đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș black-flag-debating-the-miners-strike.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 07:58:38. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-07-09)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: Debating the Minersâ Strike Author: Black Flag Date: 1984 Language: en Topics: miners strike, 1980s, Britain, labor movement, industry, solidarity, Black Flag (U.K.), bolshevism Source: Retrieved on 19th May 2021 from https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/93207x Notes: From: Black Flag no. 114. (vol. 7, no.6C) 1984, no.116 (vol. 7, no.6E, 6/8/84), no.118 (vol.7, no.6G 3/9/1984) and no. 119 (vol.7, no.7A, 15/10/1984).
The activities of certain of the groups of the ârevolutionary leftâ
during the present miners strike raise whole questions about what is and
what is not solidarity?
The major activity of most ârevolutionariesâ on the left has of course
been selling âTHE PAPERâ, but it is not the selling of the paper that is
so bad as what is actually written in them. Many of the ârevolutionaryâ
parties have used their papers to attack the strategy of the strike,
personal union officials and in some cases the whole principles of the
strike.
The principle that no person has the right to sell another personâs
livelihood has been attacked by the Revolutionary Communist Party who
want a national ballot and Workers Power who want a branch âshow of
handsâ. It may not have occurred to these vanguards of the working class
but people are voting everyday with their feet.
The overall strategy of the strike has been attacked by all and sundry
but the main aggressor has been the Socialist Workers Party. The SWP has
made personal assaults on people such as Jack Taylor, Yorkshire Area
President, over the handling of the Orgreave situation, although the
directing of pickets is neither controlled by Taylor or Scargill but by
the Yorkshire region co-ordinating committee. They believe that Taylor
has deliberately held back on the picketing of Orgreave and restricted
the movement of pickets.
The overall strategy of the strike has been good, considering the lack
of pickets, the wide number of targets and the determination of the
police to stop them, the only tactics available to the miners has been
the hit and run tactics of guerrilla warfare. Orgreave was of course a
diversion from this strategy and the end result was hundreds of arrests
and injuries for very little other than an education in the true nature
of the police.
Although we as anarchists have different ideas about organisation than
the hierarchical structures of the NUM and different political
principles to people like Scargill and Taylor, this is not the fight
that we are engaged in. There is little that we can criticise these two
on during this strike. Both of them have thrown themselves into the
frontline, both have been assaulted by police, they like all other paid
NUM officials have given up their wages and during this strike have been
nothing more than propaganda and symbolic figure heads.
Getting back to the SWPâs assault on the miners. They have argued for
Orgreave to be turned into a mass symbolic battle, day in day out
(perhaps they want a permanent pitch to sell their paper), being totally
unaware of the limitations of such an action and ignorant of the forces
that the state has, to fight such a pitched battle.
But it is not just the words in the papers of the left that are dubious,
but all their other forms of âsolidarityâ. Fund raising âfor the minersâ
is a great thing to latch on to. The SWP started off its miners fund,
which has not [now?] reached ÂŁ14,000, the purpose of this fund âto put
the miners case over to other workersâ, i.e. fund the paper, and other
SWP propaganda. Money is also raised by many groups to send miners to
their conferences and meetings. But more often than not it is used by
the party to control situations, pay for busses etc, and build up their
prestige. Of course not all of the âleftâ groups are as bad as each
other and some have given useful solidarity work to the miners and their
families.
This brings us onto the question, what is solidarity? Solidarity comes
in various forms, first is propaganda and education in support of people
involved in struggle. In most cases strikes and other struggles go
hardly noticed and any form of propaganda is useful. But there is
propaganda in support of the strike and propaganda for your own cause,
the best example is the Support the Miners Posters by the Revolutionary
Communist Party, which has RCP taking up a third of the poster, a true
poster of solidarity should have the name of the group showing
solidarity in print, that has to be looked for.
Likewise the written word, either in papers or leaflets, should be used
to inform people of the struggle and the events going on, and not as a
means to criticise the people involved, point out the ideological
differences, but the aim of solidarity is to educate and propagate not
to take over.
On the question of fundraising, it is very simple if all funds are
handed over to those who are going to use them, now we think it would be
better if we did this with the money people have entrusted to us, if
people gave money for a specific purpose such as buying food, then to
buy food direct.
There is also more direct support like attending picket lines and
demonstrations in solidarity. On both these events we are there to add
our weight, either to show our banners and flags in support or to add
bodies to the push, blockade or in a symbolic manner depending on the
nature of the event.
