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Title: Equitable Commerce
Author: Josiah Warren
Date: May 1852
Language: en
Topics: individualism, equitable commerce, economy, economics, intentional communities, labor vouchers, labor notes, labor for labor, 19th century, 1800s
Source: OCR'd from PDF, https://openlibrary.org/books/OL23157421M/Equitable_commerce
Notes: Edited by Stephen Pearl Andrews

Josiah Warren

Equitable Commerce

Editor's Preface

I GLADLY accept the pleasing task which my friend, JOSIAH WARREN, has

consented that I shall assume, of editing and presenting to the world,

in my own way, his works on “Equitable Commerce,” which is but another

name for what I have denominated, in my books upon the same subject,

“The Science of Society.” The present work is the text and basis of all

that I have written on the subject, and of more that I propose to write.

The main body of this book was published as far back as 1846. It has now

under-gone at my request, a revisal by the author, and several important

additions have been made, which may give the appearance of anachronism

to some of its statements. To remedy this, I have surrounded some of the

larger insertions of new matter with brackets, to advertise the reader

of the fact, that these last are of a later date than the other parts.

The work itself is one of the most remarkable ever printed. It is a

condensed presentation of the most fundamental principles of social

science ever yet discovered. I do not hesitate to affirm that there is

more scientific truth, positively new to the world, and immensely

important in its bearings upon the destiny of mankind, contained in it,

than was ever before consigned to the same number of pages. I am

conscious that I am guilty of no extravagance in predicting that such

will be the estimate placed by posterity upon the discoveries of Mr.

Warren.

In saying this, I have no desire or intention to disparage the labors of

other great social philosophers. Owen, Fourier, St. Simon, and more,

have worthily sought to solve the problem of a harmonious human society;

and although they have all tailed to discover the true methods of

reform, they have done, in the effort to do so, other and most valuable

work. They have laid bare the vices of the old règime with a terrific

fidelity. They have, like Carlyle, disgusted mankind with their own

portraiture. At the same time they have sketched with a potent hand an

enchanting picture of the “golden age of the future,” which contrasts in

all men’s minds forcibly, at this day, with the antagonism, the wasteful

expenditure of means, the ignorance, and crime, and sickness, and

squalor, and filth, and wretchedness, and the broad and painful but

ludicrous diversities of poverty and wealth, and the mercenary

degradation of all classes, which disgrace the existing state of our

social organization. Fourier has done even far more than this. His

masterly analysis of the human passions is an invaluable contribution to

man’s knowledge of himself. His daring but shadowy outline of a science

of universal analogy, which would be entitled, if once put fairly upon

the firm basis of a known science, to the denomination of “The Science

of Sciences,” is eminently worthy of estimation, if regarded as merely

suggestive, and stimulating to more sedate and systematic investigations

in the same direction, and equally dangerous if accepted for what it

claims to be an ascertained basis from which to reason in practical

science.

This is not, however, the place to give a general estimate of any of

these men. What concerns them here relates to their success or failure

in discovering the methods of successfully placing human society upon a

basis of equity, security, and peace—of internal harmony and predominant

abundance of all the means of happiness. That they have proposed all

this, as their end, is gratefully recognized as true. That they have

deeply imbued a large portion of the heart of humanity with eager

aspiration after such a consummation, is gladly acknowledged. Their

influence is by no means limited to the number of those who are their

professed followers. They have aroused the Christian Church, and in some

measure brought back the religion of humanity, instead of theological

dogma, while to them is fairly due the birth of the idea, that the

constitution of human society is, like every other department of nature,

a fitting realm for scientific investigation. Beyond this they have

either not gone, or have gone in a wrong direction. They have all

stumbled upon the fatal error of combined interests as the supposed sole

method of neutralizing antagonism. They have failed totally to arrive at

the simple definition of Equity, They have veered either to the right or

the left of the exact truth upon nearly every question of practical

procedure. They have attacked the legitimate idea of individual

property, or they have erroneously attributed to property the human

right to participate in the results of human toil. They have begun by

attempting to regulate men by legislation, instead of trusting to men to

regulate themselves and their relations to each other by a knowledge of

principles. They have resorted to contrivances, instead of discovering

laws. They have overlaid and smothered the Individual in the

multiplicity or the complexity of Institutions.

Some social reformers have sinned more in one and some in another of

these respects. None have avoided this catalogue of errors altogether.

Protests will be uttered against this criticism from various quarters. I

am aware it is said, for example, on behalf of Fourier, that he

recognized most explicitly the individualities of men, as also their

sovereign right of each to be the arbiter of his own destiny. It is

said, that if his scheme were carried fully out, it was expressly

intended to end by achieving the entire individual freedom of every

member of community. These statements embody simply the truth; and yet

there is a fallacy in reasoning from them that the scheme involves

either the doctrine of Individuality, or the Sovereignty of the

Individual, as practical facts. Individualities have to be crushed, and

sovereignty has to be abdicated, in order that the scheme may begin to

be carried out; and hence its essential self-defeating impracticability.

The fallacy in question is so subtle, and has so strong a hold upon the

minds of many of the devotees of Fourier, that it needs to be forcibly

and aptly illustrated. There is an old legend about the devil’s

attempting to build a chimney by beginning at the top. The scheme was

plausible, but the practice never worked up to the theory. It was

demonstrated that the chimney, if built, would end at the same thing as

another chimney; and hence was it not clear that this was just as good a

plan of chimney-building as any other? The project failed, nevertheless,

for want of success in fastening the first brick; and so,

“The best laid schemes of mice and men

Oft gang awry.”

The relation which all of the predecessors to the discoverer of the Cost

Principle, in this field of inquiry, bear to him and his labors, is

similar, in my estimate, to that which the numerous experimenters in the

discovery of a mechanical perpetual motion, and those who have

speculated on the wonderful benefits to result to mankind from such an

event, would bear to him who should actually detect the existence of

some new law of physical movement, in accordance with which that

mechanical miracle should become simply and demonstrably practicable. It

is, in fine, the difference between laudable endeavor and complete

success.

There is, however, nothing flashy nor superficially attractive in the

principles propounded by Mr. Warren, nor in the mode of their

exhibit—the farthest from it in the world. They are hard, unpretending,

but fundamental truths. They are the rocky foundation facts, upon which

the whole of what is to be the secure, the admirable, the

transcendentally beautiful superstructure of regenerate human society

must rest, if it is to have any foundation at all. Those facts will

address themselves less favorably, in the early stages of the reform, to

the tasteful, the imaginative, and the artistic, than to the philosophic

and the so-called common-sense mind—less favorably to the amateurs than

to the connoisseurs in social architecture. Others must await patiently

the results, with which they will he amply contented in time. Those

whose mental constitution enables them to pass rapidly and almost

unaided from the statement of a principle to its manifold applications,

will be delighted with this little manual of principles by Mr. Warren.

The simple, rugged presentation of grand revolutionary truths which

abound in every succeeding page of this hook, will be for them an ample

storehouse of rich treasure. Men of mere scholastic predilections, and

those who require or prefer to be facilitated in their appreciation of

profound philosophical ideas, may find themselves better suited in my

own more elaborate exposition of the same doctrine, in “The True

Constitution of Government,” and “Cost the Limit of Price.”

It seems to be essential, however, that a work like this, in which new

thought is so concentrated as to be almost oppressive to all but the

most hardy intellects, should be heralded by a strong statement of its

worth, by some one who has thoroughly explored its depths, and who can

speak of its announcements with more freedom than its author. The

experiments by which Mr. Warren has been, for a quarter of a century,

fortifying his discoveries, have not been kept secret. The principles

themselves have been, from time to time, more or less freely explained

to the public. Even this work, which contains a sufficient statement of

the whole circle of doctrines, has been, as before stated, several years

published; and yet the experiments, the principles, and the book have

been, it may be almost said, entirely overlooked and disappreciated, if

we compare the slight estimation they have received with their real

value and importance. If I have been among the first to grasp the full

significance of these principles, and if, by a somewhat more boisterous

proclamation of their value, I have begun to attract a broader circle of

appreciators and lovers of their simplicity and their grandeur, I may,

perhaps, claim as much merit as the obscure Mormon laborer, whose keener

vision was directed by chance to the mineral treasures of California,

after its gold-bearing soil had been for centuries trodden under foot,

or carelessly turned up by the plow of succeeding generations. If, like

his, my name shall be forgotten in the aftergrowth of a movement to

which I may have been instrumental In giving a favorable inception, I

shall gladly consent to that oblivion which comes from the overshadowing

of the individual by the greatness of the movement itself.

Intimately persuaded that in this little book the reflective reader will

find the elements of a world-wide social revolution—elements imbued with

a potency competent to insure the rapid progress and final prevalence of

universal Justice and Freedom on earth, I commend it to his careful

perusal.

STEPHEN PEARL ANDREWS.

NEW YORK, May 1852.

Introduction.

THE public are here presented with the results of about twenty-five

years of investigations and experiments, with a view to a great and

radical, yet peaceful change in the character of society, by one who

felt A deep and absorbing interest, and took an active part in the

experiments of Communities at New Harmony, during the two years of 1825

and 1826, and who, after the total defeat of every modification of those

plans, which the purest philanthropy find the greatest stretch of

ingenuity could devise, was on the point of abandoning all such

enterprises, when a new train of thought seemed to throw a sudden flash

of light upon our past errors, and to show plainly the path to be

pursued. But this led directly in the opposite direction to that which

we had just traveled. It led to new principles! to new views, and new

modes of action. So new and so startling were these principles, and the

natural conclusion from them, that the discoverer (if we must so call

him) dare not attempt to communicate them to his most intimate friends,

for fear of being accounted “insane;” nor would he trust his own

reasonings for their accuracy, but resolved to work them practically

out, step by step, silently watching and studying their operations, and

trust to results for making an impression upon the public mind, thinking

that one successful example, at any one point, might extend itself to

the circumference of society. But a new impulse is given to the public

mind. Goaded on by the irresistible necessity of some change in our

social condition, men are becoming more tolerant toward new things—more

disposed to listen to proposals for alleviation; but short

conversations, or public meetings, do not afford the required

opportunities for the study of a subject involving all the interests of

mankind; and I have come to the resolution to endeavor to place it (as

far as practicable) upon paper, in a manner that it may be studied in

detail, in times of undisturbed leisure, where the attention can be

fixed upon that alone, individually; for nothing short of this can do it

justice.

I have many times sat down to perform the task now before me; but when I

1 contemplated the overwhelming magnitude of the subject—the bewildering

complication of its different parts—the liability to err, to make wrong

impressions through the inherent ambiguity of language, and the

impossibility of conveying new ideas by old words, I have shrunk with

fear and trembling from the task, have laid down my pen in despair, and

returned to the silent, but sale, though tardy, language of experimental

action. This speaks unequivocally to those who see and study it; but

this mode of introduction has its limits, depending on the locality of

the experiments, and the intellectual capacities and pecuniary resources

of those who are within its immediate sphere, neither of which may prove

sufficient for the establishing of one complete example. And, although

nineteen years ago a work of this kind would have obtained no readers,

nor scarcely have been noticed, every class of persons are now alive to

the subject—are aware that something must be done, and are disposed more

than at any former period to give a work of this kind a candid perusal.

