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Title: Denial networks Author: Datacide Date: 2008 Language: en Topics: 9/11, conspiracy Source: Retrieved on 11th September 2021 from https://libcom.org/library/denial-networks-crisis-continuity-911-truth-movement Notes: This is a text produced for Datacide 10 late in 2007. Full contents of Datacide 10 are here: http://datacide.wordpress.com/2008/11/02/datacide-10-out-now/
How is it possible that increasingly elaborate conspiracy explanations
for the events of September 11^(th) 2001 continue to find appeal amongst
a growing population of otherwise rational people, despite the dayâs
events being witnessed by millions and despite these theories being
consistently debunked and embarrassed? Why are so many still convinced
that the perpetrators of 9/11 were innocent of their greatest
accomplishment: the mass murder of thousands for the sake of spectacular
Jihad against the west? Why would the partisans of these theories repeat
claims long proven false, even at the cost of their own reputations?
We would fail to answer any of these questions by investigating the
claims of the theorists themselves. Almost all conspirationist claims
have been analyzed and debunked point by point; not by the American
government (the nefarious backer of the so-called âofficial storyâ), but
by thousands of skeptics worldwide from a variety of backgrounds
including structural engineers and demolition professionals (see the end
for resources which debunk these theories). This collective debunking
effort has on the one hand had a large impact in terms of gathering
information that details the events of that day and exposes the truly
flimsy logic and âempirical evidenceâ held up by the conspiracy
partisans. And yet the emergence of comprehensive debunking has had
little to no impact on the Baptist-style evangelism of the core 9/11
truth movement, whose proponents not only continue to propagandize the
most obviously disproven âcontradictionsâ from the initial period of
9/11 conspiracy theory (such as the American air defense program NORAD
standing down to allow the attacks to happen, the âexistence of missile
silos at the Pentagonâ which should have shot down the plane in
Washington, some hijackers still being alive in the Middle East, and
much more), they also maintain a multitude of more or less obscurantist
facts to dredge up and quibble over when any of their central claims are
exposed as logically implausible, or outright lies.
This is a useful strategy when the facts are not in your favor. These
self-described truthers, proponents of theories that September 11^(th)
was carried out by government forces, tend to pack the field with so
much incomprehensible counter-information during arguments that the
logical, material and scientific evidence which would sway a passive
listener (what Holocaust scholar Deborah Lipstadt would call the
preponderance of evidence) is drowned out by the quick succession of
seemingly related facts. Similar to their viral videos on the Internet,
arguments with truthers usually involve suspending disbelief regarding
gaping logical inconsistencies in their assertions in order to sort
through a mountain of more or less obscurantist âunanswered questionsâ.
The unanswered questions themselves are only âunansweredâ after being
removed from their factual and logical contexts, which one could use to
determine if they had sinister implications or not. The more the better,
since the rising pile of deceptive âcoincidencesâ creates the basis for
imagining even more.
Even when main supports for the conspirationist line of argument are
destroyed in the process of debunking (much like passenger jets flying
straight into the support columns of the World Trade Centers), truthers
tend to hold out for victory by exhaustion or time-out; although they
may sense that the collapse is not far off. Fearing that these main
supports for their arguments are weak, i.e. a consistent motivation for
the conspirators, their material ability to pull the attacks off and
their ability to keep thousands of people who might know something
completely silent, the truthers hold their head above water with
constant revision, backtracking, and the mobilization of hundreds of
more or less obscurantist 9/11-related factoids; see for instance the
three versions of flagship truth movement series Loose Change. Even the
latest installment of this series, the Final Cut still clings to claims
disproven at standard debunking resources.
If a movement which claims to stand for exposing the truth does not
continually critique itself and its theories, then what âtruthâ could it
possibly stand for? If it cannot construct a counter-theory that is
remotely plausible, even an extremely hypothetical one, why would it
continue its activity?
