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Title: Italian Anarchism Author: Donato Romito Date: 1997 Language: en Topics: Italy, anarchist movement, Red & Black Revolution Source: Retrieved on 8th August 2021 from http://struggle.ws/rbr/rbr3_italy.html Notes: Published in Red & Black Revolution no. 3.
The present Italian anarchist movement is passing through a crisis which
it will only be able to get over if it finds a new political project.
This crisis comes not only from the choices made in the â50s (a slow and
unrelenting self-exclusion from the Italian political and trade union
life), but also from more recent causes: due to difficulties in reading
the current situation and in not having a political project since the
fall of the Berlin wall in 1989.
Italian anarchists are often active in many struggles and support many
different campaigns and initiatives, though this is mostly at a local
level, which is preferred both out of choice and out of lack of wider
political action. There are rare attempts to organise regional or
national co-ordinations, but these almost immediately have to face a
single fact: the existence of various tendencies inside anarchism. This
diversity could be a richness if each tendency shared in making a common
project, but it is a grave source of weakness if sectarianism and
âcrossed vetoesâ prevail.
I will give a brief account of the different tendencies in the movement
today.
At present there are two national federations. The first and largest is
the F.A.I.[1]. It was founded in 1945, and has passed though different
political periods: enthusiasm after the end of the WWII and after the
great contribution that anarchists made to the Resistance; next the
renunciation of the class-struggle for all of the â50s and the â60s; the
disaffiliation of the individualist tendencies at the end of the â60s;
the expulsion of the âPlatformistâ groups at the beginning of the â70s;
the subsequent rediscovery of social struggles. The FAI issues the
weekly paper Umanita Nova, which is the most widely circulated paper in
the movement, dealing with news and topics written for anarchists but
which often fails to reach the people. FAI is an organisation composed
of various tendencies, which, while enriching the debate, may block the
congress resolutions, as each branch has large autonomy. FAI branches
are often very active at a local level, but nationally FAI doesnât seem
to have any official or public political line. The last congress
launched the idea of building an âanarchist strategy for social
transformationâ, but itâs not easy to strike a balance. The second and
smaller federation is Fd.C.A[2]. This was founded in 1986 and is the
latest organised expression of Italian anarchist-communism, after the
O.R.A.[3]. Fd.C.A. has branches and comrades in some regions in the
centre and north of Italy and issues the quarterly bulletin Alternativa
Libertaria, that reflects the activity and the positions of the
federation. Itâs an organisation based on theoretical and strategic
unity for all the members and on tactical experimentation. Its members
are active in the unions, in the social centres and in local
single-issues movements. At present FdCA is trying to develop a âminimal
programâ for political and social intervention today. The 2 federations
donât have stable relations at national level, but they sometimes
collaborate at local level. Each federation has international contacts
with similar organisations: FAI is inside I.A.F.[4]; and the FdCA has
promising new relations with A.L.[5], O.S.L.[6], W.S.M., C.G.T.[7].
There are tens of non-federated groups and circles. They are very active
at local level about local issues or about national echo campaigns. They
often make anarchism known in little towns and this is very important
work. Their political life is tied to the ups and downs in their
membersâ lives. Among these groups we have to mention Cane Nero [8].
Their positions are inspired by insurrectionalism (in the name of
anarchy). Their âmilitaryâ actions are decided in secrecy and often
provoke police repression against all anarchists who more often than not
know nothing about Cane Neroâs actions. These comrades are then asked by
Cane Nero to support it. Yet when the dust eventually settles, the name
of anarchy has been ruined and around anarchism there is only a desert!!
There are many magazines, papers and fanzines at local and national
level. It would be impossible to mention all of them here. But I will
mention A-Rivista Anarchia [9], which is very widely circulated and
concentrates on cultural, philosophical and historical topics. It has
always been very distant from class-anarchism. It is issued in Milan.