Society is everywhere waking to the realities of its condition, and

plunging into enterprises which are sure to end in defeat and

disappointment, and to result only in the comparative martyrdom of the

very best of men and women, who are nobly devoting themselves to the

holy cause of suffering humanity. With these views, it would be

inexcusable—criminal, in my own estimation, to shrink from the necessary

responsibility, and remain silent, while I am convinced that our whole

objects can be easily attained by a process unknown to them, which may

possibly be communicated. Not that I can hope to reach the

understandings of many by any effusion of words; but, that there are a

few isolated individuals scattered through the dreary waste of mind, who

perhaps can be assembled together by verbal inter-communication, and who

may set a PRACTICAL EXAMPLE, that will speak a language which all can

comprehend.

I deem it unnecessary to add any thing to what has been so well said of

late, to show the imperious necessity of a total change in society’s

institutions. Almost every one now admits—what the few far-seeing and

deep-thinking individuals have perceived in all ages of human

institutions—that something is radically wrong somewhere; there has

always been a striving after a purer state of existence—a panting utter

an atmosphere never yet breathed in the social state—a clashing between

the theories and the practices of men—a yearning after practical justice

and humanity—promised, though never realized in the operations of social

institutions. Society has been in a state of violence, of revolution and

suffering, ever since its first formation; and at this moment the

greatest number are about to array themselves against the smaller, who

have, by some subtle and hidden means, lived luxuriously upon their

labor without rendering an equivalent. Governments have lost their power

of governing. Laws have become powerless from their inherent

defectiveness and their iniquitous perversion; the grinding power of

capital is everywhere felt to be irresistible by ordinary means; the

right of the strongest begins to be openly admitted to a rightful

extent, and many of the best minds look forward to all age of confusion

and violence, with the confidence of despair. The cry of misery and the

call for remedy are heard from all quarters. We have contemplated

suffering in different forms till the heart is sick; and, unless a

speedy and effectual remedy be applied, would fly from the scenes or

shut our eyes upon them forever. We are not alone in this feeling—the

same spirit is abroad, calling for aid, for sympathy, for REMEDY; and in

response to this call, I come at once to our subject—SOCIAL REFORMATION.

This appears naturally to divide itself into three parts.

First. A statement of what we wish to accomplish.

Second. The means to be employed.

Third. The manner of applying those means.

Plan of This Work.

I HAVE endeavored to reduce the great object of this work to the form of

a definite problem, and to suggest the means of its solution in their

most simple, practical form, and have associated each proposition with

an initial or number, by which the reader can refer to their different

illustrations or applications throughout the work. Thus, whenever I is

placed either at the head of a chapter or in the margin of any page,

there will be found some practical working out of the legitimate reward

of labor, II refers to the security of person and property. I Points out

the illustration of individuality, etc. There are many important

subjects immediately connected with, though not constituting the social

problem or its solution, which are referred to under the third class of

figures 1, 2, 3, etc. Thus, suppose that the reader feels particular

interest in the subject of competition. Let him turn to the contents,

where he will find this marked 4. Now let him refer to any of the

margins having the figure 4, and immediately opposite the figure he will

find some illustration of the workings of competition.

If he wishes to see illustrations of the sovereignty of the individual,

he will look in the margins for the letter S; and in a similar manner he

will find the illustrations of any point of the subject, by referring to

its corresponding figure or letter.

Problem to be Solved.

I. The proper, legitimate, and just reward of labor.

II. Security of person and property.

III. The greatest practicable amount of freedom to each individual.

IV. Economy in the production and uses of wealth.

V. To open the way for each individual to the possession of land, and

all other natural wealth.

VI. To make the interests of all to co-operate with and assist each

other, instead of clashing with and counteracting each other.

VII. To withdraw the elements of discord, of war, of distrust and

repulsion, and to establish a prevailing spirit of peace, order, and

social sympathy.

Means of the Solution

I. INDIVIDUALITY.

S. SOVEREIGNTY OF EVERY INDIVIDUAL.

C. COST THE LIMIT OP PRICE,

M. CIRCULATING MEDIUM FOUNDED ON THE COST OF LABOR.

A. ADAPTATION OF THE SUPPLY TO THE DEMAND.

Important Points Illustrated.

1. Disconnection, division, individuality the principle of order,

harmony, and progress.

2. Different interpretations of the same language neutralize all

institutions founded on words.

3. It is not each other, but our commerce or intercourse with each

other, that we have to regulate.

4. Competition rendered harmless, and becomes a great adjusting and

regulating power.

5. Use of capital on the equitable principle.

6. VALUE being made the basis of price, becomes the principal element of

civilized cannibalism.

7. Power of circumstances over persona illustrated.

8. Sources of insecurity of person and property.

9. Illustrations of the origin or necessity for governments.

10. Division of labor the greatest source of gain to society,

11. Whatever operates against the division of labor, and exchange or

commerce, makes against civilization.

12. Benefits of individual responsibilities illustrated.

13. Machinery, by the cost, or the equitable principle, made a benefit

to all, an Injury to none.

16. Report of demand or wants, the first step of practical operations.

17. To those who want employment.

18. Victims of the present social state—simple justice would do more for

them than the highest stretch of benevolence ever contemplated.

19. CO-OPERATION WITHOUT COMBINATION produced by simple JUSTICE.

22. Subordination which does not violate the natural liberty of man.

25. Combinations, or “UNITY OF INTERESTS,” the wrong movement.

27. Reasons for organizing society without government.

30. Natural government of consequences, in the place of man-made

government!

31. Where the consequences fall, there should rest the deciding power.

33. Simple justice, or Equitable Commerce, would naturally effect all

the great objects aimed at by the best friends of the human race.

37. Value being made the limit of price, stagnates commerce, and retards

the progress of civilization.

Education conducted upon equitable principles. (See Appendix.)

The customary apprenticeships an unnecessary cause of poverty, and a

great obstacle to any improved state of society. (See Appendix.)

Equitable Commerce.

Part I. What Do We Wish to Accomplish? Or What Constitutes The Social

Problem.

THERE are now various proposed solutions of this problem before the

public, which I differ more or less from each other; but there are

certain points, in which many of them, at least, resemble each other,

and which now seem to be pressed upon us by our very necessities.

Following the demand, therefore, of these necessities or wants, rather

than any authority, but with all reverence for the freedom of others to

differ, I venture to state S the problem thus—Society wants:

I. The proper, legitimate, and just reward of labor.

II. Security of person and property.

III. The greatest practicable amount of freedom to each individual.

IV. Economy in the production and uses of wealth.

V. To open the way for each individual to the possession of land, and

all other natural wealth.

VI. To make the interests of all to co-operate with and assist each

other, instead of clashing with and counteracting each other.

VII. To withdraw the elements of discord, of war, of distrust, and

repulsion, and to establish a prevailing spirit of peace, order, and

social sympathy.

Part II. Means For The Attainment of Our Proposed Ends.

THE steam-engine is an element of society which has an increasing

tendency to modify it—Arkwright’s spinning machinery, and all other

mechanical discoveries of great magnitude, constitute other elements of

new society—they have materially changed the condition of the working

classes, and compelled them, for self-preservation, to call for a

radical change in the whole fabric of society. Printing was another

element, indispensable to reasonable and peaceful changes in the

condition of man.

Another great element of peace and universal brotherhood, has “been of

late infused into society by the direction of men’s minds to the

influence of surrounding circumstances upon human motives, manners,

conduct, character, and customs.

Neurology, and other kindred discoveries of immense magnitude for the

emancipation and elevation of the race, are doing this noble work with a

certainty of effect that is not to be mistaken nor counteracted.

I do not, therefore, profess to develop here all the elements that are

or may be at work to produce a new and superior condition. Society is a

complicated machine, which will not work rightly in the absence of some

of its necessary parts. I propose to supply only such as appear to be

wanting; if, indeed, a man can be said to supply that which man never

made, but which are as old as the creation. The first element of

Equitable Commerce, or rather the foundation of the whole subject, is:

THE STUDY OF INDIVIDUALITY, or the Practice of Mentally Discriminating,

Dividing, Separating, Disconnecting Persons, Things, and Events,

according to their Individual Peculiarities.

Do not be alarmed at the word study, or at the dry and abstract form of

the heading of this chapter. I shall deal as little as possible in the

abstract, but subjects of illimitable magnitude admit of no other form.

The American Declaration of Independence is an abstraction, and those

who are incapable of examining subjects of this character may as well

lay down the book here and save themselves further trouble; while I

invite the few more fortunately constituted to an exercise of mind upon

which the success of our whole object depends, but which constitutes no

part of our education, nor scarcely of surrounding example.

The Individualities of which I speak are so deep-seated, so subtle, and

hidden, that they pass undetected by common observation; and almost defy

scrutiny itself; and yet, as electricity seems to be the life-principle

of the Individual, so this Individuality seems equally to pervade every

thing, and to be the life-principle of society.

The word Individuality furnishes an illustration of itself. It assumes

different significations in different cases. We sometimes use it as a

substantive, sometimes as an adjective, sometimes as a verb. Different

persons understand it differently in either form; and the same person

will understand and appreciate it differently at different times,

according to different degrees of development and different states of

mind, under different circumstances. Such is the indefinite diversity

that will spring up out of the peculiarities or Individualities of

persons, times, and circumstances, when the word is used; and this

diversity is inevitable. We can scarcely write a phrase that will not be

subject to similar diversity of interpretation, growing out of the

subtle individualities of different minds and different stales of the

same mind.

This is illustrated or indicated in every one’s experience in every day

life, in all our social intercourse, but particularly where the subjects

or the words used are indefinite. So continually is this demonstrated,

that I almost feel that an apology is due for stating it; but I will

apologise by following out this individuality farther than common

observation reaches.

“If a sonnet, for example, which has been addressed to some idol of the

heart, falls into the hands of one under the influence of the tender

passion, it is sure to be fully appreciated and pronounced ‘beautiful.’

To such a one nothing is too sentimental; any thing which tells of the

‘trials of the heart’—of ‘true love’—a ‘broken heart,’ is doubly

welcome. But place the same production before a merchant in the bustle

of business, and the exclamation would be, ‘What stuff! What nonsense!’

Yet the same man, under different circumstances, would exclaim, ‘How

beautiful! How true!’”

The most thoughtful and dignified production may be the recipient of

censure for want of a kindredness (co-incidence) of sentimentality, or

the absence of it, on the part of the reader. The mind, from various

causes, may be totally unfitted for the thoughts before it.

