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Title: Anarchists … and proudly so
Author: Amedeo Bertolo
Date: October 1972
Language: en
Topics: anarchist movement
Source: Retrieved on 17th May 2021 from https://autonomies.org/2020/10/amedeo-bertolo-a-life-in-anarchy/
Notes: A text published in “A rivista anarchica”, nº 15, October 1972

Amedeo Bertolo

Anarchists … and proudly so

In a well known reactionary rag Corrierre della Sera, the equally well

known hack journalist Indro Montanelli (I apologise for the double

reference), in concluding his unexpected historical-literary-sentimental

article about the centenary of the Rimini Conference[1], wrote that, if

anything still exists of “the romantic, of the poetic, of the genuine”

in the Italian socialist movement, this is due to some vestige that

survives its original anarchist nature.

This is a statement that appeals to our sentimental vanity, but which,

despite it expressing a modicum of truth, is fundamentally mystifying.

It is true that the choice of anarchism, which is a global choice, also

implies in large measure (and this much more than with other merely

political choices) existential aspects. Only we, anarchists, know how

much of the “poetic” (that is, of the search for beauty, for harmony in

inter-human relations), of the “romantic” (that is, of the sentimental,

of the emotional), of the “genuine” (which goes beyond the immediate

interests of the individual or of class) can be found in our initial

choice. It is certainly a great deal. More than we wish to admit because

of a certain pudicity, a radical aversion to sentimental rhetoric and a

well founded mistrust of the “irrational”. These however are not the

characteristic features of anarchism. These are the common features of

so many human and political choices. Even the old monarchist woman who,

upon dying, left four pennies to Umberto di Savoia, saved with great

effort from her miserable pension, has something of the romantic, the

genuine and, in a certain sense, the poetic.

It is not the passionate and disinterested adherence of so many

militants famous and obscure that distinguishes anarchism (and of which

anarchism does not possess any great wealth) from other social doctrines

and, in particular, from authoritarian socialism, but an ensemble of

original scientific hypotheses and proposals of struggle; hypotheses

deepened, corrected and enriched.

Anarchism is, at the same time, a social science and a revolutionary

project. On the one hand, it is a system of interpretive hypotheses

about society and history (or about social changes); a system of

analyses which, starting from the recognition of social ills, emphasises

the nature of exploitation and oppression, of injustice and inequality,

either according to historical evolution, or by identifying their

causes. On the other hand, it is also (and above all) a revolutionary

project, that is, an organised desire to transform social reality,

substituting the hierarchical logic of the powerful (bosses, kings,

generals, bishops, presidents, other bureaucrats …) by the egalitarian

and libertarian tendency of the dominated classes (proletarians, slaves,

serfs and peasants, subjects, citizens …); an organised desire based on

operative strategic and tactical choices, derived from scientific

hypotheses assumed as fundamental.

If it is from this desire that the possibility of passing from the

observation of reality to its practical transformation derives, it is

from the validation of the social science employed for the “project”

that the possibility of making the means adequate to the ends arises, of

obtaining results in conformity with the objectives laid out.

The validation of the hypotheses in the field of the social sciences are

not verified in a “laboratory” (unless in circumscribed aspects and in

experiences limited in time and space and with results which are more

indicative than definitive), but in the “future”, that is, in the

confirmation of predictions, in posterior historical verification.

A hundred years have already passed since the anti-authoritarians of the

First International (founders of the anarchist movement) enunciated a

few basic scientific hypotheses, first in an intuitive and schematic

manner, then, with time, in a more complete and articulated form and, in

my opinion, these were a hundred years of overwhelming confirmation of

their validity and also the condemnation of the alternative

authoritarian hypotheses. One hundred years of social struggles,

tumults, revolts, revolutions, experiences, sacrifices, realisations,

disillusionment, blood, Spain, Russia, parliamentarianism, proletarian

dictatorship … which have duly verified the anarchist predictions and

refuted the Marxist’s, which verified the anti-authoritarian socialist

project and put the lie to the authoritarian’s.

Evident proofs, if only one wants to see; demonstrations woven with

facts (and what facts!) and not with mere words; proofs of the fact that

if anything scientific, rational, sensible is to be found in socialism,

then it lies with anarchism.