What we will find is that quite remarkably, the âtruthâ movementâs
embrace of its own contradictions is the only thing that can keep it in
motion given that its very modus operandi provokes a deep internal
crisis. This crisis is not for lack of interest. Truthers are correct in
claiming an embrace of 9/11 conspiracy theory on a significant scale,
for instance a September 2008 WorldPublicOpinion poll across several
countries found that âon average, 46 percent of those surveyed said al
Qaeda was responsible (for the September 11^(th) attacks), 15 percent
said the U.S. government, 7 percent said Israel and 7 percent said some
other perpetrator. One in four people said they did not know who was
behind the attacks.â These numbers are certainly a testament to the
vacuum of knowledge that the lying American government has made
inevitable in the past seven years. Still, the so-called âtruth
movementâ itself is suffering from a dearth of attention despite the
wide-scale denial that the 19 hijackers affiliated with Al Qaeda were
responsible for the attack. Recent revisionist history projects such as
âthe Shell Gameâ, a novel expounding 9/11 conspiracy theory, and Loose
Change: Final Cut, whose creators promised a major theatrical release,
have failed quite notoriously to penetrate the mainstream in the ways
they had promised. Truther conferences and meet-ups are sparsely
attended, flagship web pages see their traffic falling precipitously,
and this summer when truth movement superstar Alex Jones took his
bullhorn down to a Barack Obama rally at the DNC, he was roundly mocked
and physically confronted by the audience before having his bullhorn
cord cut.
The contradiction, that the conspirational explanations for 9/11 enjoy a
certain popularity on the level of popular consciousness, but that the
core propagandists who have helped shift responsibility from the
Islamists are more and more ignored is intrinsic to âtruth creationâ,
the productive core of the truth movement, which constructs its
interpretation of reality and its relation to others. Despite some vain
posturing, this paranoid reality tends to fulfill its own prophecy: that
the state of affairs could never be changed.
---
Producing a âtruthâ fitting oneâs preconceived notions is hard work:
history must be appropriated as a malleable form (a raw material) from
which historical contexts and logical implications are stripped away so
that the newly bare data can be given a specific interpretation. For the
conspirationists and their readers, this interpretation has to avoid a
whole third dimension of history in which the motive force of history
originates not exclusively in the political superstructure, but with the
mode of production that drives and shapes the actions of human society.
Truthers tend to position the asymmetric conflict between fundamentalist
militias and would-be superpowers as the handiwork of powerful cabals,
bankers, secret societies and militaries, organizations which supposedly
determine everything. Presented with such a scenario, we as listeners,
as potential sympathizers, find no sort of imminent subjectivity for us
to confront these phenomena. Their significance is after all anchored in
a political sphere divorced from the everyday life we experience in
capitalism: production, circulation and reproduction for the sake of the
capitalist economy. Instead of imagining how the events of September
11^(th) bear on our individual and collective activity in capitalist
society, the truthers invite us to find the âreal criminalsâ and enter
into a forensic examination of their crimes.
To interpret September 11^(th) and other major catastrophes (like the
July 7^(th) 2005 bombings in London and the Iraqi civil war), truthers
tend to elevate certain portions of existing information as definitive
above the broader contexts that surround it, orienting particular facts
into a new package. Take for instance the conspirationist claim that
sulfur content detected in the wreckage of the twin towers meant that
thermite, an incendiary, was used in a controlled demolition of the
towers. In fact, the considerable sulfur residue found by investigators
is just as attributable to the preponderance of drywall built into both
towers, which contained significant amounts of sulfur. Since the average
person is ignorant of this, it becomes a talking point, despite
contradicting basic knowledge about the buildingsâ collapse sites.
Conspirationists want to attract attention by using information that has
been cut up to sound scandalous and terrible, despite the actual
explanation being entirely mundane. Often, the newly re-related facts
are deceptively phrased as âunanswered questionsâ to dodge immediate
logical contradictions about their larger contexts. The new commodity is
controversial: it asks the questions that havenât been asked, or are
simply frowned upon by unpopular leaders. Yet even as a question these
claims are delicate, most incapable of surviving an empirical
investigation, let alone logical deduction.
Consider âFind the Boeingâ, the original truther flash movie/website
which invited the reader to believe that American Airlines flight 77 had
not actually hit the Pentagon.[1] The site was created by France-based
writer Thierry Meyssan (founding member of the so-called âAxis for
Peaceâ), whose book ironically titled The Big Lie popularized
allegations of a faked Pentagon attack and has been translated into 28
languages. His photo series cherry picks visuals of the exterior wall of
the Pentagon after American Airlines flight 77 had impacted and asks the
viewer leading questions like: âCan you find debris of a Boeing 757â200
in this photograph?â or âCan you explain why the Defence Secretary
deemed it necessary to sand over the lawn, which was otherwise undamaged
after the attack?â (respectively: no, most of the debris was inside the
building, and trucks and vehicles which would haul this debris out of
the building had to have something to drive on). The goal is to provoke
doubt and allude to conclusions but at the same time avoid commitment.
