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Title: Preparing for Round Two Author: CrimethInc. Date: February 23, 2017 Language: en Topics: analysis, protest, resistance, Donald Trump, strategy, US Source: Retrieved on 22nd April 2021 from https://crimethinc.com/2017/02/23/preparing-for-round-two-coming-to-blows-with-the-trump-regime
We’ve reached the first plateau of the Trump era. Round one is over and
we’re still in the fight. With so much happening so fast, it can be hard
to step back and get enough perspective to keep ahead of events. Let’s
review the events of the past month and get a sense of where we are, so
we can strategize for what comes next.
The Trump era began with blockades and confrontational demonstrations in
Washington, DC and around the country. Footage of white nationalist
Richard Spencer being punched by a person in black bloc attire made
antifascists popular even with television stars, though the shooting of
a Seattle antifascist by a supporter of Milo Yiannopoulos ended the day
on an ominous note. The Women’s March the next day saw some of the
biggest crowds in protest history.
Here, at the outset, we encounter the fundamental tension between
quality and quantity that has marked all resistance to Trump. On the one
side, we see fierce and courageous rebels who are not numerous enough to
avoid being isolated and repressed; on the other, we see truly massive
numbers of people limited by their narrow tactical repertoire and naĂŻve
faith in existing institutions. Everyone invested in real social change
should recognize how important it is for these two social bodies to
cross-pollinate.
Unfazed by this one-two punch, Trump presented a string of executive
orders aimed at forcing through the Dakota Access Pipeline, stepping up
deportations, and banning people from seven countries—essentially
declaring war on the part of the US population that opposed his
Presidency. This was a make-or-break moment, and people rose to it,
shutting down airports around the country the weekend of January 28–29.
These blockades were complemented by a taxi strike and demonstrations in
several major cities.
“We will repel bullies. We will shelter freaks and outcasts; those who
have no home. We will get past the lies. We will hunt monsters… And when
we are lost amidst the hypocrisy and casual violence of certain
individuals and institutions… we will… punch some people in the face
when they seek to destroy the weak and the disenfranchised and the
marginalized. And we will do it all with soul, with heart, and with
joy.” -David K. Harbour
Three days later, courageous demonstrators shut down Milo’s speaking
event at the University of California at Berkeley. Anarchists saw this
as a victory for direct action, while liberals wrung their hands and
Milo’s fans congratulated themselves that the “tolerant left” were
falling into a trap, discrediting themselves. Trump himself took notice
with a series of tweets about “professional anarchists” and “violence,”
while the New York Times dedicated a front-page article to the spread of
anarchist anti-fascism.
In this context of escalation, the stakes are double or nothing: either
direct action tactics will spread to the population at large, enabling
all the different demographics targeted by the government to defend
themselves, or they will remain confined to a small minority that the
authorities can use as an excuse to crack down on everyone. Standing
aside “peacefully” in hopes of being left alone is no longer an option.
After these first two tempestuous weeks, concluding with the Bodega
strike of February 2, the pace and scale of street protests subsided a
bit as the spotlight shifted to the halls of power—where real fractures
within the ruling class were appearing. February has seen much of the
corporate media turn decisively against the Trump administration,
evidence of rebellion within the White House, turmoil on the National
Security Council as Michael Flynn was forced to resign in disgrace and
Trump’s first choice to replace him refused the job, and the definitive
judicial defeat of the first version of the Muslim Ban.
Doubtless, much of this was galvanized by the grassroots resistance of
the first two weeks. By showing that the US will be ungovernable under
Trump, demonstrators made it impossible for bureaucrats and pundits to
line up behind the President for the sake of preserving order.
These divisions now extend all the way into Trump’s party. Milo’s sordid
demise on February 20–21 illustrates this adequately enough. The
Republican Party that swept into power behind Trump was based on a
tenuous alliance between traditional conservatives and a new generation
of nationalistic racists like Milo. Milo sold himself to white
nationalists and authoritarians on the basis of his status as a (barely)
oppressed person willing to speak in favor of oppression; like so many
others who have struck that Faustian deal, he learned the hard way that
he was not the one calling the shots. While he is implicated in his own
downfall, it was anarchists who forced the issue, compelling Trump and
the Conservative Political Action Conference to embrace and then
repudiate him.
Without spokespeople like Milo, the Republican Party will lose
everything that gave it a modern edge. And although Milo and other
stooges of Steve Bannon doubtless hope that their explicitly racist
nationalism will be the successor to Trump’s populism, allegations of
promoting pedophilia do not make a good point of departure for a new
far-right party.
In short, a burst of grassroots resistance at the opening of Trump’s
term has helped to discredit his Presidency and split his support base.
This is the context in which Trump and his cronies are seeking to take
his message back to the streets, starting with the rally in Florida and
hoping to continue with events around the country on March 4. They
desperately need to mobilize street-level support in order to rally
Republican politicians to remain loyal to them and to build the
grassroots momentum necessary to implement their fascistic agenda.
Although the resistance has made a good showing thus far, it is still
entirely possible that Trump and his cronies will succeed in pulling off
their plan. Escalating ICE raids around the country attest to the danger
threatening millions. As this goes to press, Standing Rock is being
evicted, showing that apparent victories under Obama were really just
temporary compromises. The following months will be decisive in
determining whether Trump can consolidate power behind a new form of
fascism, or whether ungovernable social movements will make this
impossible.
In this situation, there are three basic errors we should avoid.
We must not become immobilized watching the spectacle of resistance to
Trump as it plays out in the courts and Washington, DC. The strength of
the institutional pushback against Trump is a direct factor of
grassroots mobilization and resistance. If Trump is removed from office
by institutional means, he will only be replaced by a politician who
will likely implement versions of the same agenda—just as Obama already
escalated deportation and surveillance. Even if he fails to establish
autocracy in the United States, Trump’s role will be to reestablish the
legitimacy of the corporate media, moderate Republicans, Silicon Valley,
and the Democratic Party—all the adversaries we were fighting before he
made them seem ethical by comparison. For now, some Democrats and media
outlets appear sympathetic to us, but their standard strategy in a
situation like this is to use us as shock troops to obtain a little
leverage over the authorities, then sell us out in return for a seat at
the table.
We must not make the same error as Milo, mistaking media exposure for
power. Notoriety can help us when it enables us to make contact with new
people or to spread our ideas and tactics in meaningful ways. But if we
receive too much media coverage, more quickly than we can translate it
into added organizational strength on the ground, it will only position
the authorities to go after us with everything they’ve got. Remember the
lesson of the SHAC campaign, which seemed to be making tremendous
headway against an animal testing corporation by building up a fearsome
reputation—until the government took advantage of this reputation to
stomp it out. There are no shortcuts to doing the work of grassroots
organizing, certainly not through corporate media.
We probably won’t be able to avoid open conflict with Trump’s civilian
supporters, but we should not let it distract us from taking on the
government directly. If the Trump administration fails to fulfill its
promises, many of those who currently support it may reconsider their
position—the last thing we want to do is force them to entrench
themselves in their current position. We have to find ways to take the
offensive against the authorities while defending ourselves against
rearguard attacks from freelance nationalists.
Above all, we need to pass on all the knowledge we have accumulated over
the past two decades of anarchist activity to a new generation of
demonstrators—and quick. We are but a small part of the huge social body
that is prepared to enter into struggle now, but that struggle may never
get off the ground unless we share what we know with others. Never
before have so many people been open to anarchist ideas and tactics, but
this window will not last long. Expanding our ranks is the only way to
survive the waves of repression that wait ahead. Let’s go into round two
with more numbers and more strength.