Among the scientific hypotheses of the pioneers of anarchism, I want to

emphasise one that I consider fundamental and from which, in my opinion,

almost all of the others or even all of them may be derived: that of

authority. Against the Marxist economic hypothesis, which, by

generalising a historically limited form, wished to attribute to the

private ownership of the means of production the cause of privileges and

exploitation, the anti-authoritarians opposed the sociological

hypothesis of the unequal and hierarchical distribution of power as the

source of social inequality.

From the Marxist hypothesis was born a revolutionary project which

exhausted the essence of the revolution in the abolition of private

property (having the abolition of “super-structural” inequalities

deriving automatically from this) and which employed authoritarian means

to do so (Party, State, etc.). From the anarchist hypothesis was born a

revolutionary project which brought together the socialisation of the

means of production with the destruction of authority in its most

complete and modern social form – the State – and which used libertarian

organisational and operational instruments (mutual agreement,

federation, etc.) in a scientific coherence between means and ends.

Against the distinction between rich and poor, between property owners

and the propertyless, the anarchists preferred and, sometimes, even

placed first (when they considered economic inequality a particular

aspect of social inequality and, in a certain initial historical phase,

a phenomena emanating from political power) the distinction between

those who govern and the governed, between those who command and those

who must obey.

The anarchist sociological hypothesis contained, in its essence,

necessary and fecund developments which could go in a thousand

directions, enriching the cultural patrimony of the anarchist movement

and of humanity as a whole (thanks also to the direct and indirect

influences on “progressive” thinkers and “reformers” of the system).

Acute criticisms of coercive institutions, pedagogy, religion and the

church, the administration of “justice”, sexual repression, the

patriarchal family are thereby developed, along with proposals to

integrate the city and the countryside, manual and intellectual work …

In many the work and practice of many psychiatrists, pedagogues,

sexologists, vanguard urbanists today can be found the libertarian

inspiration (though diluted in such a way as to lose its character as a

rupture with contemporary forms of power) of that explosive and

extremely fertile anti-authoritarian hypothesis.

In the more strictly political field, from that hypothesis were born

ways about how to destroy power (to be distributed among all by means of

a decentralised, federalist organisation, based more on agreements than

laws, more on consensuses than on coercion) and predictions about the

failure of “State socialism”.

The anarchist sociological hypothesis about the nature of social

inequality is a hypothesis which today, at the distance of a hundred

years, finds scientific confirmation in its capacity to comprehend and

interpret social-economic realities and changing forms of exploitation,

whether in the so-called socialist countries, or in the neo, late,

post-capitalist countries (according to the preferred terminology) of

the West, whereas the Marxist hypothesis explains nothing before systems

where private property no longer exists (USSR, etc.) and where power and

the privileges inherent therein were substituted by the control

exercised in private companies and the state apparatus by

techno-bureaucrats.

In effect, the anarchist sociological hypothesis is a global scientific

hypothesis, applicable always and everywhere, from the tribe to the

super-State, from the pastoral to the post-industrial economy, while the

Marxist hypothesis is only applicable (and with some reservations) to

classical capitalist society. Accordingly, the nature of classes and

class conflict can be reasonably explained, in their current reality and

generalised scientifically, by making exclusive reference to the

anarchist hypothesis.

Let us consider, almost haphazardly, a Marxist sociologist, the Pole

Stanislaw Ossowski, moderately heretical, and the social-democrat Ralf

Dahrendorf, a German sociologist and EEC technocrat.[2] The first writes

in Struttura di classe e coscienza sociale that: “The insufficiency of

the Marxist-Leninist conception of class for the analysis of the social

structure of countries with nationalised means of production was

revealed, on the one hand, in the Stalinist conception of

non-antagonistic classes and, on the other hand, in the discussions

about systems of privilege of specific groups of the populations of

these countries. But, even in relation to the capitalist countries, the

Marxist criterion of class ceased in part to be adequate […]. A

conception of class from the 19^(th) century, whether in the Marxist or

liberal interpretation, lost in many respects its actuality in the

modern world […]. Where political power can, in an open and effective

way, change the class structure, where the determining privileges for

social positioning, among which the privilege of a greater participation

in profit, are conferred by the decisions of political power, where a

considerable part, or even the greater part, of the population is framed

by hierarchical bureaucratic-type stratification, the 19^(th) century

concept of class becomes to a certain extent a greater or lesser

anachronism.”

