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Title: Holidays in Albania
Author: Anonymous
Date: 1997
Language: en
Topics: 1990s, Albania, Black Flag (U.K.), Alpha
Source: Retrieved on 18th February 2021 from https://libcom.org/library/holidays-in-albania-part-1][libcom.org]] and [[https://libcom.org/library/holidays-in-albania-part-2
Notes: This is the first of two articles written by two collaborators of "Alpha", a weekly Greek anarchist paper and published in issue 89, 7 April 1997

Anonymous

Holidays in Albania

A journey in Albanian South in revolt

Albanian south in rebellion: Kalashnikov/ happy and angry faces/ “bessa”

(straight forwardness, keeping one’s word)/ bursts of gunfire /

roadblocks/ Mercedes cars/ hashish/ passports/ our money back/ off with

Berisha’s head.

Fragments of words, images, sensations from a journey to an

inconceivable rebellion, where analysis, assessments, political

conclusions crash onto the roadblock of the people’s impetus.

Crossing the border or from the state of “law and order” to

Kalashnikov

Kalashnikov: the first thing we see as soon as we step in Albanian

ground. It would be the last too, a few days later. By the edge of the

plank, which connects the ship that brought us here from Igoumenitsa to

the harbour of Saranda, some armed Albanians are just standing and

watching. There is no document control. Some wounded people are waiting

for their turn to embark with destination Corfu.

The situation in Kakavia, when we return, will be about the same, with

ambulances waiting by the Greek guardhouse to take the wounded, most of

them shot by mistake. The revolvers of the Albanians who had escorted us

(they had left their kalashnikovs in the car) were just a few

centimetres and some iron bars away from Sky TV station’s microphones.

One step and a passport check between the visible casual possibility of

death and the certainty of a life where we may die everyday. Of course

there’s no Albanian guardhouse in Kakavia (to be accurate there is one

but it’s completely empty), while at the Greek one, Greek nationalist

soldiers are so self-confident that they don’t check us when we pass. At

a moment when armed Albanians in Saranda have nothing to lose, armed

Greeks in Kakavia are quite self-confident. They can’t shoot their

officers, whom they hate, but they claim they’re willing to go “in

there” and shoot the “peasants”.

“If only they asked who volunteers to go to Albania, they’d see”, says a

smiling special unit soldier. A few hours later, another soldier in

Igoumenitsa is grumbling because he’s in duty and he can’t go to that

bar where Albanian women work. “Have you been sent by a newspaper?” he

asks.

“I’m from a newspaper, too. ‘Golden Dawn’ (neonazi paper)”, he adds

smiling.

The one and only authority: guns

In the whole southern region of Albania, there is no police, no army, no

jails, no courts, not a sign of state or governing authority. The power

of weapons is prevailing everywhere. Everyone is armed, driving around

in cars with the kalashnikovs at hand, walking in the streets carrying

automatic weapons, revolvers, Chinese TT (always at least two of them

and ready to use) in their belts or inside their jackets. It’s

impossible to estimate the accurate number of these weapons. Some say

they are over four million.

What we know for sure is that all police stations, all army storehouses,

all factories where weapons were constructed or assembled have been

looted (one of these factories, a kalashnikov construction unit in

Polytsa, was one of the first). The question that immediately comes to

mind, how people got hold of all these guns, is a bit complicated to

answer. It is a fact that there have been no massive attacks or well

organised violent acts. A characteristic example of what happened is the

case of the police station in Saranda. In the afternoon of May 1, a few

people started throwing stones against the police station, inside which

there were about one hundred well armed policemen. Their commander

repeatedly called the minister, in Tirana, for instructions. The answer

was “we’ll let you know”. The instructions never came, so the police

force abandoned the station, leaving behind most of their arsenal. The

about fifty members of the secret police — SHIK — had left much earlier.

About the same thing happened with the navy station in Saranda. The

commander called Tirana as soon as he learnt of the attack and was told

that “you’ll receive orders”. The orders were never given and as a

result almost all the weapons were abandoned and carried to a place in

the open, where anyone could go and pick up anything he liked to. A navy

map of Albania, labelled “top secret”, was found a few days later by two

French reporters who happened to pass by the area. A notebook with

records of army equipment circulation, was found torn amidst looted army

tracks with flat tires inside a destroyed and looted army camp in

Dropolis.

The gun, at least in the south of Albania, dominates everyday life, in

fact it IS everyday life. An ordinary person sees, hears, touches, uses

a gun — i.e. it occupies one’s senses — as often as the cigarette would

in another society. It is the centre of life; it’s an amusing toy for

the kids (school’s out, anyway) and, very often, a sport for the adults.