Returning to the miners strike our job as anarchists is to give
solidarity. Although this fight affects all of us, it is primarily the
fight of the miners and their families. We may not like the the
structures they choose to work within, we may not like their individual
politics or religion, but these things are irrelevant, just as
irrelevant as if a policeman is an atheist or in favour of unilateral
nuclear disarmament. There will be plenty of time after the strike to
put our political theories over, but during this dispute there is only
one form of propaganda, and that is propaganda by deed, through no
strings, non dogmatic, consistent and practical solidarity.
Dear Black Flag,
Having just read your article âThe Miners and the Leftâ I feel compelled
to write to you. Whilst I agree with most of the article â am similarly
sickened with the ârevolutionary leftsâ redefinition of solidarity as
selling âTHE PAPERâ, I believe that funds raised for the miners should
go directly to the miners; etc. â I disagree with some of the
conclusions you made, which seem to be concerned with how @s should
behave during disputes generally.
Firstly, as a anarchist, I donât like to be told what âmy jobâ is â
that, I see as authoritarianism. Weâre all continually told what to do
by the State and its various forms without other @s doing the same.
Surely one of the things which makes @ different is its toleration and
support of a variety of actions/means of changing the social order.
Secondly, I question the writers assertion that any papers or leaflets
distributed on picket lines should merely inform people of the
particular struggle they are participating in. Donât you think that
people on picket lines are aware of why they are there? Leaflets, it
seems to me, are useful in describing the particular struggles of those
people in the context of the wider struggle (that we are involved in and
fighting).
Finally, I donât entirely agree that we as anarchists should not be
allowed to make any criticism of striking workers and I do not believe
that, in the case of the miners or any other group, âthe structures they
choose to work within are irrelevantâ. Whilst I obviously support the
premises of much industrial action, as an autonomous, thinking person I
do not always unreservedly support the action of pickets â Iâm not
exactly crazy about the sexism of some of the striking miners, for
example. I think we should move away from this very middle class,
vanguardism view of striking workers as somehow beyond any criticism,
âsacredâ. Constructive criticism can help bring about change
particularly if its from people who are quite clearly showing support
and solidarity on picket lines, demos or in any other ways.
R. G.(Exeter)
The purpose of the article was to stimulate discussion and debate about
the nature of solidarity and how it should affect the way anarchists
work.
Written propaganda should be used to educate people about the goings on
and reasons for a particular struggle and should be directed at those
outside the struggle. The widespread ignorance and acceptance of
misinformation even amongst political people during the miners strike,
points to the need for alternative news. But as anarchists we should not
abuse the position of providing alternative information by trying to
direct struggles or cause divisions and weakness amongst those we are
supporting.
There is no need for us to uncritically support workers involved in
struggles, but we should be aware of where our opinions and ideas are
going to, and the effect they will have. There is only one way to be
sure that our âcriticismsâ are constructive and not divisive and that is
through personal contact made through giving practical solidarity.
As anarchists we believe that people are capable of organising their own
lives and although the NUM may not be organised in the pure libertarian
way we would like it has been created by the miners for the miners. The
reason why the NUM and all other unions are not organised in a
libertarian way, is because of the failure of anarchists over the last
100 years to convince people of the advantages of non-hierarchical
federalist forms of organisation. For us to go running in during
disputes (and to be honest how many anarchists gave a damn about miners,
mining communities and the NUM, before this strike?) laying down the
line, attacking the structures and generally being negative, neither
does our cause any good or helps those involved in fighting against the
state and bosses.
Also we must not let our idealistic purity to get in the way of our
basic beliefs. People involved in struggle are quite capable of
questioning the structures they are involved in and the wider society as
a whole, and people do try to change things. During the miners strike
great breakthroughs have been made in the struggle for womenâs equality
(sexism confronted, women organising etc.) in altering peopleâs
attitudes to the police, in questioning local power cliques and society
generally. Our solidarity besides helping to win the direct struggle,
can also go to strengthen and develop new attitudes, but to do this we
must be trusted and respected, which means being involved in practical
solidarity on a grass roots level without pushing our politics,
self-righteousness and arrogance.
M. (Doncaster)
The article (The Minersâ Strike and the Left) in Black Flag 114 was
correct to state the paramount importance of the minersâ strike for the
working class in this country. Considering themselves an integral part
of that class it goes without saying that class struggle anarchists up
and down the country are committed to supporting the strike and aiding
its victory.
The article was also right to point out the various intrigues and
manipulations that other groups of the revolutionary Left are indulging
in during the minersâ strike. But then this was expected; we know from
experience the parasitic way Leninists feed off workers struggles. We
hope that as libertarians we take a more principled position in workers
struggles.
