in a

mutual and equal way, for one or more specific tasks, whose

responsibility specially and exclusively falls to the delegates of the

federation”. For example, it is a case of “the initiative of communes

and departments as to works that operate within their jurisdiction” plus

“the initiative of the workers companies as to carrying the works out”

for the “direct, sovereign initiative of localities, in arranging for

public works that belong to them, is a consequence of the democratic

principle and the free contract”. [66]

In short, self-governing individuals join self-governing groups that, in

turn, join self-governing federations.

Individuals are free in-so-far as the associations they join are

participatory and without hierarchy. Yet anarchists do not think that

there will be unanimity within each group for “variety, conflict even,

is life” while “uniformity is death”.[67] In disagreements, the minority

has a choice – agree to work with the majority, leave the association or

practice civil disobedience to convince the majority of the errors of

their way. Which option is best depends on the nature of the decision

and the group. Similarly, the majority has the right to expel a minority

(free association means the freedom not to associate).

Rather than constantly governed by the few – whether that few is the

elected of the majority matters little – individuals within an

association will participate in decisions and will sometimes be in the

majority, sometimes not, in numerous groups and federations. The

“necessity of division and association of labour” means “I take and I

give – such is human life. Each is an authoritative leader and in turn

is led by others. Accordingly there is no fixed and constant authority,

but continual exchange of mutual, temporary, and, above all, voluntary

authority and subordination.”[68] No one’s permanent position would be

one of subjection as under statism, capitalism, patriarchy or racism.

This self-managed society was termed by Proudhon a “Labour

Democracy”[69] to clearly differentiate it from existing – bourgeois –

forms of democracy:

“no longer do we have the abstraction of people’s sovereignty as in the

’93 Constitution and the others that followed it, and in Rousseau’s

Social Contract. Instead it becomes an effective sovereignty of the

labouring masses which rule and govern... the labouring masses are

actually, positively and effectively sovereign: how could they not be

when the economic organism – labour, capital, property and assets –

belongs to them entirely”[70]

None of this assumes that the majority has the right to rule the

minority just that, in general, members who join a group do so

understanding the decision making process within the association and can

leave if they no longer agree with specific decisions of the

majority.[71] Thus we have majority decision making but not majority

government for anarchists “have the special mission of being vigilant

custodians of freedom, against all aspirants to power and against the

possible tyranny of the majority”.[72] The case for anarchy –

self-management – is not that the majority is always right but that no

minority can be trusted not to prefer its own advantage if given power.

Libertarians against “Libertarianism” (or the dangers of ideology)

Many anarchists are sympathetic to the saying – popularised if not

invented by the Situationists – that the difference between theory and

ideology is that the former is when you have ideas and the latter is

when ideas have you. As such, anarchists tend to suggest that theirs is

not an ideology but rather a theory. The dangers of ideology can best be

seen by comparing libertarian theory with the ideology that is called

“libertarianism” by its proponents.

Yet how can anarchists – who have called themselves libertarians since

1857 – be against “libertarianism”?

First, because the advocates of “libertarianism” did not let their

ideological support for absolute property rights stop them knowingly

stealing the name from those who invented and used it. As Murray

Rothbard recalled:

“One gratifying aspect of our rise to some prominence [in 1950s America]

is that, for the first time in my memory, we, ‘our side,’ had captured a

crucial word from the enemy... ‘Libertarians’... had long been simply a

polite word for left-wing [sic!] anarchists, that is for anti-private

property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But

now we had taken it over”[73]

Second, and more importantly, “libertarianism” ignores what drove the

creation of anarchism and returns to the authoritarianism of classical

liberalism.

This is shown when Rothbard proclaims that the state “arrogates to

itself a monopoly of force, of ultimate decision-making power, over a

given territorial area” then, buried in the chapter’s end notes, quietly

admits that “[o]bviously, in a free society, Smith has the ultimate

decision-making power over his own just property, Jones over his,

etc.”[74] He does not mention the obvious – they also have “ultimate

decision-making power” over those who use that property. Robert Nozick

was more open: “if one starts a private town… persons who chose to move

there or later remain there would have no right to a say in how the town

was run”.[75]

While some argue that it “would be logically inconsistent for an

ideology to defend individual choice and to deny people the vote”[76],

for “libertarianism” the opposite is the case. Yet the contradictions –

“libertarians” advocating dictatorship, a definition of the state (evil)

identical to property (good) – are all too clear as anarchists had

denounced since 1840. Ironically, Rothbard himself shows the validity of

the anarchist critique:

“If the State may be said to properly own its territory, then it is

proper for it to make rules for everyone who presumes to live in that

area… So long as the State permits its subjects to leave its territory,

then, it can be said to act as does any other owner who sets down rules

for people living on his property.”[77]

The question now becomes one not of liberty within an association but

whether those who hold power (“sets down rules”) do so legitimately or

not and this relates to property. Rothbard argues that the state does

not “justly” own its territory and asserts that his “homesteading

theory” of the creation of private property “suffices to demolish any

such pretensions by the State apparatus” and so the problem with the

state is that it “claims and exercises a compulsory monopoly of defence

and ultimate decision-making over an area larger than an individual’s

justly-acquired property.”[78] Yet private property has never been

acquired in the form Rothbard (echoing Locke) suggested but has been

bound-up with state and private coercion – assuming his theory was

robust, which it is not. His attempt to eliminate the obvious

difficulties he faces involves “adding mythical and imaginary happenings

to make up for the ‘reality gaps’”[79] along with hopes that he found

people “simple enough to believe him”.

Ignoring Rothbard’s immaculate conception of property as being as

unrelated to reality as Locke’s social contract theory of the state, the

question arises why current and future generations should be

dispossessed from liberty by the private hierarchies associated with

property. Rothbard helps us answer that question by a hypothetical

example of a country whose King, threatened by a rising “libertarian”

movement, responses by “employ[ing] a cunning stratagem,” namely he

“proclaims his government to be dissolved, but just before doing so he

arbitrarily parcels out the entire land area of his kingdom to the

‘ownership’ of himself and his relatives.” Rather than taxes, his

subjects now pay rent and he can “regulate the lives of all the people

who presume to live on” his property as he sees fit. Rothbard then

admits people would be “living under a regime no less despotic than the

one they had been battling for so long. Perhaps, indeed, more despotic,

for now the king and his relatives can claim for themselves the

libertarians’ very principle of the absolute right of private property,

an absoluteness which they might not have dared to claim before.”[80]

While Rothbard rejects this “cunning stratagem” he failed to note how

this argument undermines his own claims. As he himself argues, not only

does the property owner have the same monopoly of power over a given

area as the state, this is more despotic. He fails to notice that if the

state owning its territory makes it (“as well as the King in the Middle

Ages”) “a feudal overlord”[81]then this makes the capitalist or landlord

a feudal overlord within “libertarianism.” It is a strange ideology that

proclaims itself liberty-loving yet embraces factory feudalism and

office oligarchy.

The one remaining defence of “libertarianism” is that these absolutist

social relationships are fine because they are voluntary in nature for

there is no such a thing as economic power under capitalism.[82] It is

easy to refute such claims with Rothbard’s words on the abolition of

slavery and serfdom in the 19^(th) century:

“The bodies of the oppressed were freed, but the property which they had

worked and eminently deserved to own, remained in the hands of their

former oppressors. With economic power thus remaining in their hands,

the former lords soon found themselves virtual masters once more of what

were now free tenants or farm labourers. The serfs and slaves had tasted

freedom, but had been cruelly derived of its fruits.”[83]

So if “market forces” (“voluntary exchanges”) result in the few owning

most of the property then this is unproblematic and raises no questions

about the (lack of) liberty of the working class but if people are

placed in exactly the same situation as a result of coercion then it is

a case of “economic power” and “masters”.

Such is the danger of ideology that it allows someone to write a book

that actually refutes his own arguments.

This shows the importance of organisation to a political theory.

Anarchism by placing liberty as a priority principle took it seriously

and recognised the obvious contradictions in defining (limiting!) it to

just consent. They opposed the liberal attempt to decontest the notion

by pointing to its practice. That Nozick – repeating Locke[84] – can ask

whether “a free system would allow” someone “to sell himself into

slavery” and answer “I believe that it would”[85] shows the correctness

of anarchism.

The apparent paradox of why an ideology self-proclaimed as “libertarian”

is not particularly interested in liberty and justifies numerous

obviously authoritarian social relations (up to and including voluntary

slavery and dictatorship) is not a paradox at all. Contract in the

liberal sense “always generates political right in the form of relations

of domination and subordination” and so rather than “undermining

subordination, contract theorists justified modern civil

subjection.”[86]

The farcical self-contradictions that Rothbard repeatedly gets himself

into shows why “every society declines the moment it falls into the

hands of the ideologists”[87]. At its worse, ideology allows its

believers to not only ignore – even justify – social injustice but also

to contradict their stated aspirations and abuse logic. While it may be

argued that it is only by using ideology that we can expose this kind of

contradiction, the fundamental problem is that it is ideology which

blinds Rothbard and Nozick to the obvious: “if you have unbridled

capitalism, you will have all kinds of authority: you will have extreme

authority.”[87]

The contradictions of “libertarianism” also shows that historical

understanding and context is important. It does not afford “a typical

example of a gravitational shift within conventional ideologies that

obscures an ideology’s foundational principles by reorganising the core

units of furniture.” Locke shows this is not the case for rather than

“crowding out or demoting other liberal core concepts”, this ideology

sees itself as clearing the room of furniture which has no place in it.