Meyssan wants to state what he thinks, he wants to say what is taboo,
but he refuses the accountability of a definitive statement to let you
mouth conclusions that are his own. Thierry Meyssan is just asking
questions.[2]
The âinquiryâ only succeeds in its limited capacity by sealing off the
crime scene, by capturing it in two dimensions outside of the logical
inconsistencies which would invalidate it. Inconsistencies like: why
would the government fake an attack on the Pentagon in the first place?
If the World Trade Center attacks were âinside jobsâ, why go to the
trouble of taking the passengers out somewhere in favor of a missile?
What would a missile add to anything? What happened to American Airlines
flight 77 and its passengers..? Since Meyssan only presents images that
tend towards the conspiratorial explanation, many viewers at the time
assumed that these were the only pictures that exist of the crash scene
(of course they are not).[3] But the contradictions in logic and
evidence did not hinder the appeal of the page; in fact Find the Boeing
has enjoyed millions of hits. The âdocumentaryâ Loose Change followed,
as well as a bevy of other September 11^(th) conspirationist movies and
books.
Similar to a card game hustle on the street, one way conspirationists
manage to sell their theories is by appealing to the absolute authority
of oneâs own senses. Take this conversation between a skeptic and a
conspiracy theorist in 2007 at Ground Zero, where the WTC towers once
stood:[4]
âSo, you wanna know why the towers collapsed, and why World Trade Center
7 came down. How many structural engineers have you contacted to find
out this information?â
âNo no no. Look I can tell you that Iâve read books, Iâve watched
videos, Iâve listened to mp3s, Iâve read a lot of articles, Iâve done as
much research as I possibly can, for myself using my brain, my heart and
my common sense.â
Truthers appeal to their viewersâ sense of imminent rationality,
claiming that no event is explicable beyond someoneâs concrete ability
to perceive it. In the two-dimensional world of video analysis and
âunanswered questionsâ, the audience is invited to find their
subjectivity as impartial judges of events that pass before them.
Certainly this goes beyond September 11^(th). Any act of political
violence is fair game for being a âfalse flag operationâ with enough
imagination and cut-up Internet âresearchâ. All it takes to negate the
Islamist massacres of 9/11, the Bali bombings, the sectarian civil war
in Iraq and more is shoddy âvideo analysisâ and hand-waving about
undetectable intelligence agencies conspiring to achieve the aims of
their governments. Multifaceted conflicts with a material class and
social reality are wished away with the same perverse pleasure that
children take in telling their friends that Santa Claus does not exist.
Believers find themselves in a vague limbo where no action can be
attributed as the satisfied work of fundamentalists, and society is
dominated by a pitiless ruling class, capable of killing anyone and
getting away with anything. This is an interpretation of reality that is
much more stable than actually existing class society, in which ruling
classes really have to struggle to retain legitimacy vis-Ă -vis the
working classes due to the miserable dispossession inevitable to
capitalism. Conflict is relativized to the perceptions of the conspiracy
theorist: in his world there is only the super-state and its duped
subjects. Any world event is appropriated as evidence of what is already
assumed. In this way, truthers can avoid traumatic encounters with the
wider context of logic and evidence around a particular event and
preserve their world view.
Many believed what they wanted to believe: that the Islamic
fundamentalists, who were not real prior to September 11^(th) and only
faintly so afterwards, didnât have to be real after all. The martyr
ideology didnât have to be comprehended and so what about their
motivations; these fundamentalist phantoms were only illusions, or
puppets hiding the real perpetrators. Inside job theories came to be the
easiest way out for the average person wanting to escape the new reality
where America had invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. The Jihadist attacks
which started it all were just a bad trip.
The reasoning behind September 11^(th) truth conspiracy requires a
closed, two-dimensional world, in which the concept of contingency, i.e.
that uncertainty is inevitable in any still system, does not enter into
play. Truthers refuse to accept the convergence of security
vulnerabilities and Jihadist intent which constitute the random element
of the September 11^(th) events, instead insisting on finding
connections among the various âcoincidencesâ.
In their movie, all characters are targets for the audienceâs suspicion,
no object is throwaway and any coincidence necessarily hints at the
binds which hold the leviathan conspiracy together. Truthers have worked
hard to conceptualize September 11^(th) in this light, as a closed
event, as a soap opera. Everyone involved is a suspect, from the group
Project for a New American Century to the firefighters at the World
Trade Center 7. Nothing is off limits; even the desperate final phone
calls of Flight 93 passengers to their families are pitilessly depicted
as âhoaxesâ in order to edge out any doubt that âeverythingâs connected
man.â This still world; this air-conditioned theater has been emptied of
the random chaos of reality. It exists solely to provide what the peace
movement couldnât: the comforting illusion that the Americans who did
not act against the security and imperialist state after 2001 were
merely duped.