You can see groups of people going for target practice, some were

shooting at the cross of the Saranda church in the middle of the day,

joking at each other, some other — a dozen of well dressed Albanians —

had set up a roadblock with Mercedes and jeeps in the highland road

between Vouno and Cheimara, and did target practice, not having in mind

that some car might appear from the side of the road they were shooting

at. Those less involved in guns just use them for self defence. They

don’t show them off and most of them keep them at home, just in case of

a robbery. However, the Albanians were armed and well acquainted to guns

in the past, too. The revolt just gave them the opportunity to replace

their guns with more modern ones.

During daytime, the kalashnikov shots are rather scarce. They shoot from

the paved with stones Saranda coastal road towards the sea, they shoot

from the hills around, they shoot from the slope of Gjirokaster, from

the small hill at the side of the Greek consulate, from the port of

Vlore, here and there all the way to Fieri.

After 6 -7 p.m. every night, it looks like Greek Easter [when

traditionally there’s a lot of fireworks]. The bursts of gunfire light

the sea, they get more frequent or stop without apparent reason,

sometimes some passer by gets shot or a hotel glass is broken. We are

sitting inside the “luxury” hotel by the seaside of Vlore staring at the

spectacle of shots and flashes which is rather a festival of joy to the

participants in it.

It’s really hard to believe that the fear and terror inflicted by the

gun which means death at the hands of an “official” of some

“established” authority has become an ordinary and inseparable element

of “life” in the Albanian communities, that the gun has become fun and

source of an absurd pleasure.

Roadblocks in a journey in time

Going from another country to Albania, and especially Albania after the

revolt, or from an Albanian town to another looks rather like travelling

in time than in space. It is hard for someone who’s grown up in the

modern world to believe what he sees, images that would rather belong to

the ‘20s along with familiar ones from modern western Europe: a Land

Rover and an ox and a plough side by side, a Mercedes stops for a cow to

cross the road, the kitsch modern hotel near a social realism-style

apartment building, a cabrio Mercedes passing in front of a half empty

“grocery” shed, the egg-like pill-boxes, remains of the Hoxha period,

lined up in the midst of the plain of Dropolis, which no one cultivates,

a traditionally dressed old woman under a palm-tree with a mobile phone

in her hands, an MP writing in his portable p.c. inside a room built of

stones and decorated with icons and pieces of traditional embroidery,

some people digging trying to make a field to cultivate in a stone-dry

slope in the middle of nowhere, someone has written “AC/DC” on the wall

in Gjirokaster, elaborate arches made of stone near the blown up bridge

outside Saranda, tanks, army tracks and anti-tank weaponry left in the

middle of the road to Vlore, and everywhere, in every road, there are

Mercedes and less frequently jeeps, speeding like hell in narrow roads

full of turns and potholes. Everywhere, contradiction and absurdity in

their extreme: Lusnia, Tepelen, Fieri, Vlore. Very often it’s difficult

to distinguish between what was destroyed, looted and half-ruined during

the insurgence and what had always been like that. If someone didn’t

show the visitor the bank that was destroyed by the rebels, he wouldn’t

realise it, simply because the next building looked exactly the same. A

totally ruined landscape, Hoxha’s rusty oil-wells, abandoned ruins of

factories that once produced food, clothes, paints, whole blocks of

derelict brick buildings, gas stations belonging to the state oil

company Adi Petrol (directly involved with the pyramid schemes) that

look as if they had been bombed, electricity power stations in the midst

of residential areas, recently laid cement foundations with the

characteristic cloth dummy on the roof, to protect inhabitants of the

“evil eye”, Kokkalis’ telephones in the phone company’s building in

Vlore, which is beyond description.

And in the midst of all these, the roadblocks. Despite many people

saying that they are less now and things are relatively quiet, the

roadblocks are identified in a traveller’s mind with the unknown, the

danger and the inconceivable. The people blocking the road could be

anything, despite looking more or less the same. It could be rebels from

Saranda who check who enters the town, grim faces and kalashnikov in

hand — but burst into laughers and hog the Albanian who escorts us, a

celebrity of Greek TV broadcasts — but let you go without paying any

attention to you. It could be an armed group who stop you in the middle

of a “rough” route at the side of the Adriatic, at a highland isolated

spot outside Cheimara, and just want to rob you. When they recognise our

escorts, they greet them warmly, talk loudly making gestures and give

the impression that they have agreed on something and we’ll all be going

together. But then they get in their jeeps and Mercedes and leave the

other way. The answer to our questions is typical: “What are you asking

for? You keep on asking all the time. It’s none of your business”. Some

time later, we were told those were the toughest “Mafiosi” of Vlore.

