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Title: Propaganda By The Deed Author: Paul Brousse Date: August 1887 Language: en Topics: propaganda of the deed, insurrectionary anarchy, anarchist communism, insurrectionary Source: https://libcom.org/library/anarchism-documentary-history-libertarian-ideas-volume-1-2
OF WHAT DO THE MASSES CONSIST? Of peasants, workers, most of the time
toiling eleven and twelve hours per day. They make their way home worn
out from fatigue and have little inclination to read socialist pamphlets
or newspapers: they sleep, they go for a stroll or devote their evenings
to the family.
Well, what if there is a way of grabbing these people's attention, of
showing them what they cannot read, of teaching them socialism by means
of actions and making them see, feel. touch? When one resorts to that
line of reasoning one is on the trail that leads, beside theoretical
propaganda, to propaganda by the deed.
Propaganda by the deed is a mighty means of rousing the popular
consciousness. Let us take an example. Prior to the Paris Commune, who
in France was conversant with the principle of communal autonomy? No
one. Yet Proudhon had written magnificent books. Who read those books? A
handful of literati. But once the idea was brought out into the open
air, in the heart of the capital, onto the steps of the City Hall, when
it took on flesh and life, it shook the peasant in his cottage, the
worker at his fireside, and peasants and workers alike had to reflect on
this huge question mark posted in the public square. Now that idea made
inroads. In France, right around the world, for or against, everybody
has picked his side.
Once attention has been aroused, it needs to be given sustenance. So the
deed must contain at least one lesson.
Take for example the 18 March 1877 demonstration in Berne.
The Swiss bourgeoisie nurtures in the mind of the Swiss workingman a
prejudice that he enjoys every possible freedom. We never weary of
repeating to him: "No serious public freedom without economic equality.
And what is it that underpins inequality? The State!" The people has
little grasp of such abstractions; but offer it a tangible fa ct and it
gets the point. Show it the article in the constitution allowing him to
bring out the red flag, then bring out that flag: the State and the
police will attack him; defend him: crowds will show up for the ensuing
meeting; a few words of plain talk, and the people get the point. 18
March 1877 was a practical demonstration laid on for Swiss working folk
in the public square, that they do not, as they thought they did, enjoy
freedom.
Our friends from Benevento went one better. They did not bother to
demonstrate just one self-evident fa ct to the people. They took over
two small communes, and there, by burning the archives, they showed the
people how much respect they should have for property. They handed tax
monies back to the people and the weapons that had been confiscated from
them; in so doing they showed the people the sort of contempt they
should have for government. Is it not possible that the people said to
itself: "We should be a lot happier if what these good young fellows
want were some day to come to pass!" From that to helping them is but a
step and a step easily taken.
We could go further.
Just once take over a commune, introduce collective ownership there,
organize the trades bodies and production, district groups and
consumption; let the instruments of production be placed in the hands of
the workers, let the workers and their families move into salubrious
accommodation and the idlers be tossed into the streets; if attacked,
fight back, defend oneself, and if one loses, what matter? The idea will
have been launched, not on paper, not in a newspaper, not on a chart; no
longer will it be sculpted in marble, carved in stone nor cast in
bronze: having sprung to life, it will march, in flesh and blood, at the
head of the people.
And the people will salute it as it goes on its way.