---
The truth only needs to be disseminated to change the whole scenario,
this is the conclusion which drives the baptist style activism of the
conspirationists.
Take for instance the We Are Change organization, whose members take
pride in their surreal Maoist-esque confrontations and denunciations of
supposed âcollaboratorsâ such as Larry Silverstein (the owner of World
Trade Center 7), Lee Hamilton (vice-chairman of the 9/11 commission) and
many others. We Are Change activists make it a point to go to public
speeches to heckle and deride their target from the auditorium, or try
to catch them off guard with a random bit of September 11^(th) trivia
which causes the target to stumble. This is all captured on video and
uploaded to the web.
What could appear to be a confrontation against the powerful, or brave
men shattering the passivity of the audience is anything but. When he
rises from his seat for this brave confrontation, the denouncer knows
that were the âconspiratorâ truly capable of organizing an international
plot to engineer the September 11^(th) attacks, they would also be
capable of making the denouncer disappear with no questions asked.
However, this is the very contradiction that ensures the reproduction of
the truth movement. The âheroicâ act is just as necessary as the
paranoiac propagandizing about an all powerful state. In finding their
concrete target for denunciation, truthers openly acknowledge the
falsehood of their own âtheoryâ in their own actions. However what would
otherwise be a painful admission of flawed thinking is ironically what
sells it. A semblance of activity in public is all it takes to lend
legitimacy to the dream factories online. Thereâs no real desire for
debate here. Most public âtruthâ performance is oriented towards the
listener and need only be long enough to shout out a website or
reference an Internet movie to keep the game moving.
If pressed, they are âjust asking questionsâ. Pretending that they do
not already have foregone conclusions and are mere âtruth seekersâ is
after all what has kept truthers marching in anti-war demonstrations and
allowed them a broad, if temporary, Internet audience. Still, the
truthers encounter another contradiction in that people quickly lose
patience with those constantly âasking questionsâ to the wrong people:
namely not structural engineers and demolition professionals. A more
aggressive posture is needed, even if it contradicts the claims of
innocent inquiry. Thus at every truther rally we can hear the
self-assured chant that â9/11 was an inside job! 9/11 was an inside
job!â This combination of fake skeptical inquiry with the joyous
certainty of their pornographic accusation keeps the truth movement
controversial even while adding to the stack of visible and laughable
contradictions within the milieu. But enough appeal is generated to
recruit the participants needed for its network experiment with
historical revision.
---
Anyone could be a producer, anyone could be a transmitter. For this
reason September 11^(th) conspiracy theories experienced a widespread
popularity. Free and accessible to anyone with a decent Internet
connection, the truth movement has even been described by some as an
anti-authoritarian network. Perhaps it has no central authority beyond
the token experts which produce its analysis, but there is certainly
what we may call a production structure here, one which relies on a
simulacra of classic capitalist production: âtruthsâ are created with a
value created via collective labor, but this truth will lose its value
if it is not circulated. No listeners, no network. Similarly, the
hodgepodge of theories around the movement which roughly divide into
speculation about the two WTC towers, WTC 7, the Pentagon, Flight 93,
hijackers and Al Qaeda are capable of existing simultaneously
independent of each other as particular accusations and then coming
together as âthe overwhelming evidenceâ often cited by conspirationists
to recruit the unprepared. If one theory fails, another is there to take
its place, not dissimilar to a capitalist division of labor.
Truthers would probably explain their own evangelism with the idea of
broadening the network of âtruth-seekersâ to carry on the forensic
battle, perhaps even recruiting in the crass sense. But actually the
need to recruit at all costs stems from the vulnerability of their
theory to source and fact checking. This in turn leads them to feign
legitimacy in science and forensics long enough to attract those already
ideologically predisposed to their belief system. Here truthers avoid
staking ground in any particular configuration of facts, nor producing a
coherent theory compatible with the existing eyewitness testimony, the
physical evidence and the reports of engineering organizations like that
of NIST (National Institute of Standards and Technology). Instead, the
truth movement wins what credibility they have by distributing their
distortions as far as possible and creating a false consensus, by
remaining in motion and asking the same answered âunansweredâ questions
to people who simply havenât heard them. This way, whenever a skeptic
thoroughly disproves certain claims (for example, that the phone calls
of passengers to their families were somehow faked via voice-morphing
technology) and the value of these âunanswered questionsâ is openly put
into question, the speculation survives because it can be shifted
elsewhere and taken up by others, somewhere else, who see some
rhetorical value in the memorization of conspirationist arguments and
now possess a thousand obscure factoids with which to unleash upon their
peers.