It could also be a “mixed” roadblock consisting of Albanians in plain

clothes armed with kalashnikovs and some unarmed in police uniforms

outside Vlore, who ask the bus driver something and that’s all, or a

roadblock of armed policemen — who didn’t flee after the rebellion — in

a town very close to Vlore, Fieri. It could be a roadblock outside

Kakavia who want to rob you but don’t shoot if you don’t stop, they

might want something specific, like a spare tire on the way to Vouno, or

a group of people armed with kalashnikovs who — all of a sudden —

decided to check the road to Tepelen or Lousnia. On the way from Saranda

to Vlore, through Lousnia, Tepelen and Fieri, there are many abandoned

roadblocks with tanks, anti-tank weapons and logs at the side of the

road. At Emalie, the tank was parked in the midst of the road, while on

the roads to the Greek minority villages of Dropolis, there are tanks

placed by the villagers who patrol the area in groups and inform the

others when they see anyone in Mercedes coming.

“Now there’s war”

This is the phrase most rebels keep on repeating, a phrase which could

be the answer to any question.

This peculiar “war” consists not of clashes and battles, but of life

routines and attitudes accustomed to an every day life of general

inaction and ceaseless dealings.

At the squares and the main streets of the towns in the revolted South,

you can see people hanging around, chatting in small groups in the

corners of Saranda, playing cards under the trees of Flabouri square in

Vlore, strolling in front of the stalls with shoes, clothes, cigarettes

and some food that constitute some sort of marketplace along the way to

Fieri, exchanging money (dollars, marks, drachmas to lek) by the port of

Vlore.

Everyone is broke, everyone had invested in the pyramids and lost their

money.

Xzaferi, Vefa, Galitsa, Kamberi... names you hear all the time in

Albania. Pyramid schemes — in fact, private banks- where about two

billion dollars were lost, the savings of Albanians and Greek minority

who sold their houses, their herds, who invested the money their

children sent them from Greece and Italy, attracted by the bait of

interest as high as 35 to 100% per month. The Greek who had a “quarry”

lost 25.000.000 drs [270 drs = 1dollar], the old woman in Dervitsani

lost 2 to 3.000.000, the Albanian with the sweet shop lost 10.000.000,

another one who used to work in Crete lost 5.000.000...

Berisha won the fraud elections of 1996, with the slogan: “Vote for

Democratic Party and you will profit”. Of course, the Greek secret

service, journalists and diplomats, just before the outbreak of the

rebellion, still considered the Albanians as obeisants and incapable of

reacting. “We want our money back. Out with Berisha”, this is all most

people have to do with politics in revolted Albania.

However, it seems that everybody makes it, each in his own way. Of

course, almost nobody has a “normal” job, since services, factories and

shops are closed down, but on the other hand, naturally you can find all

sorts of businesses which usually thrive in similar situations. A hotel

room cost as much as 50.000 drs during the period of the “journalistic

boom”, and a drive that used to cost 5.000 drs went up to 45.000. We

didn’t encounter any miserable and starving people -at least in the

sense of western societies. Perhaps there is shortage of basic goods in

some remote villages and most hospitals still functioning can hardly

deal with emergency cases. It is a fact though that strong family bonds

“impose” mutual aid that makes for example an Albanian who meets a

distant cousin in a bus to give him his money.

It’s no coincidence that nobody asked us for anything, we could nowhere

see a sign of beggary. The only thing they kept on asking — and this

only after having got to knowing us for some time — was if we could help

them get a passport. It is difficult for someone who sees the paranoid

grey jail-like apartment buildings built during Hoxha regime, the dumps

surrounding them and the sheds where people live, to realise how truly

hospitable, friendly and warm-hearted most of their inhabitants are.

Some of the Mercedes drivers opened the doors for us to get in, not out

of servility but of sheer gentleness, some others offered us from coffee

and whisky to hashish, unselfishly — and insistently. Two women in

Saranda -two of the most miserable figures — led us to a shed-cafe,

ordered two caps of coffee for us, paid and left. An Albanian friend

often talked about “bessa” (credibility, keeping one’s word), kept on

saying that we shouldn’t worry because now we were his “sisters”. This

man seemed to have good relationship with everyone, protested strongly

in a restaurant in Gjirokaster when he thought that we had been

overcharged 2.000 drs, he had done six years in jail during Hoxha regime

for he had been caught while trying to cross the border, he was afraid

for his life, he got around everywhere, he suggested that we did some

“business” with oil at the border, he used to be a track driver in the

army, he wanted to visit Volos (town in central Greece) again and drink

“tsipouro” (local liquor), he was a rebel.

But what about women? Women are almost non-existent in revolted southern

Albania. Only a few walk in the streets, some work in the shacks-grocery

stores, a few work in the fields while some others — young ones — serve

at the cafes, smileless and unapproachable. However, the well known

gross, hungry or even exploratory look is non-existent, though this

changes as one goes north. Many Albanians laugh at the rumour about

women kidnapped and taken to Italy. Considering the strong family bonds

and the wide family circle, it’s rather ridiculous to think that it’s so

easy to kidnap wives, daughters and sisters.