It is not the case that its advocates “overemphasize individual liberty

at the expense of other liberal values”[88] for they do not “expand the

liberty theme” but rather aim to restrict it – for the many.

Once it is realised that core principle of “libertarianism” is property

rather than liberty then it is must be renamed to propertarianism.

Conclusion

Organisation is a fundamental aspect of any theory simply because it

shows how it is applied. If an ideology places organisation to the

periphery then its adherents are not particularly bothered by their

stated core principles for it expresses an indifference to whether they

are achieved in practice.

Anarchism is part of the reaction to liberalism and its production of

both “industrial servitude” and “obedient subjects to a central

authority.”[89] Liberalism is a “theoretical strategy that justifies

subjection by presenting it as freedom”. It has “turned a subversive

proposition” that we are born free and equal “into a defence of civil

subjection” for “the employment contract (like the marriage contract) is

not an exchange; both contracts create social relations that endure over

time – social relations of subordination.”[90]

Like democracy, anarchism saw its task as seeking a form of organisation

within which freedom was protected. In contrast to the stereotype of

anarchism as an impractical dream without an understanding of the

complexities of the modern world, anarchists have spent considerable

time discussing how to organise to meet social needs in a world marked

by large-scale industry and ever wider personal and social interactions

while ensuring individual and social freedom. Anarchist critiques of

Rousseau are driven not by a rejection of democracy but rather a desire

to see a genuine one created. Woodcock was wrong both logically and

historically to proclaim that “the ideal of anarchism, far from being

democracy carried to its logical end, is much nearer to aristocracy

universalised and purified.”[91]

To “contract a relationship of voluntary servitude” was inconsistent

with anarchist principles as “the freedom of every individual is

inalienable” and so associations could have no other footing “but the

utmost equality and reciprocity.”[92] Anarchism values individual

liberty but sees it a product of social interaction and so embraces the

necessity of equality within groups to ensure it remains meaningful.

This, in turn, means embracing a critique of property to ensure that

those who join a workplace are associates rather than master and

servants. Finally, if self-management is applicable within the workplace

then it is also applicable for all social and private associations.

Anarchism recognises that there are many types of organisation – those

which are forced upon you and those you freely join as well as those

which are authoritarian (top-down) and those which are libertarian

(bottom-up). Genuine liberty necessitates groups that are free to join

and are free internally as voluntary archy is not an-archy. Anarchist

organisational principles are core because they intersect with other

core concepts by expressing them.

[87]Proudhon, Système des contradictions économiques ou Philosophie de

la misère (Paris: Guillaumin, 1846) I: 75

[1] Errico Malatesta: His Life and Ideas (London: Freedom Press,

1993),Vernon Richards (ed.), 84–5

[2] Michael Freeden, Ideology: A Very Short Introduction (Oxford: Oxford

University Press, 2003), 62

[3] George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and

Movements (England: Penguin Books, 1986), 226–7

[4] David Turcato, Making Sense of Anarchism: Errico Malatesta’s

Experiments with Revolution, 1889–1900 (Edinburgh/Oakland: AK Press,

2015)

[5]

C. B Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism:

Hobbes to Locke, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1964), 194

[6] John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 2013), Peter Laslett (ed.), 322, 323, 268

[7] Carole Pateman, The Sexual Contract (Cambridge: Polity, 1988), 40

[8] Locke, 288

[9] Macpherson, 203–20

[10] Locke, 302

[11] Locke, 289

[12] Macpherson, 214–5

[13] Carole Pateman, The Problem of Political Obligation: A Critique of

Liberal Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1985), 67–72

[14] Macpherson, 221–2, 248–9, 227, 251

[15] Macpherson, 196

[16] John Locke, Political Essays (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1997), Mark Goldie (ed.), 161–175

[17] Pateman, Problem, 68

[18] Pateman, Problem, 142

[19] Locke, Treatises, 308

[20] Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses (London:

Everyman, 1996), 181

[21] Rousseau, 99

[22] Rousseau, 84

[23] Rousseau, 225

[24] Rousseau, 162

[25] Rousseau, 199, 225

[26] Rousseau, 316

[27] Rousseau, 105, 269, 104, 200, 186

[28] Rousseau, 266, 201, 203–4, 230, 212, 191

[29] Peter Kropotkin, The Great French Revolution, 1789–1793 (London:

Orbach and Chambers Ltd, 1971)

[30] Peter Kropotkin, The State: Its Historic Role (London: Freedom

Press, 1987), 51–4

[31] quoted by Roger Magraw, A History of the French Working Class

(Oxford/Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992) I: 24–25

[32] Bernard H. Moss, The Origins of the French Labour Movement

1830–1914: The Socialism of Skilled Workers (Berkeley/Los

Angeles/London: University of California Press, 1980), 32–3

[33] Magraw, 55, 72

[34]

K. Steven Vincent, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and the Rise of French

Republican Socialism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) 127–140

[35] See Vincent for an excellent discussion of this.

[36] Property is Theft! A Pierre-Joseph Proudhon Anthology

(Edinburgh/Oakland/Baltimore: AK Press, 2011), Iain McKay (ed.), 132–5

[37] Property, 92

[38] Property, 95, 106, 117, 114, 129

[39] Aaron Noland, “Proudhon and Rousseau”, Journal of the History of

Ideas 28:1 (Jan-Mar 1967)

[40] Property, 565

[41] Property, 566

[42] Property, 566, 573

[43] Property, 261, 267, 280, 482–5

[44] Property, 595, 716, 763, 273, 762

[45] Property, 248, 212, 91, 118, 153, 137, 112, 610, 119, 215, 780,

711; also see Property, 583–6

[46] Property, 503–6

[47] “The Human Being”, available at:

anarchism.pageabode.com

[48] Michael Bakunin, The Political Philosophy of Bakunin (New York: The

Free Press, 1953), G.P. Maximov (ed.), 249

[49] Peter Kropotkin, Direct Struggle Against Capital: A Peter Kropotkin

Anthology (Edinburgh/Oakland/Baltimore: AK Press, 2014), Iain McKay

(ed.), 385

[50] Marx-Engels Collected Works 44: 307

[51] Pateman, Problem, 19

[52] Bakunin, Michael Bakunin: Selected Writings (London: Jonathan Cape,

1973), Arthur Lehning (ed.), 131, 135, 147

[53] Noam Chomsky, Letters from Lexington: Reflections on Propaganda

(Monroe/Edinburgh: Common Courage Press/AK Press, 1993), 127

[54] Kropotkin, Direct, 160, 187

[55] Bakunin on Anarchism, 408, 142, 414–5; Rosa Luxemburg Speaks (New

York: Pathfinder Press, 1970), Mary-Alice Waters (ed.), 119–20

[56] Malatesta, The Method of Freedom: An Errico Malatesta Reader

(Edinburgh/Oakland, AK Press, 2014), Davide Turcato (Ed.), 136

[57] Direct, 225, 228, 419–25

[58] Malatesta, Freedom, 214

[59] Malatesta, Life, 175, 129

[60] Direct, 426

[61] Proudhon, Property, 377; Bakunin, Selected, 170–2, Malatesta,

Freedom, 63

[62] Direct, 188

[63] Direct, 105

[64] Property, 439–41, 461, 446–7

[65] Direct, 665

[66] Property, 969, 594–5

[67] Kropotkin, Anarchism: A Collection of Revolutionary Writings (New

York: Dover Press, 2002), Roger N. Baldwin (ed.), 143

[68] Bakunin, Political, 353–4

[69] Property, 724

[70] Property, 760–1

[71] Malatesta, Freedom, 488–9

[72] Malatesta, Life, 161

[73] The Betrayal of the American Right (Auburn, Alabama: Ludwig von

Mises Institute, 207), 83

[74] The Ethics of Liberty (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Humanities Press,

1982), 170, 173

[75] Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State and Utopia (Oxford: B. Blackwell,

1974), 270

[76] Freeden, 55

[77] Rothbard, 170

[78] Rothbard, 171, 173

[79] Freeden, 106

[80] Rothbard, 54

[81] Rothbard, 171

[82] Rothbard, 221–2

[83] Rothbard, 74

[84] Locke, Treatises, 284–5

[85] Nozick, 371

[86] Pateman, Sexual, 8, 40

[87] Noam Chomsky, Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky (New

York: The New Press, 2002), Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel (eds.),

200

[88] Freeden, 95, 64

[89] Kropotkin, Anarchism, 137

[90] Pateman, Sexual, 39, 148

[91] Woodcock, Anarchism, 31

[92] Bakunin, Selected, 147, 68