Born during the Internet streaming and downloadable video boom as well
as the explosion of blog-related media, these theories took a viral
form. This allowed even the most routinely debunked claims to survive
major debunkings thanks to network spread, since debates surrounding the
hard facts and core of the theories were not distributed in any
proportion to the claims themselves. Almost like a torrent or a file
sharing structure, as long as the films (Loose Change, 9/11 mysteries,
Zero etc.), manifestos, blog entries and so on survived, so did the
theory, because they could be re-transmitted to find new life with new
people. The core of initial conspiracy theorists whose âresearchâ laid
down the tracks for the flagship allegations set up shop at the center
of a productive and distributive network which, once started, required
only a minimum of input from âresearchersâ due to the sheer popularity
of the conspiracy itself which was rooted in the political appeal of
negating the Al-Qaeda network, and in turn seven years of war. As long
as the âpeersâ are active in spreading and half-heartedly defending the
half-baked theories of the âseedsâ, the truth commodities remain in
circulation. For their part, the more committed conspirationists at the
center like radio show host Alex Jones and the writer David Ray Griffin,
have multiplied their propaganda and demagoguery into small media
empires, staking real monetary interests in keeping the game moving.[5]
To keep information rotating and themselves in the public eye, truthers
deploy a wide variety of methods, anything from: Internet video, blogs,
âboostingâ sites on search engines, spam relay machines, masking âtruthâ
movies as hot search items on Youtube and Google video, preaching 9/11
truth over Wal-mart intercoms (!) and even urging their readers to
âTrick or Truthâ last Halloween (perhaps setting a record for sheer
asininity!). Like any pyramid scheme, the larger the pool of
participants and their perceived activity, the larger the pool of
perceived value; for the conspirators, the more hits on their Youtube
videos, the more people are behind them, the more their own
participation seems to acquire a deep meaning and even a messianic
importance.
Indeed, there seems to be no humiliation and no thorough debunking from
which the partisans of September 11^(th) denial cannot recover. While
certain deniers, such as the âLoose Changeâ crew of Dylan Avery, Jason
Bermas and friends have seen their stars decline due to boorish
ineptitude and plain-faced lies that thankfully did not go unnoticed, it
is true that a more general feeling that â9/11 was an inside jobâ is on
the rise. In this sense, the September 11^(th) attacks approach a sort
of urban legend status. Nowhere is this more true than in countries
without access to information that would contest these claims. There,
even ideas openly derided by veteran conspirationists, for example that
no plane hit the Pentagon, are picked up and run with by those looking
to focus popular resentment against America into political gain, or
publishers working on the profit motive and willing to overlook the
plausibility of these claims. Case in point, Yukihisa Fujita, a Japanese
Diet member from the opposition Democratic Party of Japan recently
caused a great stir when he argued against permitting the Japanese Self
Defense Force to provide fuel for the NATO mission in Afghanistan by
citing âevidenceâ that 9/11 was possibly an inside job. Using visuals
hardly more sophisticated than Google and Youtube movies, Fujita cast
doubt on whether a 757 really hit the Pentagon, described the collapse
of World Trade Center 7 as âstrangeâ and speculated on stock deals right
before the attack. For his performance, he received adulations from
other diet members and of course from conspirationists all over the
world. Fujita is only exceptional in being one of the first politicians
to raise the lukewarm conspirationist points into an institution of
government. Previously of course these theories had mostly appeared in
organs of reaction like Al Manar, the American Free Press, the Tehran
Times etc., meeting with little controversy in traditionally
anti-American areas. Fujitaâs example shows the potential for how these
theories can be used in helping ruling class factions politically shift
away from the American superpower.