“Albanian mafia”, “commandante”, Salvation Committees and a strange

police

The only mafia that ever existed in Albania, with the meaning of

organised crime with its own hierarchy and a specific action plan, was

the state. It was Berisha’s regime supported the private banks, the

para-banks — money laundry schemes-, it was Berisha’s regime intimidated

the whole population of the country with the aid of SHIK (secret police)

agents, it was Berisha’s regime dismissed its own officers -even the

minister of Defense — and imprisoned some of the bank owners when he

realised things were getting out of hand, it was Berisha’s regime that

brutally beat, tortured, imprisoned or murdered people demanding their

money back, students on hunger strike inside Gjirokaster university, the

unscrupulous and paranoid Berisha himself probably ordered the army,

police and SHIK to withdraw from all cities of the south. The

overwhelming majority of politicians, Albanian and Greek minority

altogether, was more or less accomplices to this mafia state. Almost

everyone talks about mayors, councillors, chairmen, Omonia and Human

Rights Party (organisation and political party respectively,

representing Greek minority) officials who made money selling from guns

and heroin to visas and passports. The Greek embassy and consulate were

also involved.

The idea of the “Albanian mafioso” sounds simplistic and ridiculous in

the insurgent Albanian south and is most of the times identified with

that of the “Albanian insurgent”. Are those who threatened a cafĂ© owner

(brother of a SHIK agent), told him to leave and blast his shop with

grenades when the guards he had hired in the meantime started shooting,

“Albanian Mafiosi”?

Are those who shot a woman for not giving them her passport and money at

a roadblock on the way from Kakavia to Mouzitsa “Albanian Mafiosi”? Are

those who unload contraband cigarettes at the port of Saranda “Albanian

Mafiosi”?

Are those who sell protection to cafés and restaurants for 30.000 drs a

month — the toughest, still smiling most of the time — , those who are

involved in heroin contraband, those who keep a note of how much whiskey

they drink and later come back to the owner of the bar with the double

quantity — stolen, of course — , those who would die to protect you if

they have “taken responsibility” for you, “Albanian Mafiosi”? Are those

who break into houses whose inhabitants have fled and empty them

“Albanian Mafiosi”? Are the hooded gunmen who killed 17 people in Levan

“Albanian Mafiosi” -or maybe Berisha’s agents, as everyone says they

are? Is the bar owner who cocks an eye, saying “If you dig hash or

anything, let me know”, an “Albanian mafioso”?

And what about Apostolis the illiterate, one of the toughest and most

stout fellows in the area, who says burning the library was a stupid

thing to do, while drinking coffee with his guns on the table of the

hotel? And he adds smiling, a dialogue that sounds unbelievable but is

very true:

o.k. But shoot him like that...He’s human after all.

now, he might come back sometime later and shoot me. Can’t you see?

What is Apostolis?

When we ask him what a “commandante” is, the answer is: “Whatever you

say you are, that’s what you are. Isn’t this what you say in Greece?”

Tchevat, a middle-aged ex-general and representative of Vefa para-bank

in Saranda -whom some named as “head of the committees of the insurgent

cities”- hangs around the hotels where the journalists stay escorted by

a dozen of armed men. He might ask for a mobile phone and keep it all

night long. He is supposed to be a “tough guy” who neither himself nor

his men will give up their weapons, unless Berisha is ousted. On the

contrary, his “colleague” in town, Fouat, a hotel owner, former police

head during Hoxha regime and “chief of people’s police” until ten days

ago, when he quit, says he supported the rebellion of the people, but

cannot tolerate the current “state of anarchy and crime”. He adds that

he supports the new Fino government, that a new police force has to be

formed in order to avoid a bloodshed, and that he’s looking forward for

the arrival of the multinational force. He still gets around with armed

escorts.

Another commandante was Berti Siouti, in Vlore, who seemed to influence

may people at the beginning of the rebellion, but three weeks later he

was supported by about 5.000 pensioners out of a total population of 100

to 120.000. Vlore was the only town where people still gathered every

morning at the central square but attendance was very reduced. In all

other towns of the South there were no “Salvation Committees” nor

people’s gatherings.

In Gjirokaster people were talking of Akim Gozita, a middle aged ex

Hoxha army officer, and of Fatos Beta, Gozita’s friend and ex Berisha’s

advisor. The only person that seemed to be of some influence was Gioleka

from Tepelen, an illiterate but energetic and tough young man, who used

to be a thug at a café. Last, people mentioned dervish Pelumb (which

means dove), commandante in Balsi, who was murdered, probably by SHIK

agents. It is difficult to have a clear picture of what’s happening in

each area, because the situation is unstable and it’s impossible to

gather information from away.