And then again, the mind of the most sentimental order, by nature, may

be placed under circumstances unfavorable to the appreciation of the

writer’s thought; so much so, that the most beautiful creations of the

most fanciful author may be as “sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal,”

though clothed in the most harmonious numbers. How, for instance, can we

expect any one wearied with the toils of the day to peruse a poem,

however short, with the same pleasure and favorable reception as the man

of leisure? But even the man of taste and leisure may fail (nay, often

does) to enter into the feelings of the writer; and without feeling, the

penning and appreciation of poetry are alike out of the question. The

shades of meaning which it is intended to express are so nice and

peculiar, that words alone will not communicate them—much depends upon

the peculiar cast of thought and mood of feeling of the reader at the

particular time of perusal. A poet may describe parts and personages

separately— such as the wood, the stream, the flocks, and the pastoral

bowers; but how difficult to describe these so as to be appreciated by

those who have never beheld, never admired rural scenery—never known the

feeling of love! He will be appreciated only by those who have

experienced the necessary conditions for appreciation. A reader who had

“never viewed a river, or a waterfall, or a gloomy ravine, amid

rock-ribbed mountains, could get no understanding from a verbal

description of them; while those to whom such scenes and feelings were

familiar would derive pleasure equal or superior to that arising from

the contemplation of the reality.”

Now all these subtle peculiarities are entirely beyond the control of

the writer and the reader. They are nature’s constant production—a part

of the great law of Individuality, which sets at defiance all rules for

writing and for reading. It rises-above all rules, eludes the most

careful phraseology, and stands the only thing unmoved, unchanged, and

unconquerable.

Again in matters of dress. “People appear differently according both to

the lookers-on and their own states of feeling. Those who once seemed

the impersonation of all that could charm and captivate, may again

appear nothing more than ordinary mortals; and people appear better

under some circumstances than under others, though not seen with charmed

eyes. Some moods of thought shed a glory not its own on the plainest

face, while others disfigure the finest features; and in the right shade

and light, and form and color of the dress, many a merely good-looking

woman appears really beautiful. Some know this, and make it their study

to follow it out, while others have an innate perception of the

becoming, and appear well, whatever the quality of the dress, when in

its form and I quality they follow their own tastes, leaving fashion to

dictate to those who have no idea of their own of ‘the fitness of

things.’

I know not who are the writers of the two preceding quotations, but they

are singularly useful in illustrating the point under consideration;

while the first shows that individuality rises above all rules for

writing or interpreting language, the latter shows that it sets aside

all vulgar authority and rules for dress, and sets up the Individual

taste and judgment in their place.

The subject of Equitable Commerce has drawn forth many remarks and

comments very different from each other. One says, “he sees nothing in

particular in it;” another said he “perceived that it had all the

features that a great redeeming revolution ought to possess.” P. “could

see nothing in it but indications of insanity.” The Rev. Mr. C.

pronounced it “the result of more wisdom than commonly falls to the lot

of man.” F. saw in it “a design to make a little money;” while C, G, and

E, censure its author for spending his time and wasting his resources in

attempts to introduce principles which require “more virtue and

intelligence to carry them out than mankind possess.”

Such is the diversity of conclusions drawn from some of the most simple

statements of facts, which, to some minds, are illustrated in almost

every conversation, and in all our daily intercourse with each other!

But to contend against this diversity, is to contend against our

nature’s constant production. Such is the subtle and inherent nature of

this individuality, that it accompanies every one in every thing he

does, and any attempt to conquer it is like undertaking to walk away

from his mode of walking, or to run away from his breath—the very effort

calls it more decidedly into play.

Out of the indestructibility or inalienability of this Individuality

grows the ABSOLUTE RIGHT of its exercise, or the absolute SOVEREIGNTY OF

EVERY INDIVIDUAL.

We now come to an important and serious application of the facts

evolved.

Words are the principal means of our intellectual intercourse, and they

form the basis of all our institutions; but here again this subtle

Individuality sets at nought the profoundest thoughts and the most

careful phraseology. There is no certainty of any written laws, or

rules, or institutions, or verbal precepts being understood in the same

manner by any number of persons. This Individuality is unconquerable,

and therefore RISES ABOVE ALL INSTITUTIONS. To require conformity in the

appreciation of sentiments, or in the interpretation of language, or

uniformity of thought, feeling, or action where there is no natural

coincidence, is a fundamental error in human legislation—a madness that

would be only equalled by requiring all to possess the same countenance

or the same stature.

Individuality thus rising above all prescriptions, all authority, every

one, by the very necessities of nature, IS RAISED ABOVE, instead of

being under institutions based on language. Institutions thus become

subordinate to our judgment and subject to our convenience; and the

hitherto inverted pyramid of human affairs thus assumes its true

position! Are you alarmed at this sudden plunge into an unknown, an

uncultivated region? You are alarmed at your own redemption! After many

years of patient watchfulness of the world’s movements and of laborious

experiments, we see in this Individuality the germ of a future so

magnificent, so bright and dazzling, that the eye can scarcely look upon

it. We see that, as it is both inexpedient and impossible to overcome

this Individuality, we must conform our institutions TO IT! Man-made

laws thus become suggestive—not tyrannical masters, but useful

co-operators. Institutions will be “made for man, not man for

institutions!” Their introduction will be peaceful, and their progress

proportioned to the benefits they confer! We see by it the violence of

all disputes and controversies, whether religious, political, or

domestic, or pecuniary, suddenly neutralised by a power as soft and

genial as the gentle breath of a beneficent spirit! We see a remedy for

the antagonisms of Individuals and of Nations!—a conservative against

the decay of Empires!—a check to desolating ambition, and the whole

field of human enterprise opened for beneficence! We discover a

reasonable explanation of the antagonisms between ruled and rulers,

between despotism and liberty! and we have found the deep seated, unseen

causes of the political, religious, and pecuniary confusion and

sufferings of the race, and of the disastrous defeats of Revolutions and

reformatory movements. We behold in INDIVIDUALITY the long-sought

principle of order, harmony, and progress!

We will endeavor to justify the apparent extravagance of our

announcements by a few familiar illustrations, although the complete

elucidation of Individuality must be the work of time and much more

extended opportunities.[1]

INDIVIDUALITY, Division, Disconnection, Disunion, is the Principle

of Order, Harmony, and Progress.

When one finds his different papers, bills, receipts, orders, letters,

etc., all in one confused heap, and wishes to restore them to order,

what does he do but separate, disconnect, divide, and disunite

them—putting each Individual kind in an Individual place, until all are

Individualized? If a mechanic goes to his tool-chest, and finds all in

confusion, what does he do to restore them to order, but disconnect,

divide, separate, individualize them?

It is within every one’s experience, that when many things of any kind

are heterogeneously mixed together, separation, disconnection, division,

Individuality restores them to order, but no other process will do it.

If a multitude of ideas crowd at once upon the mind of a speaker or a

writer, what can he do to prevent confusion, but divide his subject,

disconnect, DISUNITE its parts, giving to each an Individual time and

place.

It is this which constitutes the principal element of the very highest

grade of criticism, as is shown by the foregoing quotations relative to

the various appreciations of language, and sentiment, and dress.

When two persons are talking at once, there is not sufficient

Individuality in either voice to separate it from the other. Both

UNITING together, they make nothing but confusion. The efforts of both

them and their auditors are thrown away. The remedy is obviously to

disconnect, to Individualize them.

The more the letters of an alphabet differ from each other, i.e., the

more Individuality each possesses, the more efficient and perfect are

they for the purposes intended. The same is true with regard to

arithmetical figures, and every thing of this kind.

When we mark a number of things for the purpose of distinguishing one

from another, we use different marks; but to mark all alike, would only

increase the confusion.

PHONOGRAPHY, a gigantic improvement in letters, which is probably to

work a total revolution in literature and book education, consists in

Individualizing the elements of speech and the signs which represent

them—giving to every Individual element an Individual sign or

representative.

The same is the case with a Mathematical Notation of Music (published,

though unknown to the public). The elements of musical sounds are

divided, separated, DISUNITED; each one having its peculiar Individual

representative on paper; and this alone constitutes the foundation of an

improvement for the general diffusion of musical knowledge, and in

effective performance, which will probably at some future day make the

world wonder at the crudeness and barbarism which, for upward of four

hundred years, have been allowed to obscure and conceal the beauties and

powers of this most heavenly element of social intercourse, from the

mass of mankind. Musical harmony is produced by those sounds only which

DIFFER from each other. A continuous reiteration of one note, in all

respects the same, has no charms for any one. The beats of a drum,

although the same as to “tune” are not so as to stress or accent; in

this respect they differ, and this difference occurring at regular

intervals, the strong contrasted with the weak, enables the attention to

dwell upon them, with more or less satisfaction; but the unremitted

repetition of one dull, unvarying sound would either not command

attention or make us run mad.

It is when the voice or an instrument sounds DIFFERENT notes, one after

the other, that we obtain melody; and it is only when DIFFERENT notes

are sounded together that we produce HARMONY. The key-note, its fifth,

its octave, and its tenth, when sounded together, produce a delightful

chord; but these are all DIFFERENT from each other, and they retain

their separate Individualities, even while thus associated in the

closest possible manner; so that, while all are sounding together, the

practiced ear can distinguish either from the others. They never become

combined. They never UNITE into one sound, even in the most complicated,

nor in the most enchanting, harmonious associations! If such were the

result—if they were to loose their individualities in association, and

to UNITE into one sound, all musical harmony would be unknown, or be

suddenly swept from the earth, as social harmony has been by violations

of the individualities of man. It is to the indestructible Individuality

of each note in music that we are indebted for all that we enjoy from

this most humanizing art; and it is through a watchful regard to the

equally indestructible individualities of man, that he is to be indebted

for the harmony of society.

INDIVIDUALITY, Definiteness, Disconnection, Division, Disunion is

the great Principle of Social Harmony, Order, and Progress.

The commencement of constitutional governments was the first step of

progress in politics, and it was disconnecting, dividing, disuniting the

subjects of legislative action from those which were reserved sacred to

the people.

The disconnection of Church and State was a master-stroke for freedom

and harmony. The great moving power—the very soul of the Protestant

Reformation was, that it left every one free to interpret the Scriptures

according to his own Individual views.

[Responsibility must be Individual, or there is no responsibility at

all.]

The directing power, or the lead of every movement must be individual,

or there is no lead, no order, nothing but confusion. The lead may be a

person or a thing—an idea or a principle; but it must be an

Individuality, or it cannot lead; and those who are led must have an

individual or similar impulse, and both that and the lead must coincide

or harmonize, to insure order and progress.