However, though the article was right to condemn the Leninists and then
emphasize the importance of real solidarity it seems to me it then went
on to adopt an attitude that borders on mere liberalism. Because we
oppose the Leninistsâ practices do we really have to throw the baby out
with the bathwater and refrain from any kind of specifically
revolutionary propaganda about the strike?
The line pushed by the article is currently fashionable: âThere will be
plenty of time after the strike to put over our political theories, but
during the dispute there is only one form of propaganda, and that is
propaganda by deed, through no strings, non-dogmatic, consistent and
practical solidarity.â
We have to be involved in giving practical aid and solidarity of course
(and I have been), but any variety of socialist can do this, and even
bleeding heart liberals will collect food for the minersâ families (not
many round our way: typesetter). We should be in the thick of the
struggle as anarchists and workers, and we take our own ideas into that
struggle.
The article condemns the Socialist Workers Party for taking Jack Taylor
(Yorkshire Area President) and other full time officials to task for
certain aspects of their handling of the strike. The article says
thereâs little we can criticize these on during the strike (!), and of
course theyâve given up their wages during the strike. Was the article
written by Scargillâs press agent? True, they have given up their wages
during the strike, but then as bureaucrats theyâve got plenty to spare.
I donât think much of the SWPâs strategy, and [it?] is no more valuable
than Jack Taylorâs (such as their fixation with mass picketing). But I
do read âSocialist Workerâ because it gives probably the best industrial
coverage of all the left-wing press, and Iâve seen no evidence of the
âSWPâs assault on the minersâ as the article puts it. They have
criticised the way the strike has been conducted at various junctures
and the failings of full time officials but does this constitute an
âassault on the minersâ?
I heard Arthur Scargill speak at a rally a few weeks back. Referring to
the NCB closure plan he more or less said âI told you so, you should
have listened to meâ to the assembled miners. That is the attitude of
the most militant of the NUM full time officials; a unionism from the
top down. No realization that the grass roots hadnât listened to his
warnings because in a reformist unionism the bureaucracy, no matter how
left-wing, talks a different language to the grass roots. As anarchists
we believe in a unionism by the workers, not an ineffective unionism for
the workers. So save your solidarity for the miners, bureaucrats donât
need it.
This strike holds a number of lessons for the workers movement, and
maybe one or two two for the anarchist movement⊠Firstly it has shown
once more the tremendous resilience and power of organised and militant
workers. Secondly it has shown the ethical bankruptcy of the Leninist
groups whose main priority is selling their paper behind the picket
lines while people at the front are getting their heads cracked open.
Thirdly it has shown yet again that reformist unionism isnât up to the
job. Much of the sacrifice and commitment of the miners and their
families has been squandered at times (as when the area NUM leaderships
gave âtheirâ steelworks special dispensations to carry on production).
As to the response to the bureaucracies of other unions, the less said
the better (wot? â typesetter).
The article misses the basic point: that the dynamism behind the strike
from day one has come from the grass roots of the NUM. On this welcome
development, as anarchists and believers in a revolutionary unionism
under the conscious control of militant, self-organised workers, we must
base our propaganda and activity. We seek working class unity yes. But
donât confuse that with entertaining the mistakes and missed
opportunities of reformist trade unionism.
D.M.(Middlesborough)
There is a difference between revolutionary and anarchist propaganda.
Revolutionary propaganda can be seen as the education and agitation
which increases peoples understanding of the present society, whilst
anarchist propaganda is presenting the anarchist approach to changing
society. Whilst revolutionary propaganda in this miners strike, such as
pointing out it is not solely a mass conspiracy against the miners, but
it is the natural function of the DHSS police etc., is important,
putting over the complete anarchist âpackageâ is not. Therefore the best
way to put over anarchism is not by claiming to have the solution to the
miners strike, the world and everything, but by proving ourselves as
useful allies in the struggle.
Not all NUM bureaucrats (full time, paid officials) are better off than
all the miners, some are at the bottom of the structure, are worse paid,
these too have given up their salaries. Simplistic attacks on
bureaucracies based on âthey get more moneyâ etc, is basically petty and
shows a lack of understanding of the problem. As anarchists we believe
that bureaucracy, hierarchy etc. weakens workers organisations, whether
they are paid more or less is irrelevant.