A-Rivista Anarchia is paying a lot of attention to questions such as
municipalism, self-management, anarcho-capitalism, influencing the
debate and the fashions within the movement. Very close to A-Rivista
Anarchia is Volonta [10], a magazine-publisher about the State,
Education, Utopia. Comunismo Libertario [11] deals with social,
political and union problems and is interesting for the class-anarchist
tendencies: welfare, unions strategy, economy. It is issued in Livorno.
Germinal is a paper from the north-east; it deals with ex-Yugoslavian
problems, anti militarism, social centres. It is issued in Trieste.
Close to Germinal is Senzapatria [12]. It is about antimilitarism.
Collagamenti / Wobbly is a good magazine concerning theoretical
reflections about current struggles caused by the present change in
industry. It is issued in Turin. Ombre Rosse [13] is something like a
strategical reflection and analysis bulletin. It is issued by
libertarian-communists in Genoa. Rivista Storica DellâAnarchismo [14]
deals with historic questions and itâs an attempt at collaboration among
historians of different anarchist tendencies. It is issued in Carrara.
Eleuthera is a good publisher and does interesting books about social
and historical topics. Close to A-Rivista Anarchia. There are many other
little publishers within the movement and on the edge, whose work is
very useful.
These are the only chances to collaborate.
Anti-Clerical meeting: held in Fano for 13 years, it has been a
successful way to dust off the old anticlericalism against Church power,
but with a modern approach. Not an anti-religious meeting, but
anticlerical: i.e. how the Catholic Church, and all the fundamentalist
churches, control our social and private lives (family planning,
sexuality, education, abortion, Vatican Bank, religion-tax) and how to
fight against it/them. This is an example where anarchists have been
able to involve many non-anarchists in the issue.
Self management Fair: itâs a touring meeting (this yearâs is the 3^(rd))
presenting experiences and debate concerning self management. It tries
to respond to the new needs emerging from the movement: how to begin and
develop experiences based on self management â education, farming,
libraries, bookshops, services, self-productions (videos, CDs, infos-
net.). Some people think that this is the way to smash capitalism,
whereas others believe that it is just a way to âsecedeâ from
capitalism. Some think that these experiences belong only to those who
are directly involved while others think that this may be the beginning
of an alternative network for all the people and not only for anarchists
or libertarians. Since welfare is under attack, the debate has been
growing around the two positions. To briefly describe this debate: On
the one hand the workersâ movement tries to defend the dying
welfare-state and links itself to the reformist parties and reformist
unions that continually negotiate welfare cuts, thus reinforcing the
state and the government. At the same time welfare canât be in the hands
of private agencies so the anarchist minority must reject State-welfare
and Market-welfare and help to build self managed welfare. On the other
hand you can hear people say that to defend welfare does not mean to
defend the state but the workersâ immediate interests: health,
education, social security arenât options, but rights to defend along
with wages. Therefore a great mass movement is needed to fight against
neo-liberalism and welfare cuts; at the same time anarchists and
libertarians have the right to experiment with new social models,
beginning from themselves but going towards all the people. The debate
is open....
Spain: in 1996 the movement campaigned about Spain â36 with videos,
conferences, debates. âTierra y Liberatedâ helped a lot. But only the
Trotskyist Socialismo Rivoluzionario was able to organise a six-day
camping about the Spanish revolution!
Americans in north-east: a new campaign is beginning against the
American troops in the north-east of Italy. Anarchists are in the front
line.
Ship to Bosnia: this was a very important initiative involving part of
the movement in material solidarity to multi-ethnic Tuzla. It was a mass
campaign both inside and outside the movement. All the various
tendencies lost their holy importance.... and many workers subscribed.
Political Problems: Unions, social centres.... Despite all this
activity, the Italian anarchist movement is practically âclandestineâ,
far from the public political eye. This is often deliberate, but more
often due to media indifference..... though what is also true is the
movement is not able to reach the tens of thousands of people as in the
â20s, or just after WW2. Maybe only co-ordination among the several
groups and national campaigns can restore visibility and credibility to
the movement. Maybe?