The masses in a city, when meeting each other upon the side-walk,

without any thing to lead to one Individual understanding, may turn out

in divers ways to avoid collision. One turns to the right, the other to

the left, and they both counteract each other; and both stop, both

change again, with the same result—no progress—nothing can result but

uncertainty and confusion, until there is some definite understanding

between them, which both co-operate to carry out. (Definite-ness is

attained only by an Individuality of meaning in the proposition

advanced). Some one Individual suggests through the papers that every

one turn to the right on meeting another. As it is for the interest, and

is the wish of every one to avoid collision and delay, their

inclinations and interests coincide with the idea thus thrown out, and

the confusion is at an end. Here is individuality of purpose,

individuality of understanding, individuality in the regulating or

governing power, or lead, and yet the governing power is not a person,

but an idea. Therefore, although the lead or governing power must be an

individuality, it need not necessarily be a person. It is sufficient

that it is an individuality; that is, notwithstanding that thousands

accept the suggestion, it has but one meaning to any, and to all; and

hence its success as a regulator. But if two suggestions were thrown out

at the same time, the one proposing to turn to the right, and the other

to the left, and no one individual understanding were arrived at, and if

each one had not an interest in avoiding collision, they would

neutralize each other, and confusion must be the result. Can we not see

(Democrats as we are) that here may be an explanation of the defense of

absolutism in governments, for the suppression of diversities of

opinion, suppression of the freedom of the press, etc.? Here is in

miniature the grand issue between despotism and liberty! What is the

solution? I answer, the right of supreme Individuality must be accorded

to every one; and though it is entirely impracticable to exercise this

right in the present close connections and combinations of society, the

true business of us all is to invent, modes by which all these

connections and amalgamated interests can be Individualized, so that

each can exercise his right of individuality at his own cost, without

involving or counteracting others; then, that his co-operation must not

be required in any thing wherein his own inclinations do not concur or

harmonize with the object in view. I admit that this makes it necessary

that the interests of the individual should harmonize with the public

interests! This is entirely impossible upon any principles now known to

the public, and this explains the motive for the introduction of these

new Elements of society.

We propose to throw out such ideas or discoveries as, when they come to

be examined, may, like any other definite or scientific truths, become

like the suggestions relative to the side-walk, the regulators of the

movements of each individual, by the coincidence between these

suggestions and his interests, or self-preservation.

Blackstone, and other theorists, are fatally mistaken when they think

they get “one general will” by a concurrence of vote. Many influences

may decide a vote contrary to the feelings and views of the voters; and,

more than this, perhaps no two in twenty will understand or appreciate a

measure, or foresee its consequences alike, even while they are voting

for it. There may be ten thousand hidden unconscious diversities among

the voters which cannot be made manifest till the measure comes to be

put in practice; when, perhaps, nine out of ten of the voters will be

more or less disappointed, because the result does not coincide with

their particular, individual expectations.

These inventions are all too short-sighted and too defective to be

allowed to govern the great interests of mankind! I admit, that when we

have once committed the mistake of getting into too close connections,

it is impossible for each to exercise his right of Individuality; that

then, perhaps, to be governed by the wishes of the greatest number (if

we could ascertain them!) might be the best expedient; but it is only an

expedient, a very imperfect one—dangerous when great interests are

involved, and positively destructive to the security of person and

property, from the uncertainty of the turning of the vote, or of the

permanence of the institution resulting from it. One man may turn the

whole vote, and often for want of definiteness (Individuality) in the

meaning of the terms of the laws, their interpretation and

administration are, of necessity, left to an individual; and this is

despotism! The whole process is like traveling in a circle too large to

be taken in at a glance, but yet, without being aware of it, we travel

toward the point whence we set out, although we take the first steps in

the opposite direction! Disconnecting all interests, and allowing each

to be absolute despot or sovereign over his own, at his own cost, is the

only solution that is worthy of thought. Good thinkers never committed a

more fatal mistake than in expecting harmony from an attempt to overcome

individuality, and in trying to make a state or a nation an “Individual!

” The individuality of each person is perfectly indestructible! A state

or a nation is a multitude of indestructible individualities, and

cannot, by any possibility, be converted into any thing else! The horrid

consequences of these monstrous and abortive attempts to overcome simple

truth and nature, are displayed on every page of the world’s melancholy

history. A few instances will illustrate.

Lamartine, in his admirable history of the first French Revolution,

says:

“Among the posthumous notes of Robespierre, were found the following:

‘There must be one will; and this will must be either Republican or

Royalist, ...... all diplomacy is impossible as long as we have not

unity of power.”

We here see the very root of his policy and the explanation of his

sanguinary career. It was precisely the same root from which have sprung

all the ancient as well as modern political and social fallacies. It was

a demand for “unity!” “one-ness of mind,” “one-ness of action,” where

coincidence was impossible. The demand disregarded all nature’s

Individualities, demanded the annihilation of all diversity, and made

dissent a crime! Therefore, all were criminal by necessity, for no two

had the power to be alike! The true basis for society is exactly the

opposite of all this. It is FREEDOM to differ in all things, or the

SOVEREIGNTY OF EVERY INDIVIDUAL.

Having the Liberty to differ does not make us differ, but, on the

contrary, it is a common ground upon, which all can meet, a particular

in which the feelings of all coincide, and is the first true step in

social harmony. Giving full latitude to every experiment (at the cost of

the experimenters), brings every thing to a test, and insures a

harmonious conclusion. Among a multitude of untried routes, only one of

which is right, the more Liberty there is to differ and take different

routes, the sooner will all come to a harmonious conclusion as to the

right one; and this is the only possible mode by which the harmonious

result aimed at can be attained. Compulsion, even upon the right road,

will never be harmonious. The SOVEREIGNTY or THE INDIVIDUAL will be

found on trial to be indispensible to harmony in every step of social

reorganization, and when this is violated or infringed, then that

harmony will be sure, to be disturbed.

Robespierre may have carried the old idea a little farther than some

Republicans, but he carried it no farther than the Grecians, the

Venetians, and even the ancient and modern advocates of Community of

property. In all of them, as well as in all forms of organized society,

the first and great leading idea was and is, to sink the Individual in

the state or body politic when nothing short of the very opposite of

this, which is, RAISING EVERY INDIVIDUAL ABOVE THE STATE, ABOVE

INSTITUTIONS, ABOVE SYSTEMS, ABOVE MAN-MADE LAWS, will enable society to

take the first successful step toward its harmonious adjustment.[2]

Lamartine, page 337:

“Couthon said, ‘Citizens, Capet is accused of great crimes, and in my

opinion he is guilty. Accused, he must be judged, for eternal justice

demands that every guilty man shall be condemned. By whom shall he be

condemned? By you, whom the Nation has constituted the great tribunal of

the state.'”

Hero, by a jumble of sounding words, “great crimes,” “eternal justice,”

“great tribunal of the state,” all of which mean nothing whatever but

the barbarian imagination of the speaker, a phantom got up called the

state, which is made to absolve the murderers from the responsibility of

the murder. If this responsibility had rested individually upon Couthon,

where, in truth, the whole of all that he was talking about existed, he

would have shrunk back from taking the first step. But throwing all the

responsibility upon the soulless phantom called the state, there was no

longer any check to crime! This is raising institutions or the state

above the Individual!

Again:

“The family of Louis XVI. being in prison, the municipal guard were

always present at all their meals and other meetings, and prevented all

confidential conversations; even their private feelings were suppressed

(by order of authority). They were ordered not to speak in a low voice,

but to talk aloud, and in French—any other language was forbidden.

Madame Elizabeth, having once forgotten this order, spoke a few words in

a low tone to her brother (the King), when the municipal in authority

scolded her violently, and said, ‘The secrets of tyrants are

conspiracies against the people, Speak out!’ said he ‘or be silent—the

Nation should hear every thing,’”

Here again, the Nation, the state was every thing, the Individual

nothing! The king, his wife, his amiable sister, and their children had

no rights left! The Nation, authority, the institution, had annihilated

all, and a dying sister must not speak to a dying brother, but their

bleeding hearts must be laid bare by heartless authority, and trampled

under the feet of the horrid monster of the imagination called “the

Nation!” This is raising the Nation above the individual! Human

institutions above Humanity! The true order is frightfully inverted! The

individual should be THE ALL, and the Nation should be a multitude of

sovereign Individuals, or be nothing.

Again, page 289. Speaking of Louis XVI, in prison, Lamartine says:

“The uniformity of this life began to change to custom and peace of

mind. The daily presence of beings mutually beloved (his family was with

him), their mutual tenderness, more felt since the etiquette of a court

no longer opposed the effusion of the sentiments of nature.”

The free play of the natural family feelings, even to a king in prison,

was preferable to the constraint of a court etiquette, which is imposed

professedly for the “dignity of the state!” This again, is sacrificing

the Individual to the state.

Page 483:

“Robespierre was repudiating the wholesale murders that had disgraced

the Revolution, Marat felt sore under the responsibility that rested on

him, and jumping up, shouted aloud, ‘they were a National Vengeance.’”

What would he have done for a scape-goat if the people had not been

trained in the dogma of the state every thing, the individual nothing!

An elderly lady in the country, hearing that her daughter had been

thrust into prison the day before, on suspicion of being opposed to the

revolution, hastened in dreadful alarm to the city, alighted at a hotel,

and in her phrensy of grief, gave vent to some expressions that were

immediately interpreted into disapprobation of the Revolution. She and

her daughter both met at ten o’clock the next day, for the last time in

the world, at the guillotine!

The Revolution had become the all-in-all—Humanity was blotted out. The

laws, rules, and edicts of the Revolution were above all else—the

revolution was the great Juggernaut, to which it was thought a virtue to

procure victims. This is raising Institutions above the Individual!

Page 351:

“Robespierre himself, in returning in the evening to Duplay’s house, and

conversing on the sentence just passed upon the king, seemed to protest

against the vote of the Duke of Orleans. ‘The miserable man.’ said he,

he was only required to listen to his own heart and make himself an

exception. He would not or dare not do so’”

And why dared not the Duke of Orleans to listen to his own individual

heart and make himself an exception? Because the public would not

sanction it—they knew nothing of the right of Individuality. The

institution of the Revolution had become every thing, the Individual

nothing.

Robespierre said to the National Convention of France:

“Besides, do you not perceive that by giving up the citizens to the

Individuality of religion, you kindle the signal of discord in every

town and village? Some would have a religion, others would wish for

none, and they would thus become mutual objects of contempt and hatred.”

Why would they have become mutual objects of contempt and hatred? Simply

because this Individuality was not recognized as the absolute right of

every person, and was not known as the great principle of order and

harmony. Diversity could only beget enmity where conformity was

demanded! Robespierre himself lost his own life in an attempt to enforce

conformity!

Page 309:

“As the king was conducted to the guillotine, no insult, no imprecation

arose from the multitude. If it had been asked of each of these two

hundred thousand citizens, actors or spectators in this funeral of a

living man, ‘Must this man, one against all, die?’ not one would have

replied, ‘Yes.’ But circumstances were so combined, by the misfortunes

and pressure of the times, that all accomplished, unhesitatingly, what,

isolated, no one would have consented to.”

What plainer evidence do we require to prove that isolated, or

individual responsibilities and actions would constitute the true

corrective for the enormities that have always been committed under the

barbarian notion, that something called the state, or the law, was

superior to humanity, or that institutions should rise above the

individual, instead of being subordinate and useful to the individual.