In any case, you could feel that people were tired of the current

situation, still determined not to give up arms unless Berisha is

ousted. The gatherings at the squares had faded away, most of the

commandants had no more power than any leader of a small armed group,

while many people had lost hope and just wanted to flee from the

country. In the Greek minority villages of Dropolis and Cheimara there

were mostly old men who “guarded their houses”. At the grocery store in

Dervitsani, everyone said they had lost their money and had massively

participated in the demonstrations, while Doules, a deputy of the Human

Rights Party, said that “there is a total political impasse, as long as

Berisha maintains control of the parliament. The only feasible solution

is the assignment of a European police force in order to restore order”.

There have been a few efforts to “restore order”, that is form some sort

of police — like the gathering of a handful of people, mostly

ex-policemen, in Gjirokaster, ten days ago, and in Saranda, too — that

failed completely. Vlore is the only exception. There, you could enter

the police station — which the insurgents had raided in the beginning of

the rebellion but found no one inside — without any check at the

entrance and talk to the new police chief, whose “modern” office was

among many empty rooms at the end of the staircase. He used to be a

police chief for eighteen years, before Berisha took on power, and

started with four policemen who had come from Tirana, with the approval

of Fino’s government. He wouldn’t disclose the current number of his

police force, but admitted that only 30% of them were armed — you could

see on some posts around town posters asking citizens to hand one of

their weapons to the police — and said their main task was to protect

public services. The chief assured us that the police is respected by

the insurgents and that he often talks to commandante Berti. Three hours

later, five hooded men armed with kalashnikovs stole a Mercedes parked

outside the police station. Three officers chased them and got killed at

a nearby village, Kali Troyes. The following day, at 7 a.m., there were

a dozen men, no hoods and kalashnikov in hand, outside Vlore’s hospital

who let no one in. One of the “hooded ones”, who had been injured during

last night’s fight, was inside.

The “gazetarians”

The four young smiling Albanians with the kalashnikovs were changing

cars every half an hour and hanging around town. Some time, they brake

suddenly, the driver pulls down the car window and asks: “Everything all

right?”

“Just fine. How about you? Are you from town? What’s your name?” “What,

haven’t you seen me on T.V.?”. In fact, he was a favourite of Greek T.V.

stations, like the tank driver in Saranda who recalled his dialogue with

the Sky -Greek T.V.- reporter and laughed to tears ( “Where are you

from?”

“Tepelen.” “And what about this, Tepelen, too?” “No, the tank is a

native. I am from Tepelen”.) Many Saranda inhabitants have many funny

stories to tell us about the “lives and times” of the gazetarians, since

Saranda was the easier accessible town and many Greek reporters had

passed from there.

Like how they used to hang out at the corners of the square at 8.30

p.m., — the time the evening news bulletins start-, posed in front of

the cameras and the “special envoys” kalashnikov in hand, fired some

shots at their request and then everyone left the square. Or like the

gazetarian who paid one million drachmas to get that “exclusive”

reportage about the “hashish production factory”. They talked about

their habits, how brave or chicken they were or how much they were paid.

Of course, everyone watched regularly the Greek news — even in the

poorest houses there was a satellite antenna — and made jokes of “fat”

Evert and Kostas Karamanlis [Greek politicians]. In the northern and

western areas (like Vlore) they used to watch italian T.V.

The journalists constituted a considerable “source of income” for

Mercedes drivers and escorts -since they were the only who moved from

town to town-, for hotel and café owners, and in some cases for those

who set up roadblocks.

Most of the insurgents said that the gazetarians “exaggerated and told

lies over the news”. For example, the Dutch reporter, who had been

recently shot in Saranda, used to run a tourist agency in town, five

years now. After three weeks of “journalistic raids”, one of the elderly

Albanians sitting at the café asked angrily the reporter who was taking

a photo of him from a distance: “Hey, mister, did you ask before taking

a picture?”

Dialogue 1

Old Aristides has been a taxi driver for twenty years. He accepted to

take us for a drive most others had refused.

in them during the past four years. Marks, dollars, drachmas,

everything.

three days.

I put my money in them, too. I deposited 37 million Albanian money and

2.186.000 Greek money. They took it all and now we’re finished. I don’t

know why I’ve been working, why I was born. One thief came after

another, always thieves.

Xzaferi and he stole it all. That’s because people trusted Berisha, who

was claiming that the banks will make the world a whole lot better, make

Albania better. You see?

Albania is now as it was 150 to 200 years ago.

has no choice but steal.

-Do they take money for the visas?

along with my driving license.

conditions are squalid.

A couple of days later, some men robbed old Aristides and took his car

and money.

