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Title: Neither Victims Nor Executioners
Author: Albert Camus
Language: en
Topics: alienation, war
Source: Retrieved on February 2, 2011 from http://j12.org/spunk/library/writers/camus/sp001174.txt

Albert Camus

Neither Victims Nor Executioners

November 30, 1946 Toward Dialogue

Yes, we must raise our voices. Up to this point, I have refrained from

appealing to emotion. We are being torn apart by a logic of history

which we have elaborated in every detail — a net which threatens to

strangle us. It is not emotion which can cut through the web of a logic

which has gone to irrational lengths, but only reason which can meet

logic on its own ground. But I should not want to leave the

impression... that any program for the future can get along without our

powers of love and indignation. I am well aware that it takes a powerful

prime mover to get men into motion and that it is hard to throw one’s

self into a struggle whose objectives are so modest and where hope has

only a rational basis — and hardly even that. But the problem is not how

to carry men away; it is essential, on the contrary, that they not be

carried away but rather that they be made to understand clearly what

they are doing.

To save what can be saved so as to open up some kind of future — that is

the prime mover, the passion and the sacrifice that is required. It

demands only that we reflect and then decide, clearly, whether

humanity’s lot must be made still more miserable in order to achieve

far-off and shadowy ends, whether we should accept a world bristling

with arms where brother kills brother; or whether, on the contrary, we

should avoid bloodshed and misery as much as possible so that we give a

chance for survival to later generations better equipped than we are.

For my part, I am fairly sure that I have made the choice. And, having

chosen, I think that I must speak out, that I must state that I will

never again be one of those, whoever they be, who compromise with

murder, and that I must take the consequences of such a decision. The

thing is done, and that is as far as I can go at present.... However, I

want to make clear the spirit in which this article is written.

We are asked to love or to hate such and such a country and such and

such a people. But some of us feel too strongly our common humanity to

make such a choice. Those who really love the Russian people, in

gratitude for what they have never ceased to be — that world leaven

which Tolstoy and Gorky speak of — do not wish for them success in power

politics, but rather want to spare them, after the ordeals of the past,

a new and even more terrible bloodletting. So, too, with the American

people, and with the peoples of unhappy Europe. This is the kind of

elementary truth we are likely to forget amidst the furious passions of

our time.

Yes, it is fear and silence and the spiritual isolation they cause that

must be fought today. And it is sociability and the universal

intercommunication of men that must be defended. Slavery, injustice, and

lies destroy this intercourse and forbid this sociability; and so we

must reject them. But these evils are today the very stuff of history,

so that many consider them necessary evils. It is true that we cannot

“escape history,” since we are in it up to our necks. But one may

propose to fight within history to preserve from history that part of

man which is not its proper province. That is all I have to say here.

The “point” of this article may be summed up as follows:

Modern nations are driven by powerful forces along the roads of power

and domination. I will not say that these forces should be furthered or

that they should be obstructed. They hardly need our help and, for the

moment, they laugh at attempts to hinder them. They will, then,

continue. But I will ask only this simple question: What if these forces

wind up in a dead end, what if that logic of history on which so many

now rely turns out to be a will o’ the wisp? What if, despite two or

three world wars, despite the sacrifice of several generations and a

whole system of values, our grandchildren — supposing they survive —

find themselves no closer to a world society? It may well be that the

survivors of such an experience will be too weak to understand their own

sufferings. Since these forces are working themselves out and since it

is inevitable that they continue to do so,there is no reason why some of

us should not take on the job of keeping alive, through the apocalyptic

historical vista that stretches before us, a modest thoughtfulness

which, without pretending to solve everything, will constantly be

prepared to give some human meaning to everyday life. The essential

thing is that people should carefully weight the price they must pay....

All I ask is that, in the midst of a murderous world, we agree to

reflect on murder and to make a choice. After that, we can distinguish

those who accept the consequences of being murderers themselves or the

accomplices of murderers, and those who refuse to do so with all their

force and being. Since this terrible dividing line does actually exist,

it will be a gain if it be clearly marked. Over the expanse of five

continents throughout the coming years an endless strugle is going to be

pursued between violence and friendly persuasion, a struggle in which,

granted, the former has a thousand times the chances of success than

that of the latter. But I have always held that, if he who bases his

hopes on human nature is a fool, he who gives up in the face of

circumstances is a coward. And henceforth, the only honorable course

will be to stake everything on a formidable gamble: that words are more

powerful than munitions.