Page 254:

“Any other man than Robespierre would have felt the influences of these

reminiscences, and a feeling of generous pity would have stolen over his

mind .... but Calculation had superseded all natural feelings in his

mind, and the more he stifled every sentiment of humanity, the nearer

did he, in his own imagination, approach to superhuman greatness; and

the more he endured from the struggle, the ‘more persuaded was he of its

justice.”

Robespierre was all this time only consistently sacrificing every thing

and every body to the phantom in his imagination called the republic,

the Revolution, or the state!

Page 127:

“Danton, cruel on the whole, but capable of pity in detail, yielded to

the solicitations of friendship and the dictates of his own heart, and

released (on the previous evening) several persons in whose fate he had

felt an interest. Ordering crimes to be committed through the ferocity

of system, and not the ferocity of nature, he seemed happy to rescue

victims from himself.”

How evidently the system had risen ABOVE the man! The idea of the

absolute inviolability of every person must lead and predominate in any

movement, or it will proceed in confusion and end in despair.

Page 140:

“Cazotte was imprisoned separately from his daughter. The judges did

what assassins shrank from, and Cazotte perished.”

It was the ferocity of system that made the judges worse than assassins.

The “ferocity of system” commences at the point where it begins to rise

above man!

Page 160:

“‘Louis XVI. will lose his head on the scaffold,’ wrote Fonfrede to his

Brothers of Bordeaux. ‘The Majority desire it, and Liberty and Equality

demand it as much as universal justice, The sacrifice is great. Condemn

a man to death! My heart revolts at the idea, but duty speaks, and I bid

my heart be still.’”

The “ferocity of system” had deluded Fronfrede with regard to “duty.”

The “right of majorities” and of “justice!” I understand the first step

in justice to be the inviolability of person, whether it be King or

Beggar. This is also the true foundation of Liberty and “equality.”

Political systems, to the contrary, only prove their fallacy and their

wickedness.

Vol. iii., page 288:

“The republic was no longer a society, but a massacre of conquered men

upon a battle-field. The fury of ideas is more implacable than the fury

of men; for men have heart, and opinion has none. Systems are brutal

forces, which bewail not even that which they crush. As the bullets on a

battle-field, they strike without choice, without justice, and frustrate

the end which was assigned to them. The Revolution had belied its

doctrine by its tyranny. It stained its right by its violence. It

dishonored its struggles by its executions.”

Nothing can be more true than these comments on the Revolution; but what

is the root of all this ferocity of system? and what is the remedy? The

root is the erecting of systems above Men! The state above the

Individual! Human laws above Humanity! The Remedy must be the

SOVEREIGNTY OP THE INDIVIDUAL, at his own cost, preserved through all

the ramifications of the social state.[3]

Page 243:

“The horror of living had conquered the horror of death. Young girls and

children begged to fall beside their fathers and kinsfolk thus shot

down; and daily the judges had to refuse the supplications of despair,

imploring the penalty of death, less fearful than that of living. Every

day they granted or refused these requests. The barbarity of these

proconsuls did not await crime, but prejudged it in name, education, or

rank. They struck in anticipation of the future. They anticipated

years—they immolated infancy for its opinions to come, old age for its

past opinions, women for the crimes of tenderness and tears. Mourning

was forbidden as under Tiberius. Many were punished for having had a

sorrowful countenance or a mourning garb. Nature was distorted into an

accusation; and to be pure, it had become necessary to repudiate nature.

All virtues were reversed in the human heart. The Jacobinism of the

proconsuls of Lyons had overthrown the instincts of men; false

patriotism had overthrown humanity.”

In other and shorter terms, ‘the INSTITUTIONS HAD OVERTHROWN THE

INDIVIDUAL!! Vol. iii., page 166:

“The Girondists were removed during the night to their last place of

detention, the Conciergerie, where the Queen was still confined. Thus

the same roof covered the fallen queen and the men who hurled her from

her throne on the 10th of August! The victim of royalty and the victims

of the Republic.”

Both parties brought to the same end from the same cause! A striking, a

melancholy, and impressive lesson to all builders of political or social

institutions! It matters not what form a government assumes on

paper—Absolute Despotisms, qualified Monarchies, Republics, or Reform

combinations, all raise the institutions, or an external power, above

the individual, and, consequently, all have their victims in their turn,

or, rather, in one form or another, ALL ARE VICTIMS! The sovereignty of

every Individual, or raising the Individual above all institutions, and

all external power or authority, is the only remedy.

Page 417:

“‘The number and barbarity of the executions, the innocence of the

victims, the distribution of the spoil, the derision of judgment, the

streams of blood, and the heaps of corpses, had transformed the nation

into an executioner and the government into a machine of murder.”

Whoever studies this era in the world’s sad history, as a lesson to

Mankind, will see that no other result could possibly have been attained

after having once annihilated all respect to the RIGHT OF INDIVIDUALITY,

and made the state policy the all in all. From this one great grand

error have all organized societies of men and women been victimized, in

one form or another. All social calculations have been frustrated, and,

up to this moment, anarchy, confusion, and suffering pervades the earth.

By this first false step men’s minds have become inverted, and all men’s

political and social relations are correspondingly deranged.

The state, the society, the institutions, the body politic, the nation,

the system, or customs we live in, must not be permitted to become

primary, but must be secondary! Neither man, nor man-made laws or

systems, must rise above man; but laws, rules, and institutions, must be

subject to man’s purposes! Human institutions must not rise above

Humanity! Man must not be distorted to fit institutions, but

institutions must be made to fit man! The state, or body politic, must

RESULT FROM INDIVIDUALITY, instead of crushing it. If we would have a

prosperous state, it must result from the prosperity of the individuals

who compose the state. Where every individual is rich, the state will be

rich. Where every individual is secure in his person and property, the

nation, or state, is secure. Where every individual thrives, there will

be a thriving state or nation. Where every individual should do justice,

there justice would reign in the state or Nation. Where every Individual

should be free, there would be a free state or a free nation. The

liberty, freedom, or sovereignty of a state or Nation, must consist of

the sovereignty of the individuals who compose the state or Nation. But

there never was a prosperous nation where every individual languished!

No rich nation, where the property of all its members was consumed in

building up national glory! A state or Nation, cannot be secure in

person and property, where the person and property of every Individual

is under institutions which are liable to unforeseen changes! There can

be no just state or Nation, where every individual is ignorant or

indifferent to what constitutes justice! There can be no FREE state or

Nation, where every Individual lives UNDER, instead of ABOVE, the

customs, laws, and institutions of the state or Nation!!

An illustration of Individuality, as the great principle of order, is

seen in any movement of much magnitude, which must, of necessity,

embrace a great number of parts. A large post-office is divided into

different departments, each Department having an individual place. There

is a place for Delivery, a place for Deposit, a place for Females, a

place for Males, a place for newspapers, a place for unadvertised

letters, and a place for letters that have been advertised. Some of

these departments are again subdivided (or Individualized). The

advertised letters are placed under different Alphabetical heads, and

different places of delivery are established for one kind of letters, to

avoid the confusion of too much mixture. One place for the delivery of

letters ranging from A to D, another for those ranging from D to H,

etc., and the ultimatum would be to have an individual place for the

delivery of all letters ranging under any one Individual letter of the

Alphabet. The perfection would be dividing the parts until they were

indivisible; in other words, the perfection of order would consist of

perfect Individuality. Another illustration is seen in an army. The

commander-in-chief is the Individual leader of the whole. Other officers

under him, each have the lead of a particular individualized portion of

the body. Each of these portions is again divided, and an individual has

the particular lead of each of these most minute subdivisions. All these

different leads coincide with each other. All this is a beautiful

development of order, without which nothing could be accomplished! Only

one more step is in the same direction wanting! And this is, that the

lead which each individual subordinate or soldier has by nature within

him, should COINCIDE or harmonize with all the other leads, as in the

post- office, or else, that he should ***not be required to act! If this

would present a check to action, it would check only vicious action, and

furnish the only corrective for that vulgar and criminal ambition that

has so uniformly desolated and cursed the world. The word “commander”

would then be changed into the word leader.

Lamartine, in his History of .the French Revolution, vol. ii., page 370,

says that Lilienhorn, one of the conspiring assassins of Gustavus, King

of Sweden, confessed that he was seduced into the crime by the ambition

of commanding the National Guard during the tumult that would be likely

to follow the king’s death.

The eclat attached to commanders, Heroes, etc., is the result of

ignorance relative to their merits. A whole army of commanders-in-chief

could do nothing if there were more than one commander-in-chief. It

makes not so much difference who is leader! Great results are attained

not so much because this or that person is leader, but because there is

Individuality in the lead. Every person is an individual, and therefore

possesses the essential qualification for a leader! It is Individuality,

therefore, that is entitled to the eclat, rather than the person who

happens to become the agent to act it out. Now, if this had been

generally known, Lilienhorn would not have conspired against the life of

Gustavus, for the prospect of the eclat of commanding the National

Guard—Gustavus, a peaceful and philosophical friend of justice, might

not have been assassinated, His influence might have modified the

conduct of the surrounding powers, and the frightful catastrophe of the

revolution might have been averted! Such are the magnificent tendencies

of a knowledge of Individuality; and nature, true to her great purpose,

the elevation and perfection of the race, is, and always has been,

silently, though irresistibly at work, counteracting the blunders of her

children, dividing and subdividing political parties, religious sects,

and all National, state, and social combinations, and dragging them

through with their faces stubbornly averted, toward the true harmonious,

peaceful, prosperous, happy condition of ultimate Individuality.

Nothing is more common than the remark that “no two persons are alike,”

that “circumstances alter cases,” that “we must agree to disagree,”

etc., and yet we are constantly forming institutions that require us to

be alike, which make no allowance for the Individuality of persons or

circumstances, and which render it necessary for us to agree, and leave

us no liberty to differ from each other, nor to modify our conduct

according to circumstances.

“To every thing there is a season, and time to every purpose under the

heaven: A time to be born and a time to die; a time to plant and a time

to “pluck up that which is planted; a time to kill and a time to heal; a

time to break down and a time to build up; a time to weep and a time to

laugh; a time to mourn and a time to dance; a time to embrace and a time

to refrain from embracing; a time to get and a time to. lose; a time to

keep and a time to cast away; a time to rend and a time to sew; a time

to keep silence and a time to speak; a time to love and a time to hate;

a time of war and a time of peace.”

Such is the Individuality of times.

There is an Individuality of countenance, stature, gait, voice, which

characterize every one, and each of these peculiarities is inseparable

from the person; he has no power to divest himself of them—they

constitute parts of his physical Individuality; and were it not so, the

most inconceivable confusion would derange all our social intercourse!