Dialogue 2

The tape recorder is playing “Hotel California” in full volume. The

kalashnikovs are leaned against the gear lever and the two Albanians,

the toughest in the area, which also means the safest to escort you,

have revolvers in their belts. The Mercedes is speeding like hell.

Contraband. But no more. Now we’ll be going from home to work, and

that’s all.

misery here, now there’s war.

five years that we have democracy here.

gun).

money, everything...

The Albanian March

The armed popular insurrection against the corrupt regime of Sali

Berisha that took Albania by storm during the first three weeks of

March, makes us give it the characterisation of Albanian March. The

insurgents of the South forced the totalitarian regime of the Albanian

president Sali Berisha to enormous retreats and strategic sink.

On Thursday the 13^(th) of March, the Albanian state, identified with

Berisha’s mechanism, has been reduced to a few square metres around the

centre of Tirana and namely the Desmoret avenue. The presidential palace

and the governmental buildings were all there, in both sides of the

avenue. The insurgent areas of the Albanian capital were only four

kilometres away and the most fluid power’s state that tended to the

limits of a gap lasted nearly twenty hours. The sensation of the

geometrical disruption of the state authority made you speculate its

impending and total collapse. After the delay of the three previous

days, the northern praetorians got organised and armed under the

leadership of the notorious Saban Memia. The SHIK secret services and

its head, Baskim Gazidente, were Berisha’s second source of support. His

protection circle is strengthened by his presidential guard, consisting

of the most close, faithful and related people. The terror in the

northern suburbs of Tirana and the threat of a possible massacre give

the ex-communists an excuse to change their policy, in fear of a popular

wave of insurrection they couldn’t control. These critical hours, the

ex-communists, have decided optics and practice.

The organising secretary of the Socialist Party, Dokle — who had

repressed the opposition’s mobilizations when he was the all powerful

minister of Interior, in Hoxha’s regime — is very specific declaring

that the Socialists are against violent and armed actions and that they

seek the constitutional legitimacy of their movements. In this way they

choose to compromise with Berisha and to undertake to cover the power’s

gap with the machinery of the ex-Hoxha’s Secret Services, Sigourim. It

is very clear that the ex-communists, with the experience and the

tradition of the development of power mechanisms, they exploited the

popular insurrection’s dynamics, they saved the power system in Albania

and they became the governmental partner of Berisha’s Democratic Party.

That’s how a complex balance setting is formed: a multiform power

struggle and the South decided to satisfy its demands.

From Hoxha’s regime to Berisha’s

After the elections of March 1992 and Berisha’s accession to power, a

new dominating group was formed, mainly from the northern areas of the

country and Berisha’s native region, that became the new cadres

potential of the new Albanian power. It was a machinery of praetorians,

suzerains in Tirana, with two parts: the members of the Democratic Party

and the state machinery and the SHIK Secret Services. A machinery of

massive terrorism. The Albanians believed in the new age that supposedly

started with the political change in ’92, but soon they saw their

dreams, not only betrayed, but also dispersed in one night. A whole

generation (majority of the Albanian people) that was raised during

Hoxha’s regime, believed in the false dream of the capitalistic

democracy. On the contrary, they suffered from misery, poverty,

emigration, racism abroad and police state in the interior. The

piramidical para-banking forms, where they invested not only their

dreams but also their economies looked as the only way out. Instead of

better days, they watched the “country of eagles” being transformed into

a “country of vultures”.

The great inequality and the interweaving interests between government

officials and mafiozos, transformed Albania to a huge arena of arms and

drugs contraband (with the participation of police and military forces),

as well as fuel and cigarettes contraband (with the participation of

cadres of the Democratic Party and the government -e.g. Skiponia

company) and a washing tank of dirty money. At the opposite side, there

were the masses, the agrarian population and the proletarians.

The beginning of the end

Things started to become clear after the elections of fraud and

violence, of the 26^(th) of May 1996 and the first signs that outlined

the interweaving interests and the prospect of the impending end of the

pyramids. The beginning of the end is marked by the report of the

International Monetary Fund that pointed out the risk of collapse and

threatened the government with a financial rupture between the I.M.F.

and Albania. In December, the first para-bank, “Shoudia”, goes bankrupt

and in January, two more, “Jaferi” and “Populit”, close down. The first

manifestations took part in Vlore, on January 16, with the participation

of simple men, immigrants and middle class.

The Albanians, who shared up their money for a better future with such a

hard work, when they realised that they had been robbed by a caste of

people and, since they had nothing to lose any more, they transformed

their desperation and bitterness to rage against the corrupted and

interweaving power of Berisha’s regime. The more extensively they felt

the exploitation, the more massively and dynamically they rose up

against Berisha’s totalitarian regime that they considered as the

exclusive responsible of the fraud against the whole of the Albanian

people. At the debris of such a country, one cannot protest neither with

marches, nor with whistles.