Getting on to the SWP. They have not attacked full time officials, they
have attacked selected individuals ie. Jack Taylor, because he is a soft
target. Even they arenât stupid enough to attack Scargill, which could
be quite easily done in the same tone as their attack on Taylor. On the
lines of [â]more mass picketing needs national not regional control
Scargillâs failure to take control from the regions will lose this
strike etc. etc.[â] But they have personalised the miners problems into
Jack Taylor â in the same way as the SUN newspaper of the Rupert Murdoch
Party blames it all on Scargill.
The Socialist Worker may give a good coverage of industrial news but so
does the Newsline (WRP daily paper) and for that matter the Financial
Times and the Sunday Times & Observer business sections. In all cases
there is a need to read between the lines.
Dear Black Flag,
I was pleased to see the letter from RG (Exeter) in the Flag No. 116. I
had been furious about the article âThe Miners and the Leftâ and had
intended to write to you myself.
I am stunned that any Anarchist can write that the structures that the
miners, or any other strikers, work within are âirrelevantâ. When I read
the article a picture immediately entered my head of a hypothetical
union run on fascist lines and headed by a dictator. One sunny day the
dictator called a strike and threatened to expel/beat up/ murder every
worker who did not support it. As it happened a group of Anarchists
supported the premises of the strike and joined the dictator and a small
band of others in their actions. A few of the @s had some qualms about
it and asked: âIs it really libertarian to work with a dictator?â But
their newspaper hastily reassured them that the structure of the union
was irrelevant.
You canât be serious.
I thought M (Doncaster)âs reply was useful. It clarified a lot of points
which should have been said more clearly in the original article.
Thereâs a lot of difference between ârunning in during disputes,
attacking the structures and generally being negativeâ â which I am sure
no @ would advocate â and seeing the structures as âirrelevantâ.
I was amazed to learn that the article was written to stimulate debate
about the nature of solidarity. You could have fooled me!
I thought it was a thinly disguised attack on the SWP. Next time could
you make it a bit clearer. An interview with the miners as to their idea
of useful forms of solidarity would have been far more interesting.
Another point about Ms reply to RG. It was couched in terms of
disagreement yet to me M seemed to be making very similar points to RG.
eg. I was glad to hear that M does recognise as does RG, that criticism
if it comes from people clearly giving solidarity can be constructive.
Last point â above all âThe miners and the Leftâ was a waste of valuable
space which could have been filled with info about workersâ struggles â
in particular about the miners strike, which to me, is the most
important industrial action for years and deserves all of our informed
support.
Fighting with the miners,
C.G. Hackney/ London E8
To CG, Hackney,
For your information, the article âThe Miners and the Leftâ was written
from a report âBores Under the Floorâ, which happened to be written by a
miner for miners; also from conversations with miners on picket lines;
as our neighbours; as our friends; and as our comrades. Of course it was
about the nature of solidarity. As for the attack on the SWP, that comes
directly from the miners.
Perhaps Iâm wrong, but your hypothetical case seems to be a thinly
disguised, cheap and safe attack on A. Scargill! He did not call the
strike â this happened as a direct result of miners coming out in
support of the Cortonwood men whose pit was threatened with imminent
closure. Scargill & Taylor had nothing to do with it â see previous
issues of Black Flag which spells this out quite clearly. Expulsion of
scabs is a call from the rank & file. Of course there are doubts about
this, but it is up to the rank & file miners to decide. Plus, the deaths
in this strike have been the deaths of pickets; people are lying in
intensive care with broken skulls & suspected brain damage â they are
pickets injured by thug pigs. Old women have had their homes broken into
by pigs wielding truncheons. Children have had limbs broken by these
same pigs.
Having been involved with this strike from day one, not only on picket
lines daily but also giving economic support, moral support, our time
and energy to the communities involved in this dispute â including our
own â I find your cheap jibes insulting. If you believe that debating
about the nature of solidarity is a waste of space then thereâs
something wrong â because the nature of solidarity is about workers
struggle and vice versa. Our reporting of the strike in this area for
Black Flag has been informed â if you want interviews with miners go on
the picket lines â youâre not too far from Kent, & talk with the people
involved there.
There seems to me to be too much attacking of the NUM in this strike[1]
and not enough attacking the NCB, the government, or the pigs. The
structure of the NUM may not be perfect, but attacking that during the
middle of the most important workers struggle in the country for years,
is counter-productive. Miners themselves have started to question the
structures but want unity now & we should respect this. This is not
defending the bureaucrats, only the rank & file. Talk with members of
the mining communities, donât patronizingly spout purist platitudes from
the safe confines of Hackney. And if you want articles on workersâ
struggles, and canât get to Kent, why not try writing about those
struggles in your area â or arenât there any?!