Every one would be liable to the same name! One man would be mistaken

for another! Our relations and friends would be strangers to us! “No

security of person, of possessions! No justice between men! No

distinction between friends or foes. All would be mere guess-work ‘or

chance, and universal confusion would reign triumphant. How much, then,

are we indebted to Individuality, even in these four particulars of

physical conformation! The fact, that these peculiarities of each are

inseparable from each—not to be conquered—not to be divided or separated

from each, is apparently the only part of social order that man, in his

had career of “policy” and expediency, has not overthrown or smothered.

I have spoken of only four of the peculiarities of human character, and

if these confer such benefits upon society, what may we not expect on a

full development of all the capacities, physical, mental, and moral,

with which every one is, to a greater or less extent, invested! but no

two alike; and if the little intellectual development now extant results

in an individuality that makes men and women restive and ungovernable

under the existing institutions, what are we to expect for the future!

Not only are no two minds alike now, but no one remains the same from

one hour to another! Old impressions are becoming obliterated, new ones

being made—new combinations of old thoughts constantly being formed, and

old combinations exploded. The surrounding atmosphere, the contact of

various persons and circumstances, all contribute to make us more the

mirrors of passing things than the possessors of any fixed character,

and we have no power to be otherwise; therefore, to require us to be

stationary blocks, all of one size, hewn out by laws, institutions, or

customs, is a monstrous piece of injustice, and it is impossible in the

very nature of things.

I have seen a youth, who, from habitual inclination, rejected meat as an

article of food, in one minute converted into, as it were, a ravenous

wolf. He jumped at, and seized a raw chicken, tore a piece from its leg

with his teeth, and chewed it with a voracity truly frightful; but while

in the very act, in less than a second, he suddenly stopped, and

sickened at what he had done! All this was effected by the direction of

electro-nervous currents upon different parts of the brain by artificial

means;[4] but we are apparently surrounded with this fluid at all times,

and we cannot say beforehand what effects it shall produce upon us!

Where, now, is the right in pledging ourselves to be consistently of

this or that character! and where the right in others to demand of us to

conform to their modes of thought or action? and where is the authority

for human institutions to rise above humanity, and say, with the tone of

command, “be ye this,” or, “be ye that!” “thus far shalt thou go, and no

farther?”

I saw a youth in a company of twenty-three persons (selected for his

known scrupulous regard to the rights of property), in one minute and a

half converted into a daring thief. He stole money purposely laid in his

way before the eyes of the whole company, hid the money, and then denied

it with the boldness and assurance of a hardened professor. In a second

he was made extremely conscientious, and sunk down with grief, shame,

remorse, as if he would have gladly hidden himself from himself and all

the world in the very depths of the grave; and our most soothing efforts

were necessary for his relief, assuring him that it was all our work.

The scene was extremely affecting. There was scarcely a dry eye in the

company, and the exclamation was made, “O God! that lawmakers could only

get the lesson that we have had to-night.”

To what purpose, O legislators, do ye say, “thou shalt not steal?” To

what end are all your horrid inventions for punishment! Stealing still

goes on, and ye only repeat “thou shalt not steal,” and still punish,

even though you said at first that punishment was a remedy! Ye have no

remedy! but only inflict tenfold more evils by your abortive attempts to

over come effects without consulting causes, or opening your eyes and

ears to explanations! Our security against fire and gunpowder is in our

knowledge of their natures and their incalculable modes of action, which

knowledge raises us above their dangers, and renders them useful and

comparatively harmless. Our remedies and securities against social evils

are in our knowledge of our own natures, our inevitable modes of action,

our true positions with regard to each other, and to our institutions.

Even man-made laws, rules, precepts, dogmas, counsel, advice, may all be

rendered comparatively harmless and useful by not allowing them to rise

above the higher law, the highest utility, the SOVEREIGNTY of the

INDIVIDUAL. We are liable to be deceived and disappointed in ourselves,

as well as in others, until we are aware of this liability, which raises

us above the danger; and we are subject, not only to constant changes,

but to actions and temporary reactions, over which (at the time) we have

no control whatever. The intrinsic philosophy of reactions may be beyond

our reach, but the facts are notorious, that the reaction of fatigue of

mind or body is rest; that the reaction of intense friendship is intense

enmity; the reaction of intense love is indifference, a temporary or

intense hatred; the reaction of great benevolence is temporary

malevolence; the reaction of philanthropy is misanthropy; the reaction

of great hope or expectations is temporary or great despair; the

reaction of great popularity is sudden unpopularity; and it is well

known that the greatest benefactors of the race, from high popularity,

have often suddenly fallen victims to an unaccountable public hatred.

It is also notorious, that all of us are liable to strange

inconsistencies of character, and that no effort on our part can prevent

it; that the most reasonable are sometimes very unreasonable; the most

accurate observers are very often under mistake; the most consistent are

sometimes inconsistent; the most wise are sometimes foolish; the most

rational sometimes insane! How unreasonable, then, how inconsistent, how

unwise, how absurd, to promise for ourselves, or to demand of others,

always to be reasonable, correct, consistent, and wise! under all these

changes, and actions, and reactions, and inconsistencies of character,

over which (at the time) we have no control whatever. How difficult to

regulate our-selves! How impossible to govern others!

Add to all these unavoidable idiosyncrasies of character, the nice and

peculiar influences of the conditions of the vital organs, the

circulation of the blood, the influence of intangible agents, all

combining and acting differently, perhaps, on every different

constitution, and like the changes of the kaleidoscope, seldom or never

twice alike, even upon the same individual! Add these again to what has

been said in the foregoing pages, and to all that passes in our daily

experience, bearing directly upon the point under consideration, and we

shall then get only a glimpse of Individuality; then consider on what

foundation rest all customs laws, and institutions which demand

conformity! They are all directly opposed to this inevitable

individuality, and are therefore FALSE!!! and the great problem must be

solved with the broadest admission of the ABSOLUTE RIGHT OF SUPREME

INDIVIDUALITY. The exercise of this right being impracticable in

combined or amalgamated interests and responsibilities, universal

harmony demands that those be universally disintegrated, INDIVIDUALIZED.

(I). The Proper, Legitimate, Just Reward of Labor.

With regard to the first proposition (marked I), the reward of labor, it

is. perhaps, scarcely necessary to add any thing to what has been said

within the last twenty years on this subject. It is now evident to all

eyes, that labor does not obtain its legitimate reward; but on the

contrary, that those who work the hardest, fare the worst. The most

elegant and costly houses, coaches, clothing, food, and luxuries of all

kinds are in the hands of those who never made either of them, nor ever

did any useful thing for themselves or for society; while those who made

all, and maintained themselves at the same time, are shivering in

miserable homes, or pining in prisons or poor-houses, or starving in the

streets.

Machinery has thrown workmen out of their tenth-paid employment, and

this machinery is also owned by those who never made it, nor gave any

equivalent in their own labor for it. These starving workmen have no

resource but upon the soil; but they find that this also is under the

control of those who never made it, nor ever did any thing as an

equivalent for it. At this point of starvation, we must have remedy, or

confusion.

At this point, society must attend to the rights of labor, and settle,

once for all, the great problem of its just reward. This appears to

demand a discrimination, a disconnection, a DISUNION between COST and

Value.

If a traveler, in a hot day, stop at a farm-house, and ask for a drink

of water, he generally gets it without any thought of price. Why?

Because it costs nothing, or its cost is immaterial. If the traveler was

so thirsty that he would give a dollar for the water, rather than not

have it, this would be the value of the water to him; and if the farmer

were to charge this price, he would be acting upon the principle that

“The price of a thing should be what it will bring” which is the motto

and spirit of all the principal commerce of the world; and if he were to

stop up all the neighboring springs, and cut of all supplies of water

from other sources, and compel travelers to depend solely on him for

water, and then should charge them a hundred dollars for a drink, he

would be acting precisely upon the principle on which all the main

business of the world has been conducted from time immemorial. It is

pricing a thing according to “what it will bring,” or according to its

value to the receiver, instead of its cost to the producer. For an

illustration in the mercantile line, consult any report of “prices

current,” or “state of the markets,” with comments by the publisher. The

following is a sample, copied from a paper, the nearest at hand:

“No new arrivals of flour—demand increasing, prices rose since

yesterday, at twelve o’clock, 25 cts. per barrel.

“No change in coffee since our last.

“Sugar raised on Thursday, half ct. per pound, -in consequence of a

report received of short crops; but later arrivals contradicted the

report, and prices fell again. Molasses, in demand, and holders not

anxious to sell. Pork, little in market, and prices rising. Bacon,

plenty and dull, fell since our last, from 15 to 13 cents. Cotton, all

in few hands, bought up on speculation.”

It will here be seen, that prices are raised in consequence of increased

want, and are lowered with its decrease. The most successful speculator

is he who can create the most want in the community, and extort the most

from it. This is civilized cannibalism.

The value of a loaf of bread to a starving man, is equivalent to the

value of his life, and if the “price of a thing” should be “what it will

bring,” then one might properly demand of the starving man, his whole

future life in servitude as the price of the loaf! But, any one who

should make such a demand, would be looked upon as insane, a cannibal,

and one simultaneous voice would denounce the outrageous injustice, and

cry aloud for retribution! Why? What is it that constitutes the

cannibalism in this case? Is it not setting a price upon the bread

according to its VALUE instead of its COST? If the producers and venders

of the bread had bestowed one hour’s labor upon its production and in

passing it to the starving man, then some other articles which cost its

producer and vender an hour’s equivalent labor, would be a natural and

just compensation for the loaf. I have placed emphasis on the idea of

equivalent labor, because it appears that we must discriminate between

different kinds of labor, some being more disagreeable, more repugnant,

requiring a more COSTLY draft upon our ease or health than others. The

idea of cost extends to and embraces this difference. The most repugnant

labor being considered the most COSTLY. The idea of cost is also

extended to all contingent expenses in production or vending.

A watch has a cost and a value. The COST consists of the amount of labor

bestowed on the mineral or natural wealth, in converting it into metal,

the labor bestowed by the workmen in constructing the watch, the wear of

tools, the rent, firewood, insurance, taxes, clerkship, and various

other contingent expenses of its manufacturer, together with the labor

expended in its transmission from him to its vender; and the labor and

contingent expenses of the vender in passing it to the one who uses it.

In some of these departments the labor is more disagreeable, or more

deleterious to health than in others, but all these items, or more,

constitute the COSTS of the watch. The value of a well-made watch,

depends upon the natural qualities of the metals or minerals employed,

upon the natural qualities or principles of its mechanism, upon the uses

to which it is applied, and upon the fancy or wants of the purchaser. It

would be different with every different watch, with every purchaser, and

would change every day in the hands of the same purchaser, and with

every different use to which he applied it.

Now, among this multitude of values, which one should be selected to set

a price upon? or, should the price be made to vary and fluctuate

according to these fluctuating values! and never be completely sold,[5]

but only from hour to hour? Common sense answers NEITHER, but, that

these values, like those of sunshine and air, are of right, the equal

property of all; no one having a right to set any price whatever upon

them. COST, then, is the only rational ground of price, even in the most

complicated transactions; yet, value is made almost entirely the

governing principle in almost all the commerce of what is called

civilized society!