Kalashnikov becomes the symbol of the Albanian people who, without any

ideological base or political formation, took the lead in their life and

made an evident popular insurrection threatening directly the regime.

Their intentions were manifestly expressed in an event that took place

in Loushnia, on January 25^(th), when enraged habitants attacked the

president of the Democratic Party, and vice-president of the government,

Tritan Sehou, and pilloried him to public with a leek in his mouth and a

second one in his ass. Clashes between policemen and demonstrators took

place in Tirana. On January the 30^(th), the opposition’s parties formed

the “Forum for Democracy”, that is the party umbrella of the protest. On

February the 6^(th), began the citizen’s attacks to police stations In

Vlore, but the insurrection culminated during the night of the 28^(th)

of February to the 1^(st) of March, with the massive conflicts between

citizens and governmental forces and the first entry in the army camp,

in Vlore.

March with insurrections in Albania

On the 2^(nd) of March, Berisha imposes contingency plans and declares

that he doesn’t have to confront a simple protest, but whole areas of

the country that are hostile. The party opposition — that participated

with few forces in the two-month mobilizations — demanded a caretaker

government composed by technocrats, that would lead to a holding

elections. The situation reminds Latin-American regimes. The public

gatherings of over four persons are forbidden, the circulation between

8:00 p.m. and 7:00 a.m. is prohibited, police is free to fire and the

press is restricted: the two government newspapers that are being

published and the governmental T.V. are the only sources of information.

Tirana are being terrorised by the police and many areas of the south

are no more under the control of the military and police forces. The

imposition of the contingency plans is undertaken by a mixed repressive

force: the armed units of the Ministry of the Interior, the SHIK Secret

Services and the ZABIST police anti-riot squads, under the leadership of

Baskim Gazidede, an ex-mathematician and president of the Muslim

Intellectuals’ Association, who was promoted to a general.

On Wednesday, the 5^(th) of March, the government recognised the problem

that there was in Saranda, , Vlore, Delvin and Fieri, and blamed the

units’ commanders as well as the General Chief of the Army Force, Seme

Kosova, whom it sends away. This day is quite important as the

governmental forces seemed unable to control the south.

The governmental military operations in Delvin — aiming to interrupt the

communication between Saranda and Gjirokaster — failed completely and

so, the insurgent areas could easily be unified. The uncontrolled and

confused situation is the first thing that threatens the Albanian power

as well as its several western supports. On the same day, the voice of

the American capital, the Washington’s newspaper “Wall Street Journal”,

compares the situation in Albania with the riot in Los Angeles and tries

to present the insurgents as instigated by the ex-communists and the

mafia. But, unfortunately for them, this is not the truth. It’s a whole

world that took the arms, not to play, but to level them at Berisha’s

regime. The lack of political formations of this popular insurrection

influenced its formation and allowed the opposition party to make the

first step towards an agreement with the Albanian president, on the

6^(th) of March.

Organisation steps of the insurgents

The determination of the insurgents leads them to form the popular

salvation committees, where they demand specific requests: all their

financial reimbursements, the formation of a caretaker multi-party

government, the holding of new elections and the voting of a new

Constitution and a new electoral law. At the same time they try to form

some procedures for the provisioning and the defence of their insurgent

areas. On the 8^(th) of March, Berisha receives a severe blight as he is

unable to control Gjirokaster, where the military units are dispersed.

Agreement of the parties with Berisha

On Sunday the 9^(th) of March, as Berisha is incapable to control the

situation in the south and to maintain the control of the north, he

proceeds to an extreme retreat and agrees to the formation of a

caretaker government with the participation of all parties that will

hold the new elections in three months (June). He also demands the

surrender of the arms. Nothing for the money of the people who reject

the agreement, since the problem of the return of their money is not

solved and the person that symbolises their lost — that is Berisha —

remains.

South: treason

The insurgents accuse the politicians and the parties that signed the

agreement with Berisha that they are “interested only in their power and

not in the people who are the losers” (Committee of Vlore) and denounce

them as traitors. That’s why it is not strange that he wave of the

insurrection becomes an avalanche that spreads with the massive

disobedience of the military and the police forces. Sali Berisha,

panicked and startled, seems to beg the opposition for help, as the ring

tightens up around Tirana. So, he offers the prime-ministry to the

Socialists, something incredible until then.

When the insurgents, first in the city of Vlore, made clear that they

would not accept any agreement that would not include the commitment for

their money and the removal of Berisha. At the same time , from

Gjirokaster, the insurgent areas emit the invitation for the formation

of citizens’ councils in every town and village that will undertake the

management of their defence and declare their political presence as a

third pole.