---
It is not only the deceptive nature of truth production and circulation
within the movement that have come to define it. Many of the activists
who have helped shape â9/11 truthâ are partisans of the fascist right,
veterans of manipulating information and history. We can see their
contributions in many of the obsessions of the âtruth movementâ. For
instance the accusations that Jewish financier Larry Silverstein blew up
an entire building to destroy documents a paper shredder would have made
short work of, the suspicion that a van full of celebrating Israelis
were orchestrators of the attacks as well as the crude anti-Zionism and
anti-semitism of sites like Whatreallyhappened, Rense.com and
Antiwar.com.[6]
Certainly a hard core of conspirationists had existed in nuclei in
variously libertarian, gun-clutching, anti-semitic and white supremacist
guises before the events of 9/11, cutting their teeth on conspiracy
theories surrounding the Oklahoma City bombings. Although there is a
more acceptable face on the 9/11 theories now in the person of
scientists, professors and right-wing politicians, it remains true that
the hard right put in a lot of leg work to deny the role of the 19
hijackers.[7] People like Christopher Bollyn, Eric Williams, Eric
Hufschmid and Carol A. Valentine as well as the American Free Press as a
publication were all instrumental to developing the initial crop of 9/11
conspiracy theories. All of them are vocal holocaust deniers and
obsessive anti-Zionists. Thanks to their work, core 9/11 conspiracy
theory beliefs such as: the basement bombs theory, Mossad involvement,
the shoot-down of flight 93, remote controlled planes, the Bin Laden
video hoax, doubts about hijacker Hani Hanjourâs piloting skills and
many claims of evidence fakery etc. were popularized on blogs and around
the Internet.[8] Holocaust deniers have been active participants in the
âtruthâ movement since its genesis, and today it is no surprise that
many white supremacist and Islamist groups promote theories that center
around Jewish or Israeli involvement in the attacks.
Take for instance the case of former peace activist and founder of
âCitizens for 9/11 Truthâ, Steve Campbell. Over local public access
television in Aspen, Colorado, Campbell broadcast standard 9/11
conspiracy theory that eventually moved into holocaust denial and
anti-Semitic screeds.[9] Although the grassroots community access
channel looked the other way when Campbell aired films about âZionistsâ
planning 9/11, it was only when his connections with Neo-Nazis,
including the National Alliance, came to light that the channelâs
executive board debated whether his show should be taken off the air.
Defending himself, Campbell claimed that âI think thereâs a lot of
preconceived ideas that have been indoctrinated into peopleâs minds as
to what the Holocaust is all about. Showing the film would give people
an opportunity to decide for themselves.â Campbellâs show was taken off
the air, but his defense illustrates the scandalous logic of the 9/11
truth movement taken to its most obvious conclusion: history is a
laissez-faire market, a perfectly flat venue of ideas that are all
equally plausible. We can all buy into the fantasies we prefer and
âdecide for ourselves.â
No matter their relation to the movement now (many have been pushed to
the fringes), for this wing of the movement and for Steve Campbell, it
was an important foray into the public. Their way of thinking â paranoid
anti-Semitism â was preserved in structure and spread to hundreds of
thousands of people worldwide.
Professor of theology David Griffin has been one of the more influential
authors churning the truth cash machine, putting out several books on
September 11^(th) âunanswered questionsâ including The New Pearl Harbor.
This book is enough of a flagship to have helped him create a cottage
industry of paid lectures and book writing (seven since 2004), despite
being repeatedly embarrassed for his outrageous claims that cell phone
calls from hijacked victims to their families were faked.[10] Griffin
cannot seem to put an article or book out which does not include quotes
or attributions to holocaust denier Christopher Bollyn, the anti-semitic
rense.com, the American Free Press, World Net Daily or other reactionary
right-wing journals. Mainly Griffinâs dependence on these sources is due
to the fact that these people pioneered the conspiracy âresearchâ to
begin with and there are often simply no other sources around! This
August, Griffin brought the âtruthâ to Tennesee-based âthe Political
Cesspoolâ, an avowedly âpro-whiteâ radio show.
In terms of sheer reaction, Alex Jones is perhaps the best example of a
propagandist who combines ârealâ American nationalism, anti-immigrant
sentiment and anti-communism with 9/11 truth activism. The catch-all
conspirationist and populist radio host believes among other things that
the world government (run by bankers) is ready to kill 80% of humanity
to save on oil and that âglobalismâ is a tool of the global elite to
break down the nation state.[11] Outside of his fiery propaganda
speeches against the new world order which resemble the ranting of
professional wrestlers, Jones directs much of his ire at immigrants, in
one video accusing Latino high school groups in the United States of
âopenly planning to kill all white males over the age of 16.â[12] There
is also Kevin Barrett, former professor of Islamic history and rather
vocal âtrutherâ, who is published in the questionable âJournal of 9/11
studiesâ and describes himself as a âScholar for 9/11 truthâ. Barrett
has described the Iraq war as a âNazi-style war of aggressionâ waged by
the US and Zionists against the Iraqi people, actively apologizes for
both Hezbollah and Hamas in their war on Israel and made sure to stand
up for holocaust deniers when their attendance was threatened at an
Arizona âtruthâ conference in early 2007.