One may inform another that his house is on fire. The in formation may

be of great value to him and his family, but as it costs nothing, there

is no ground of price. Conversation, and all other intercourse of mind

with mind, by which each may be infinitely benefited, may prove of

inconceivable value to all; where the cost is nothing, or too trifling

to notice, it constitutes what is here distinguished as purely

intellectual commerce.

The performance of a piece of music for the gratification of oneself and

others, in which the performer feels pleasure but no pain, and which is

attended with no contingent cost, may be said to cost nothing; there is,

therefore, no ground of price. It may, however, be of great value to all

within hearing.

This intercourse of the feelings, which is not addressed to the

intellect, and has no pecuniary feature, is here distinguished as our

moral commerce.

A word of sympathy to the distressed may be of great value to them; and

to make this value the ground and limit of a price, would be but to

follow out the principle that a “thing should bring its value!”

Mercenary as we are, even now, this is no where done except by the

priesthood.

A man has a lawsuit pending, upon which hangs his property, his

security, his personal liberty, or his life. The lawyer who undertakes

his case may ask ten, twenty, fifty, five hundred, or five thousand

dollars, for a few hours attendance or labor in the case. This charge

would be based chiefly on the value of his services to his client. Now,

there is nothing in this statement that sounds wrong, but it is because

our ears are familiarized with wrong. The case is similar to that of the

starving man. The cost to the lawyer might be, say twenty hours’ labor,

and allowing a portion for his apprenticeship, say twenty-one hours in

all, with all contingent expenses, would constitute a legitimate, a just

ground of price; but the very next step beyond this rests upon value,

and is the first step in cannibalism. The laborer, when he comes to dig

the lawyer’s cellar, never thinks of setting a price upon its future

value to the owner; he only considers how long it will take him, how

hard the ground is, what will be the weather to which he will be

exposed, what will be the wear and tear of teams, tools, clothes, etc.;

and in all these items, he considers nothing but the different items of

COST to himself.

The doctor demands of the wood-cutter the proceeds of five, ten, or

twenty days’ labor for a visit of an hour, and asks, in excuse, if the

sick man would not prefer this rather than continuous disease or death.

This, again, is basing a price or an assumed value of his attendance

instead of its cost. It is common to plead the difference of talents

required: without waiting to prove this plea false, it is, perhaps,

sufficient to show that the talents required, either in cutting wood, or

in cutting off a. leg or an arm, so far as they cost the possessor, are

a legitimate ground of estimate and of price; but talents which cost

nothing, are natural wealth, and like the water, land, and sunshine,

should be accessible to all without price.

If a priest is required to get a soul out of purgatory, he sets his

price according to the value which the relatives set upon his prayers,

instead of their cost to the priest. This, again, is cannibalism. The

same amount of labor equally disagreeable, with equal wear and tear,

performed by his customers, would be a just remuneration.

All patents give to the inventor or discoverer the power to command a

price based upon the value of the thing patented; instead of which, his

legitimate compensation would be an equivalent for the cost of his

physical ‘and mental labor, added to that of his materials, and the

contingent expenses of experiments.

A speculator buys a piece, (inland of government, for $1.25 per acre,

and holds it till surrounding improvements, made by others, increase its

value, and it is then sold accordingly, for five, ten, twenty, a

hundred, or ten thousand dollars per acre. From this operation of

civilized cannibalism whole families live from generation to generation,

in idleness and luxury, upon the surrounding population, who must have

the land at any price. Instead of this, the prime cost of land, the

taxes, and other contingent expenses of surveying, etc., added to the

labor of making contracts, would constitute the equitable price of land

purchased for sale.

If A purchases a lot for his own use, and B wants it more than A, then A

may properly consider what his labor upon it has cost him, and what

would compensate him for the inconvenience or cost of parting with it;

but this is a very different thing from purchasing it on purpose to part

with it, which costs A no inconvenience. We here discriminate between

these two cases, but in neither do we go beyond cost as the limit of

price.

A loans to B ten thousand dollars at six per cent, interest, for one

year, and at the end of the year receives back the whole amount loaned

and six hundred dollars more! For what? For the use of the money. Why?

Because it was of that valve to the borrower. For the same reason, why

not demand of the starving man ten thousand dollars for a loaf of bread

because it saves his life? The legitimate, the equitable compensation

for the loan of money, is the COST of labor in lending it and receiving

it back again.

Rents of land, buildings, etc., especially in cities, are based chiefly

on their value to the occupants, and this depends on the degree of want

or distress felt by the landless and houseless; the greater the

distress, the higher the value and the price. The equitable rent of

either would be the wear, insurance, etc., and the labor of making

contracts and receiving the rents, all of which are different items of

COST.

The products of machinery are now sold for what they will “bring,” and

therefore its advantages go exclusively into the pockets of its owners.

If these products were priced at the cost of the machinery, its wear,

attendance, etc., then capitalists would not be INTERESTED in its

INTRODUCTION any more’ than those who attended it; they would not be

interested in reducing the wages of its attendants; and in proportion as

it threw workmen out of employment it would work for them.

One of the most common, most disgusting features of this iniquitous

spirit of the present pecuniary commerce, is seen and felt by every one,

in all the operations of buying and selling. The cheating, higgling,

huckstering, and falsehoods, so degrading to both purchaser and vender,

and the injustice done to one party or the other, in almost every

transaction in trade, all originate in the chaotic union of cost, value,

and the reward of labor of the vender all into one price. To bring order

out of this confusion, to put a stop to the discord and DEGRADATION of

trade, and to reward the distributor of goods without invading the

property of the purchaser, there is probably no other way than to

discriminate between the cost and the value of the goods, and between

the cost of the goods and the cost of the labor of buying and selling

them—keeping these DISCONNECTED, INDIVIDUALIZED. A store-keeper selling

a needle, cannot get paid for his labor within the price of the needle;

to do this he must disconnect the two, and make the needle one item of

the charge, and his labor another. If he sell the needle for its prime

cost, and its portion of contingent expenses, and charge an equal amount

of labor for that which he bestows in purchasing and vending, he is

equitably remunerated for his labor, and his customer’s equal right is

not invaded. Again, he cannot connect his remuneration with a larger

article with any more certainty of doing justice to himself or his

customer. If he add three cents upon each yard of calico, as his

compensation, his customers may take one yard, and he does not get an

equivalent for his labor. If the customer take thirty yards, he becomes

overpaid, and his customer is wronged. Disconnection of the two elements

of price, and making cost the limit of each, works vii equitably for

both parties in all cases, and at once puts an end to the higgling, the

deception, frauds, and every other disgusting and degrading feature of

our pecuniary commerce.

An importer of foreign goods writes a letter to a foreign correspondent

for goods to the amount of twenty thousand dollars. On their arrival, if

he sell them for what they will “bring,” perhaps he gets forty thousand

for them, which may be about eighteen thousand over and above the prime

cost and contingent expenses, Which he obtains for, perhaps, eight or

ten hours’ labor in merchandising; which is about thirty-six thousand

times as much as the hardest working man obtains for the same time. With

this sum he could obtain one hundred and forty-four thousand times an

equivalent from females at 12 1/2 cents a day, or that of two hundred

and eighty-eight thousand children at 61 cents a day! In Equitable

Commerce the expenses of importation, insurance, etc., etc., and those

of vending, would be added to prime cost, all of which would constitute

ultimate cost, which would also constitute their price. The labor of

importing and vending would be paid in an equal amount of labor; so that

if the importer employed ten hours in corresponding with the foreign

merchant and receiving the goods, then he would get, upon equitable

principles, ten hours of some other labor, which was equally costly to

the performer of it. If scraping the streets we’re doubly as costly to

comfort, clothing, tools, etc., the importer of foreign goods would get

five hours of this labor for ten of his own! This would constitute the

equitable reward of labor to both parties. COST being made the limit of

price, thus works out the first proposition of our problem, the

equitable reward of labor! Legislators! Framers of social institutions!

Behold your most fatal error! You have sanctioned VALUE instead of COST

as the basis of your institutions! Behold, also, the origin of rich and

poor! the fatal pitfall of the working classes! the great political

blunder! the deep-seated, unseen germ of the confusion, insecurity, and

iniquity of the world! the mildew, the all-pervading poison of the

social condition!

(II.) Security of Person And Property.

THEORISTS have told us that laws and governments are made for the

security of person and property; but it must be evident to most minds,

that they never have, never will accomplish this professed object;

although they have had all the world at their control for thousands of

years, they have brought it to a worse condition than that in which they

found it, in spite of the immense improvements in mechanism, division of

labor, and other elements of civilization to aid them. On the contrary,

under the plausible pretext of securing person and property, they have

spread wholesale destruction, famine, and wretchedness, in every

frightful form over all parts of the earth, where peace and security

might otherwise have prevailed. They have shed more blood, committed

more murders, tortures, and other frightful crimes in the struggles

against each other for the privilege of governing, than society ever

would or could have suffered in the total absence of all governments

whatever! It is impossible for any one who can read the history of

governments, and the operations of laws, to feel secure in person and

property under any form of government, or any code of laws whatever.

They invade the private household, they impertinently meddle with, and

in their blind and besotted wantonness, presume to regulate the most

sacred individual feelings. No feelings of security, no happiness can

exist in the governed under such circumstances. They set up rules or

laws to which they require conformity, while conformity is impossible,

and while neither rulers nor ruled can tell how the laws will be

interpreted or administered! Under such circumstances, no security for

the governed can exist.

A citizen may be suddenly hurried away from his home and despairing

family, shut up in a horrid prison, charged with a crime of which he is

totally innocent; he may die in prison or on the gallows, and his family

may die of mortification and broken hearts. No security can exist where

this can happen; yet, all these are the operations of laws and

governments, which are professedly instituted for the “security of

person and property.”

A young girl is knocked down and violated in the country where law

“secures person and property.” She applies to law for redress, and is

put in prison and kept there for six months as a witness, to appear

against her violator, who is running at large, forfeits his bonds, and

disappears before his victim is restored to liberty and laws and

governments are “instituted for securing the rights of person and

property!”

A woman is abandoned by a worthless husband, and reduced to the

necessity of permitting a villain to board with her a year without any

remuneration. He has consumed her last loaf; she appeals to the law for

redress; the villain brings the drunken husband into court. The law (for

the protection of person and property) forbids the woman to apply for

redress while her husband is living (though drunk). Her appeal is

suppressed— she is nonsuited and put in prison to pay the cost of her

protection! “Laws and governments are instituted for the protection of

person and property!”

Rulers claim a right to rise above and control the individual, his

labor, his trade, his time, and his property, against his own judgment

and inclination, while security of person and property CANNOT CONSIST IN

ANY THING, LESS. THAN HAVING THE SUPREME GOVERNMENT OF HIMSELF AND ALL

HIS OWN INTERESTS; therefore, security cannot exist under any government

whatever.