At the moment we in mining areas feel that we are in a country that is
occupied by an enemy force â which we are. Pigs from London, Manchester,
in fact from all over the country, are occupying our streets and
attacking us. Living here doesnât allow itself to us wasting time on
cheap jibes about a union. Our solidarity is with the men, women and
children who make up the pit communities, & we shall continue to fight
with them, and report about that fight.
Fighting with the miners (literally)
J & M (Doncaster)
Strikers now find themselves in major confrontation with the police. It
is an eye-opener for all those trade unionists who have been elected to
public office, to councils and to Parliament, who sit as magistrates or
school governors or on tribunals and fancy themselves as part of the
Establishment, to find that a determined government can at one blow wipe
it all away. Miners â even the lower echelon of the union machine â are
having to battle in the streets, to bleed under truncheons, to face
political grilling in police stations, to be stopped at roadblocks, to
have their homes searched, to be fined and imprisoned. All this has
happened before, but to âextremistsâ⊠suddenly the âextremeâ becomes
nearer than they thought.
Only a matter of months ago one odd member of the anti-strike brigade
was deprecating the printers of Fleet Street and their high wages (which
were fought for over the years) saying how much more he would think of
them (not that he would do anything) if they were to stop printing lies
â regarding this as totally unthinkable. Now they have done just this.
They have forced the Daily Telegraph and the Daily Mail to print the
other side, they have stopped the Sun altogether because it wouldnât.
(âAn infringement of free speech!â cry those who think only a few
proprietors have the right to freedom of expression).
Amongst the lies being hurled at the strikers is the one that says that
this is all a bid for power by or for Arthur Scargill. Mr Scargill is
being built up as the Lenin of the strike by the anti-strike brigade:
those who fight for it are tarred as wishing to build up a Scargill
Government, as puppets of Scargill, as bootlickers of Scargill, as
minions of a Scargill dictatorship.
The miners are organised in an authoritarian body, the National Union of
Mineworkers, and Scargill at itâs head has the spotlight on him. But to
imagine the fight is for âScargillâ is to fall for the most obvious
brainwashing we have had since we were told the war was âwonâ by
Churchill. Few men will undergo six months of voluntary semi (or actual)
starvation out of hero-worship or blind following â against the
brainwashing of the media â however eloquent or handsome Scargill is â
and if they did they would not have the backing of the women who have
emerged as the greatest of fighters.
Scargill happens to boss the NUM, but then the struggle is not for the
NUM. It is the whole structure of the NUM â tied to the closed shop
system beloved of British trade unionism because it saves them so much
bother and normally excludes having to fight that has caused the
division between workers. If an independent miners union wanted to fight
and some people didnât want to, they could go and be damned.
In a closed shop union miners who want to scab â because of greed or
fear of the consequences or concern for their families â want at the
same time to remain as unionists because it is the only way they know to
guarantee having jobs at all. If expelled they appeal, to the courts.
What have judges to do with a workers union? A union is to fight
economic battles; not to be determined by every law. The fight would
have been long won since if those who felt threatened by the closures
had been able to part company with those who did not feel the threat
affected them yet, and who think they can afford to wait until it does
and work meantime, paying their mortgages and hire purchases and keeping
their holidays and cars.
If those who had no stomach to fight had been allowed to leave the
union, they would have seen there was no alternative but to fight. The
notion that âthey should have ballotedâ (echoed by all the reactionaries
who never hold ballots on anything affecting themselves) is a false cry.
The only purpose of balloting would be to preserve the unity of the
closed shop union. No miners would vote yes on whether they wanted pits
to close. A number would have disagreed with striking â but obviously
they would not be people being closed down, they would be the ones in
hopefully secure pits (or so they think).
The struggle has transformed the mining communities politically. Most
older miners always hoped that the task of mining as it is known would
eventually cease. But nothing is offered in its place. The NCB is taking
the means by which whole valleys and communities live and ordering them
to be extinct. This is being done by the nationalised coal industry,
which was a 75 year ambition of socialism and trade unionism â something
which the NUM forgets when it mightily attacks coal chief MacGregor.
The younger miners are battling against police and pickets. But this is
not a battle for the streets and it will not be won there. If the police
are defeated they bring in the army and all the reserve forces being
built up by the new dictatorship. That front must not be neglected and
it is one on which major support is needed, but like war the strike will
be won or lost on provisions. In this the women of the coalfields have
shown superb communal organising ability and received enormous support
which has won the admiration of organised workers everywhere. They must
not be allowed to perish for want of âlease-lendâ.
Albert Meltzer.
[1] by people who know nothing of its history, structure and nature.