With this elite group of originators and propagandists, it is no shock
that figureheads of anti-enlightenment reaction such as Malaysian Prime
Minister Mahathir bin Mohamad, who believes Jews run the world by
âproxyâ and who banned the New York Philharmonic from performing in
Malaysia because they play âJewish musicâ, as well as Mahmoud
Ahmedinejad, the plainspoken propagandist for a âfinal warâ with Israel,
have hopped on the truth bus as well. Ahmedinejad writes in an open
letter to President Bush:
âSeptember eleven was not a simple operation...Could it be planned and
executed without coordination with intelligence and security services â
or their extensive infiltration? Of course this is just an educated
guess...Why have the various aspects of the attacks been kept secret?
Why are we not told who botched their responsibilities? And, why arenât
those responsible and the guilty parties identified and put on trial?
All governments have a duty to provide security and peace of mind for
their citizens.â
To which the Alex Jones-affiliated and widely-read Prison Planet âissued
a challenge to leaders of all ârogue statesâ imploring them to blow the
whistle on the Achilles heel of all major western governmentâs, their
propensity to fulfill geopolitical agendas by means of carrying out
staged false flag terrorismâŠIt is now time for all governments who still
operate outside of the control of the Globalists to come forward and
join humanity in unveiling the real terrorists who are attempting to
deform the world into a prison planet.ââ[13] And so the âfreedom
fightersâ of the 9/11 truth movement stand together with the worst
totalitarians in the world in a struggle aimed at the âglobalists.â
---
The left for its part seems to have largely contented itself with tacit
toleration of 9/11 conspiracy theory. Truthers seem welcome at anti-war
protests, with only scattered accounts of confrontations.[14] Major
âprogressiveâ radio stations like Air America, KPFK and KPFA have given
a great deal of airtime to truth movement figureheads. Given the large
support base of the reactionary right within truther groups, one would
expect people fighting for a better world to show extreme skepticism and
even outrage against these falsifications of history. However, like
Counterpunchâs Alexander Cockburn observed back in 2006:
âFive years after the attacks, 9/11 conspiracism has now penetrated deep
into the American left... These days a dwindling number of leftists
learn their political economy from Marx via the small, mostly Trotskyist
groupuscules. Into the theoretical and strategic void has crept a
diffuse, peripatic conspirationist view of the world that tends to
locate ruling class devilry not in the crises of capital accumulation,
or the falling rate of profit, or inter-imperial competition, but in
locale (the Bohemian Grove, Bilderberg, Ditchley, Davos) or supposedly
ârogueâ agencies, with the CIA still at the head of the list. The 9/11
âconspiracyâ, or âinside jobâ, is the Summa of all this
foolishness.â[15]
In the same magazine, the writer Joann Wypijewski observes in her
article âHow Far Weâve Fallenâ that:
âHere was the ultimate failure of politics, translated, Go to your room,
alone, immerse yourself in ephemera, alone, meet others just like
yourselves so you can talk endlessly about this or that loose end lately
discovered in your hours of isolation in front of the screen.â[16]
With no vocally progressive movements in either Iraq or Afghanistan
waiting âin the wingsâ like the Vietcong of the 1960s or the Sandanistas
of the 1980s etc., parts of the left have begun to circle the drain and
replace the search for a heroic other abroad with the search for an evil
other within. The task of transforming the life we experience everyday,
which carries within it the violent exploitation and expropriation
propping up the inter-imperialist conflict remains quite remote.
Despite the wider tendency to casually accept these theories, both
Counterpunch and Znet have made admirable efforts to debunk and expose
their reactionary logic. However most on the left simply donât feel like
burrowing into engineering textbooks to defend their interpretation of
political economy and stand up to September 11^(th) denial. The backwash
of cultural relativism has led to a sort of reality relativism: what do
we really know? Who are we to say? Letâs just avoid the uncomfortable
schisms. Liberals, anti-imperialists and the reactionary right can all
find common ground in skipping over an analysis of Jihadist martyrism to
preserve a simpler world view: the neo-conservative take-over. For those
in the left who avoid a structural analysis of society and a real
engagement with history, itâs easier this way.