On Tuesday the 11^(th) of March, the front of the left governmental

forces and the insurgents, form an arc from Blishan to Balshi, Klitsova

and South Erbashan, 90 km from Tirana. Berisha, when he realises that

nothing can stop the extension — spreading (and not development) of the

insurrections and the threat for the Albanian capital and his own life,

he puts into practice the plan of preparedness for armed conflict with

the employment of terror by the Secret Services and the members of the

Democratic Party -mainly from the North. The same night, as tracks with

armed Berishians agitate Tirana, everyone can understand what’s going to

happen next.

Thursday the 13th of March: the most critical day

On Thursday the 13^(th) of March, the insurrections approach the

Albanian capital. Around Tirana and on the road to the airport and

Durres, you can hear all day long shootings while there is complete

inexistence of all government, military and police forces. The tension

of the day was so high, that we felt, moment by moment, the wave that

was approaching. At noon, we witnessed the entry of thousands of

citizens to the camps at the fringes of Tirana.

Everyone — but everyone — included in one phrase, all their demands:

“Our money and the head of Berisha”. It is Characteristic that I heard

many people saying that “tonight we will play football with his head”.

We could see clearly the abolition of every governmental, military and

police power and it was a matter of hours to watch the popular

insurrection arrive in the centre of Tirana. We had the feeling that

that night would be the most critical. Who could stop this momentum? The

praetorians of Berisha’s regime undertake the defence, through the

practice of terrorisation at the suburbs of Tirana, where they are

organised in gangs of armed murderers of a blood thirsty master.

Tirana: field of conflicts/ Turn of the Socialists

Around the presidential building, where Berisha is being guarded, and

the Desmoret avenue, where all the governmental buildings are, the

shootings are continuous and the tanks are deafening. At these moments,

socialists’ politics lead to the compromise with Berisha, from which

they don’t demand to resign but they “earn” the participation in the

government, the constitutional legality and the official pardon to their

imprisoned socialist leader, Fatos Nano, who had escaped in the

meanwhile. The former Sigiourim undertakes the task of covering the

power gap and the new government of Baskim Fino decides, on Friday the

14^(th), the formation of a new police force and invites ex and actual

cadres as well as new persons to participate. The target of the plan is

the reformation of an elementary machinery of control. The attempts of

the new government aim the formation of new institutional procedures,

new power mechanisms and new state and governmental functions. The

ex-opposition and now government is clearly dissociated of the

insurgents and threatens them with violent repression if the effort to

incorporate the salvation committees into local management structures

fails (that is to regional power centres) Meanwhile, all the prisons

open and the prisoners pour out. In the prison where Fatos Nano had been

held when he was in danger — because of the Berishians — there were the

penal prisoners that defended him, under the leadership of Nehat Koula.

After three days, it seems that the balance between the opponent forces

is being stabilised, but also that a multiform power struggle is being

expressed. The situation is very fluid, with more variables than

constants.

Omissions, delays and dissension with the South

On one side, the Socialists and the members of the Democratic Party

express different opinions and on the other, the new government confirms

its dissension with the south. Berisha, who has confined with his

presidential guard, seems to want to intervene in the new government.

That’s why some people start to say that Berisha is back. The measures

for the restoration of the order and the public functions are

materialized with difficulty and Bashkim Fino declares that he doesn’t

accept ultimatum for the satisfaction of the demands. Many people

support that the new government doesn’t worth a thing without the south

and the start to stammer out a few words about mistakes, omissions and

slow paces that permitted Berisha not only to consolidate his position,

but also to proceed to a display of power.

On Thursday the 20^(th) of March, he commits a blight upon Fino’s

government, by rejecting from the parliament — which is under control of

the Democratic Party — the governmental proposals for the lifting of the

press restraints and the transmission of the state-TV and Radio’s

supervision from the Parliament to the new government

Manifesto of the 18 insurgent areas

On the 28^(th) of March, delegations from the 18 insurgent areas and the

salvation committees, vefilate the insurgents’ manifesto:

instigated by foreign centres — they don’t accept the parliament as

representative legislative body and demand the formation of a new

organisation that will express the free will of the people

Berisha’s ousting.

Salvation committee, in order to form the public management and the

executive power

conference table of the political parties (a kind of informal council of

political leaders)

As an epilogue

The epilogue has not been written yet. However, history has recorded

that people rose up by arms against a totalitarian and corrupted regime

of exploitation and power. Every Berisha’s step of retreat constitutes a

victorious action for the insurgents.

In Albania nothing is definitely decided. Hard times are just beginning,

now that the momentum that could sweep away everything — even if nothing

has been planned — is inhibited. What matters now is the resistance to

time, the determination and the capabilities of each side.