Dahrendorf writes in Classi e conflitto di classe nella societĂ 

industriale that: “Classes and class conflict always subsist when

authority is distributed in an unequal way, according to social

position. It may seem of little importance to say that in the

communities of post-capitalist society there is an unequal distribution

of power; on the contrary, this affirmation serves to sustain the

applicability of the theory of classes.”

This is why, a hundred years latter, the hypotheses and project of

Bakunin, Malatesta, Cafiero and of the other pioneers of anarchism are

still the project and the hypotheses upon which the anarchist movement

obstinately moves: the obstinacy of reason and not of sentiment. This is

why, at a hundred years distance, the fundamental contradiction between

anarchists and Marxists, between authoritarians and anti-authoritarians,

is more than ever valid and irremediable (unless by dialectical

artifices), not by fidelity to a confrontation between persons (Bakunin

and Marx), but by fidelity to a fundamental choice which has shown

itself to be factually correct. This was a choice that became a practice

of struggle and of organisation for hundreds of thousands of militants

and sympathisers, a choice that went from being a popular intuition to a

scientific intuition (let us not forget that Bakunin himself said that

he learned anarchism with the workers and artisans of the Swiss Jura)

and which revealed itself to be a “living” truth in the life and

militancy of workers, peasants, artisans, masons, miners, in the

revolutionary epics and in the anonymous daily activities of the

diffusion of ideas and of agitation, in the factories, schools, prisons,

in exile, in city squares, in clandestinity, in military barracks, in

the countryside, in avenging gestures and in the humanity of the

gestures of daily life, in explosive revolts and in the efforts at

education and self-education … No social movement saw so much

creativity, so much revolutionary imagination, such a variety of means

(in the unity between means and methods): from syndicalism to avenging

or protesting assassination (and not terrorist), from pedagogical

engagement to agitation of the masses, from propaganda to the founding

of experimental communities, from insurrection to non-violence …

The hundred years lived by the Italian and international anarchist

movement of the Rimini Conference and of the Saint-Imier Congress to

today have imparted to us an invaluable patrimony of thought and

experience, an ethical-scientific patrimony unique in its coherence and

extension in the history of human emancipation. (This is not an

inheritance thanks to which one can live from the rent or profits, or,

worse, thanks to which one survives while eagerly exhausting it, but a

capital, forgive me the metaphor, to invest in action, in struggle, in

study).

The hundred years lived by the anarchist movement were a hundred years

of defeats, of bloody repression, of mistakes, but also, and above all,

a hundred years of exemplary confirmation of the capacity of anarchism,

with a series of extremely harsh tests before which it is already almost

a victory to have survived as a movement and as a system of thought.

If, essentially, anarchist social science and the anarchist project are

more than ever valid, they also most certainly display, in their

development, a poverty and a lag which penalise anarchism; something

which can only be overcome in thought and action. But without guilt

complexes, because the anarchist movement did what it could, immersed in

struggles and acting against repression, without means, without

professionals of political thought and without complexes of inferiority.

Despite all of the academics’ contempt (which is the contempt for or

fear of all that which is simple because it is true), that science and

that project reached the highest point ever attained, until today, by

the movement of human emancipation over the course of its millennial

history of efforts and failures, of attempts and defeats.

For all of this, and even though the anarchist movement is today fragile

and contradictory, still recuperating from a crisis that almost saw it

disappear from social struggles, and even though the anarchist movement

is today, in some of its characteristics, at the same time senile and

infantile, let us be anarchists and, damn it, proudly so.

[1] The Rimini Conference took place between the 4^(th) and 6^(th) of

August of 1872, with the presence of representatives from the 21

sections of the Italian Federation of the First International, dominated

by the anti-authoritarian current associated with the ideas of Bakunin.

[T.N.]

[2] “European Economic Community” is the former name of the current

European Union. [T.N.]