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Title: Anarchism for Everyone
Author: Collective Action
Date: August 13, 2013
Language: en
Topics: talk, history, Anarchism
Source: Retrieved on March 11, 2021 from https://web.archive.org/web/20210311130714/[[http://www.collectiveaction.org.au/2013/08/13/melbourne-anarchist-bookfair-2013-anarchism-for-everyone-talk][www.collectiveaction.org.au]]/
Notes: By Kieran.

Collective Action

Anarchism for Everyone

The following are the remarks I had prepared for a panel discussion at

the 2013 Melbourne Anarchist Bookfair. What I ended up presenting varied

from what follows in a number of ways. I’ve included some additional

remarks and further information via footnotes and links[1].

All too often I have listened to a definition of anarchism that goes

like this: “the word anarchy comes from the ancient Greek an meaning not

or without, and arkos meaning ruler or rulers”.

This formulation is often followed by claims that anarchism traces its

origins as far back as ancient Greek philosophy, that it represents some

form of innate human desire for freedom, and that it encompasses all

philosophical, political or religious traditions that in some way

proposed humans could live “without rulers”[2].

The effect of this approach is to strip away the meaning and political

content of anarchism, reducing the anarchist tradition to what little a

hodgepodge of disconnected figures had in common[3].

As a definition of anarchism it is grossly incomplete, misleading, and

inaccurate.

Anarchism is a coherent and relatively modern political tradition that

combines a positive vision of a future libertarian socialist society

with a clear analysis of the state and capitalism, and a practice aimed

at overcoming these in order to achieve its vision.

By tradition I do not just mean a series of authors that I think sound

similar. Starting with Pierre Joseph Proudon, there is an identifiable

and traceable tradition of theorists, revolutionaries and organisations

that have developed ideas that were in turn utilised and further

developed by subsequent theorists, revolutionaries and organisations.

Proudon has been called the “father of Anarchism”, but that is probably

too narrow a description of his influence. The writings of Proudon were

critically appropriated by a whole generation of socialist

revolutionaries, including Karl Marx and Michael Bakunin. As I like to

put it, Marxism and anarchism are siblings of the same socialist family!

When the European socialist movement came together in the First

International in the 1860s, anarchists and Marxists, Bakunin and Marx,

shared a largely identical critique of capitalism, private property and

wage labour, as well as a revolutionary outlook. To this day both

anarchism and Marxism are socialist, anti-capitalist and revolutionary

in their aims.

Anarchism emerged as a separate political tradition as a result of the

contest in the First International over questions of the state, the

so-called dictatorship of the proletariat, the nature and role of a

revolutionary party, and the nature of working class self-emancipation.

Then as now, anarchists took the slogan “the emancipation of the working

classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves” quite

literally.

At the heart of anarchism is a vision of libertarian socialism. This

vision of socialism is fundamentally different from that of the

Bolsheviks and their modern acolytes.

The anarchist tradition prioritises human freedom, and in particular

freedom from all forms of domination by any other person or group. But

this conception of freedom is social rather than individualist. The

anarchist tradition argues that the greater the links of solidarity,

cooperation and mutual aid amongst all the toilers of the world, the

greater their ability to realise the material basis for human

fulfilment.

As such, anarchism utterly rejects the private property of capitalism.

Anarchism instead proposes collective ownership of the means of

production, subject to workers control. Decisions about the nature and

direction of work would be undertaken by those who toil.

In contrast to the central planning of the state socialists, anarchists

propose a system of decentralised planning, a network rather than a

command structure. There are debates within the anarchist tradition

about whether this system would have to be collectivist, or whether this

collectivism could form the basis of an anarchism-communism in which all

are provided for according to need[4]. However the long term

desirability of distribution according to need is not controversial in

the anarchist tradition.

This vision of libertarian socialism requires the destruction of

capitalism and the state. Anarchists understand that capitalism is

propelled to expand, and cannot simply coexist or voluntarily cease to

exist. The achievement of libertarian socialism requires a revolution, a

conclusion anarchists still share with Marxists[5].

Anarchism famously rejects the state, including the so-called workers

state of the Marxists, but this is not simply because anarchists despise

being ruled. Anarchism understands that a centralised state is utterly

incompatible with workers control, and that it has embedded in it are

interests of power, command and self-preservation that are utterly at

odds with the aims of libertarian socialism. Workers state or not, the

state IS a system of class domination and will through its control

re-create capitalism[6].

The anarchist tradition understands that the practice for achieving

libertarian socialism must be consistent the desired outcome if it is to

ever exist.

Oppression in all its forms must be overcome by the collective efforts

of the oppressed, or it will not be overcome. If our much desired

revolution involves empowering a minority to act on the behalf of the

majority, through a single party or a centralised state, it is that

party or state that will be in power at the end, not the toiling mass of

humanity.

[1] I did not pick the panel title “Anarchism for Everybody”, as Leigh K

was both correct and quick to point out in the discussion, anarchism is

not for everybody, it is certainly not for the bosses, the police, and

the fascists.

[2] See Kropotkin’s article on anarchism in the 1911 Encyclopedia

Britannica for the most famous example. Kropotkin and others attempted

to “legitimise” anarchism through these appeals to history, but the

disasterous effect of this approach has been a hundred years of

confusion about the content of anarchist politics.

[3] It is common amongst western anarchists, and also entirely false, to

include figures such as Godwin and Stirner in the anarchist tradition.

They did not identify as anarchist, their politics were not anarchist,

their ideas were not what influenced the later 19^(th) century

development of anarchism

[4] I should have defined these better. It is essentially a question of

the remuneration of work, to each according to labour, or to each

according to need? The progression from a workers collectivism to

anarchist communism is where, in my opinion, anarchists can answer the

questions of marxists about anarchism and the transitional process

[5] I reject the idea that Proudonian gradualism has any place in what

is now the anarchist tradition, any more than it has a place in

classical Marxism

[6] Recommended reading: Errico Malatesta, 1891, ‘Anarchy’