---
Despite their success in contributing to the shift to a paranoid âmoodâ
amongst the public at large, these are hard times for the activist core
of âtruthâ movement. Rallies and conferences meant to galvanize the
public are sparsely attended, and the actual amount of material from
which to draw new âunanswered questionsâ from has been severely
depleted. Conspiracy theories about the Federal Reserve, chemtrails, the
North American Union etc. are new attractions that are easier to believe
in than the âhard scienceâ and obscurantist justifications for 9/11
conspiracy theory. Certainly, shuffling around the old lies with new
varnish will work for awhile. As long as movement leaders focus on
trivia and make sure not to address larger contexts or logic, a certain
core of enthusiasts will be able to justify their interest, and serve as
new consumers of old conservative ideologies. But there is an entropic
principle at work on the truth network that spins a thousand claims,
eventually the facts catch up, no matter how large the circle is spun.
The truth movementâs slow circling of wagons and the retreat by many
activists from definitive controlled demolition claims into vague
speculation about internal government conspiracies which allowed the
attacks to happen indicates a forfeiture in the realm of public appeal
and an effort to preserve the continuity of only a core audience.
Whether this forebodes a discrediting of the movement is less clear due
to the widespread and insipid acceptance of certain conspiracy theory
memes.
Meanwhile, these ideologies wreak havoc among the gullible and those in
countries without access to debunking resources, wearing away at the
very imminence of contingency. Reality is deconstructed, relayed,
reassembled in networks that still see their raison dâĂȘtre in denying
the possibility for 19 dedicated fundamentalists to change history.
Believers will trade a world which they do not try to comprehend for a
world which they have built to be perfectly consistent. This is more
dangerous than the casual subscribers to the conspiracy theorists
imagine. With 9/11 theories, the believer forgoes a critique of existing
conditions in favor of assuming the audienceâs position as passive judge
for political events that pass before the eye. This demobilization
imagines away the lives and sheer will of Mohammed Atta, Hani Hanjour
and the other death squad members, as well as the training camps which
made their carnage possible. In denying the power of a small group of
men to overpower four planes and use them as suicide weapons, conspiracy
adherents wind up denying the possibility for uncontrolled action, for
unpredictability. They forfeit acknowledging subjectivities that
organize destruction for their own ends (no matter how barbarous)
despite a tight security environment, in favor of an ideology where
contingency is abolished, the security state is the only frame of
reference and you and I are mere subjects to be destroyed.
So far, the all-powerful ruling class that controls everything has not
managed to produce a stable Iraqi state and the US now enters imperial
brinkmanship with Russia, Iran and Venezuela over resources. In America,
the list of major bank collapses grows: Freddie Mac, Fannie Mae, Bear
Stearns, Lehman Brothers. As the imminent recession approaches, it will
be rising taxes and massive cuts in social spending that fill the gap
left by bank bailouts. This means that in a period where working class
people are more and more subject to ruthless exploitation, they will
nevertheless have to organize their activity even though they may see
little hope of revolution. In this struggle, paranoia about the
super-state and its invincibility must be the first trash out the
window. The working class is that contingent element in capitalism which
defies the iron laws of history. Its partisans will have to defend the
sudden and violent transformation of reality tooth and nail against the
conspirationist faithful who deny not only its realization, but its very
possibility!
[1]
[2] This practice is referred to by many in the skeptic community as
âJAQing offâ.
[3] See photos on this page for instance:
[4] These claims are summarily debunked at
and other debunking pages. One must add that there is a particular
cruelty in denying that the last words heard from a loved one were faked
âby voice-morphingâ technology. Especially coming from people trying to
downplay the heroism of those who fought back against the Al-Qaeda
hijackers intent on killing all of them.
[5]
[6] Even now, at Alex Jonesâ Prison Planet we can find an appeal to
raise $80,000 for a âmoney bombâ to get Jones a satellite television
show. The slogan reads: âThe sleeping masses see television as truth.
Let us prove them correct.â
[7] See â9/11 Truth is a bald regurgitation of a silly tale we heard ten
years agoâ by Matt Taibbi in Rolling Stone,
[8]
[9]
[10] Some of the idiocies behind his claims are debunked here, on a
truther website of all places!
[11] Some of the idiocies behind his claims are debunked here, on a
truther website of all places!
[12]
[13]
[14] One funny example of truthers being confronted at an anti-war
protest is the conflict between supporters of Iraq War Resisters and the
Toronto Truthers in which two surly war resisters mock the hamster wheel
âtruthâ arguments. Videos here:
[15] âThe 9/11 conspirationists and the Decline of the American Leftâ,
worth reading for Cockburnâs sharp-tongued deconstruction of the truth
movement:
[16]