Union: The anarchist workers are split up between different unions. And
this seems to be a good thing. We can find anarchists inside CGIL [15]
as part of the left opposition inside the greatest Italian union,
organising rank-and-file activity in the workplace for full control over
bargaining, delegates and struggles. There are anarchists inside CUB
[16], a new alternative union that gathers some thousands of workers
from industry and the public sector. The anarchists have been put in the
minority by a centralised management of the CUB. The CUB is based in
Milan. There are anarchists inside UNICOBAS (a new alternative union
which grew out of the âcobasâ struggles in the â80s: schools, airports
public sector) that tries to be a mass-union giving importance to the
workersâ interests along with struggles against social cuts,
unemployment and traditional union power in national bargaining. Based
in Rome. There are anarchists inside U.S.I. [17], re-born at the end of
the â70s from the ashes of the glorious pre-fascism USI. Unfortunately
USI split into 2 parts before summer. The reason for this partition are
very complex: a different point of view about which role the union has
to play and a different attitude to the ARCA [18]. One USI bases itself
on libertarian-socialism as conditions for building the revolutionary
union and a revolutionary project, and believes that joining ARCA is a
negation of the original USI project. Roughly, but briefly, we can say
that they put more emphasis on ideological aspects. The other USI bases
itself on trying to be a mass-organisation with no ideological
influences; it is active in bargaining in the workplace and has been
recognised as a ârepresentative unionâ in different sectors. It is part
of ARCA, which is a confederation of 4 unions (UNICOBAS, USI, SdB, CNL),
with 25,000 members and aims to get full union representation at
national and local level. The two USIs have branches all over the
country and issue two papers with the same name: Lotta di Classe [19]. A
third USI is in Milan (very active in Health) and till now hasnât sided
with either of the two former USIs. There is a similar situation in
France with CNT-F.
Social Centres: In Italy, the self managed social centres (different
from those created by local administrations and controlled by the
parties) are an important part of the opposition movement. Where they
are set up they often become a sort of land-mark in the towns: young and
not-so-young people can meet there, organise concerts, debates, watch
and produce videos, listen to and produce music, support social
struggles and international campaigns (Chiapas, Cuba, ex-Yugoslavia).
Anarchists tend to set up their own self managed social centres and they
generally leave or ignore social centres build by other political
groups. But sometimes you can find co-operation among different
tendencies of the Italian revolutionary left. Anarchists should avoid
the marginalisation of the social centres from the surrounding
community: between ghetto and no-manâs land we should always choose
solidarity and co-operation. This is the way to beat Leninist tendencies
inside the social centres.
If Italian anarchism succeeds in breaking the âsplendid isolationâ where
it currently lives and goes back to the people, to workers, and to the
social movements it may become a new force for change, for social
transformation towards a better life, and, step by step, towards
libertarian-communism: this is revolutionary gradualism. Those who have
already taken this path have the responsibility to reach out, to
contact, to relate with all the others willing to leave the ivory tower
in order to organise, to collaborate, to create a network linking the
libertarian left and the possible alternative.
[1] F.A.I. is the Italian Anarchist Federation
[2] Fd.C.A. is Federation of the Anarchist-Communists
[3] O.R.A. was the Organisation of Revolutionary Anarchists similar to
French and English ORA
[4] I.A.F. is the International Anarchist Federations
[5] A.L. is Alternative Libertaire in France
[6] O.S.L. is Libertarian Socialist Organisation in Switzerland
[7] C.G.T. is the Union Confederacion General del Trabajo in Spain
[8] Cane Nero means Black Dog
[9] A-Rivista Anarchia is A-anarchist magazine
[10] Volonta is Will
[11] Comunismo Libertario comes from FdCA experience. Now itâs an
independent magazine .
[12] Senza Patria means Without Country
[13] Ombre Rosse means Red Shadows
[14] Historical magazine of Anarchism
[15] CGIL means Italian General Confederation of Labour
[16] CUB means Unitary Base Confederation
[17] USI was/is the Italian Syndicalist Union
[18] ARCA means Association of the Self managed Confederated
Representations
[19] Lotta di classe means Class Struggle