Governments involve the citizen in national and state responsibilities

from which he would choose to be exempt; under these circumstances he

can feel no security for person or property. They compel him to desert

his family, and risk or lay down his life in wars in which he feels no

wish to engage; they leave him no choice, no freedom of action upon

those very points where his most vital interests, his deepest sympathies

are at stake. He can feel no security under governments.

Great crimes are committed by the government of one nation against

another, to gratify the ambition or lust of rulers; the people of both

nations are thus set to destroy the persons and property of each other,

and would be martyred as traitors if they refused. This is the “security

of person and property” afforded by governments.

The accomplished, the intelligent, the beautiful and amiable Ann Askew,

could be seized in her bed by the ruffian emissaries of the law, and

dragged in the dead of the night to torture—her delicate limbs torn

asunder, her slender bones broken, and she rendered unable to walk, but

carried to the place of execution, and burned alive, for not believing a

point of religion prescribed by law! Say not that these things have

passed away with the reign of Henry VIII. of England. The spirit is here

at work now in our midst, in Democratic America, in the year 1846. Some

of our best citizens are torn from their families and friends and thrust

into loathsome prisons, for not believing in a point of religion

prescribed by law; another, for working in the field on a day set apart

by law for idleness. One case of this kind is sufficient to show that no

security exists for the governed; but the greatest chance for it is with

those who can get possession of the governing power; hence arises the

universal scramble for the possession of power, as the preferable of the

two conditions. These struggles and intrigues for power increase a

thousand fold the insecurity of all parties. Rulers kill the members of

society as punishment for offenses, instead of tracing these offenses to

their own operations; and their pernicious example and prescriptions

becoming authority for the uniformed, prompt them to kill their

neighbors for an offense—to become their brother’s judge or their

neighbor’s keeper; and crimination and recrimination, and slander,

wrangling, discord, and murder, are the natural fruits of these laws for

the “security of person and property.” No security for peace, harmony,

or reputation, for person or property, can exist in such society.

If B has done what law forbids (although it be the preservation of a

fellow-creature), he is insecure while there are witnesses who may

appear against him; and all these are insecure as long as B feels

insecure. A large portion of all the murders committed since the

invention of laws have been perpetrated to silence witnesses. The

murderers are, in their turn, murdered by law, and thus crimes increase

and continue, originating in the insecurity produced by laws for

“securing person and property!”

Again, WORDS are the tenure by which every thing is held by law, and

words are subject to different interpretations, according to the views,

wills, or interests of the judges, lawyers, juries, and other

functionaries appointed to execute these laws. In this uncertainty of

interpretation lies the great fundamental element of insecurity which is

inseparable from any system of laws, any constitution, articles of

compact, and every thing of this description. No language is fit for any

such purposes that admits of more than one Individual interpretation,

and none can be made to possess this necessary individuality; therefore

no language is fit for the basis of positive institutions. To possess

the interpreting power of verbal institutions, is to possess UNLIMITED

POWER!

It is not generally known, or practically admitted, that each individual

is liable, and, therefore, has a right, to interpret language according

to his peculiar individuality. That a creed, a constitution, laws,

articles of association, are all liable to as many different

interpretations as there are parties to it, that each one reads it

through his own particular mental spectacles, and that which is blue to

one is yellow to another, and green to a third; that although all give

their assent to the words, each one gives his assent to his peculiar

interpretation of them, which is only known to himself, so that the

difference between them can be made to appear only in action; which, as

soon as it commenced, explodes the discordant elements in every

direction, always disappointing the expectations of all who had

calculated on uniformity or conformity. Every attempt at amendment only

produces new disappointments, and increases the necessity for other

amendments and additions without end, all to end in disappointment and

the greater insecurity of every one engaged in or trusting to them. To

be harmonious and successful we must begin anew; we must Disconnect,

disunite ourselves from all institutions based on language or rise above

them. Every one must feel that he is the supreme arbiter of his own;

that no power on earth shall rise above him; that he is, and always

shall be, SOVEREIGN OF HIMSELF, and all that constitutes or is

necessarily connected with his individuality. Let every one feel this,

and they will feel that which man has always yearned and panted for, but

has never realized in society—SECURITY OF PERSON AND PROPERTY.

But how, you ask, can this be, where each is a member of the body

politic—where obedience to some law or government is indispensable to

the working of the political machine? If every one was “the law unto

himself,” all would be perfect anarchy and confusion. No doubt of this!

The error lies farther back than you have contemplated; it lies in EACH

ONE BEING A MEMBER OF A BODY POLITIC. WE SHOULD BE NO SUCH THING AS A

BODY POLITIC! EACH MAN AND WOMAN MUST BE AN INDIVIDUAL——NO MEMBER OF ANY

BODY BUT THAT OF THE HUMAN FAMILY! What is the use or origin of a body

politic! Blackstone, the father of English and American law, says, “It

is the wants and the fears of individuals which make them congregate

together,” and form society; in other words, it is for the interchange

of mutual assistance, and for security of person and property, that

society is originally formed. Now, if neither of these objects has ever

been attained in society, and if we can show the means of attaining

them, otherwise we have no reason for keeping up a body politic. With

regard to economy in the supply of our wants, this will be treated of in

its proper place. With regard to security, we see that in the wide range

of the world’s bloody history, these is not any one horrid feature so

frightful, so appalling, as the recklessness, the cold-blooded

indifference with which laws and governments have sacrificed person and

property in their wanton, their criminal, or ignorant pursuit of some

blind passion, or unsubstantial phantom of the imagination. We have not

the space, nor is it necessary, to enter into details; let the reader

refer, to any page of history, let him remember that laws and

governments are professedly instituted for the security of person, and

property, and let him consider each page an illustration of their

success, then he will be able to appreciate a proposal to secure them by

some other means. The following is only an illustration. Lamartine in

his history of the first French Revolution, says:

“The bombardment (of Mayence) commenced with three hundred pieces of

cannon. The mills which furnished flour were set on fire; meat, as well

as bread, was wanting; horses, dogs, oats, and mice were favoured by the

inhabitants. Pitiless famine, compelled the generals to send from the

town all useless mouths. Old men, women, and children were driven from

its bosom, to the number of two or three thousand, who were equally

repulsed by the Prussians, and expired between the two armies, under the

cannon of the batteries or in the agonies of hunger!”

Is it not time to seek security by some other means than by the workings

of government!!

Theorists say, that governments are established for the “security of

person and property,” but there is another reason for their existence of

a more tangible character: it is

the transaction of the business of any combination. In order to dispense

with governments, then, we have to withdraw all business out of

combinations! to individualize, to disunite all interests, all

responsibilities then, and not till then, can we dispense with

governments; then, and not till then, will person and property be

secure, and society be harmonious. While one’s person, his time, his

labor, his clothing, his lodging, the education and destinies of his

children, are all locked up in national, state, county, township, or

reform combinations, and all subject to be controlled by others who may

differ from him, it is impossible for him to know security of person or

property.

The security of person and property requires exemption from the fear of

encroachments from any quarter; and, although governments have always

been the greatest depredators upon the rights of persons and property,

yet, there are other sources of insecurity, which call for remedy, and

which demand, the operation of the COST principle supplies. It will be

seen, upon reflection, that value being iniquitiously made the basis of

price produces all the ruinous fluctuations in trade, the uncertainty of

business, the uncertainty of the reward of industry, and the inadequacy

of its reward; it produces poverty, and the fear of poverty, avarice,

and the all-absorbing pursuit of property, without regard to the rights

or sympathy for the sufferings of others, and trains us, in the absence

of all knowledge or rule of right, mutually to encroach upon and invade

each other; all of which, including the encroachments of governments,

give rise to the INSECURITY OF PERSON AND PROPERTY. COST being made the

limit of price, would put a stop to all fluctuations in prices and in

trade, would enable each one to know, from year to year, the price of

every thing, would put a stop to every species of speculation, compel

every one to produce as much as he consumed, would distribute the

burthen of labor among all, and reduce the amount of labor of each, to

one, two, or three hours per day, would raise every one ABOVE THE

TEMPTATION TO INVADE ANOTHER, and every one would, consequently, feel

secure from any encroachments—governments and laws would not then be

thought necessary, in order to restrain men from encroaching on each

other, and this excuse for their existence would be swept away. Then if

all business, all interests were withdrawn out of national, state,

church, and all other combinations, and made the care and business of

individuals, the demand for public agents or officers would be done

away, and no excuse for governments or laws would remain. The power now

delegated to them would thus be restored back to each individual, who

would possess his natural liberty or sovereignty; which principle,

together with the rights of labor and property, being clearly defined

and admitted by public opinion, would be habitually respected by all,

each being raised above any temptation to violate the admitted rights of

person or property. When every one shall have an interest in the

preservation of each, then the troubled waters will, have become calmed;

downtrodden humanity will stand erect upon ground as level as nature

makes it; every one can then “sit under his own vine and fig tree, and

there will be none to make them afraid;” and man

will realize what man has never seen, and that which man shall never

otherwise know— SECURITY OF PERSON AND PROPERTY.

(III.) The Greatest Practicable Amount of Liberty to Each

Individual.

LIBERTY! Freedom! Right! The vital principle of happiness! The one

perfect law! The soul of every thing that exalts and refines us! The one

sacred sound that touches a sympathetic cord in every living breast! The

watchword of every revolution in the holy cause of suffering humanity!

Freedom! The last lingering word whispered from the dying martyr’s

quivering lips! The one precious boon—the atmosphere of heaven. The “one

mighty breath, which shall, like a whirlwind, scatter in its breeze the

whole dark pile of human mockeries.” When is LIBERTY to take up its

abode on earth?

What is liberty? WHO WILL ALLOW ME TO DEFINE IT FOR HIM, AND AGREE

BEFOREHAND TO SQUARE HIS LIFE BY MY DEFINITION? Who does not wish to see

it first, and sit in judgment on it, and decide for himself as to its

propriety? and who does not see that it is his own individual

interpretation of the word that he adopts? And who will agree to square

his whole life by any rule, which, although good at present, may not

prove applicable to all cases? Who does not wish to preserve his liberty

to act according to the peculiarities or INDIVIDUALITIES of future

cases, and to sit in judgment on the merits of each, and to change or

vary from time to time with new developments and increasing knowledge?

Each individual being thus at liberty at all times, would be SOVEREIGN

OF HIMSELF. NO GREATER AMOUNT OF LIBERTY CAN BE CONCEIVED—ANY LESS WOULD

NOT BE LIBERTY! Liberty defined and limited by others is slavery!

LIBERTY, then, is the SOVEREIGNTY OF THE INDIVIDUAL; and never shall man

know liberty until each and every individual is acknowledged to be the

only legitimate sovereign of his or her person, time, and property, each

living and acting at his own cost; and not until we live in society

where each can exercise this inalienable right of sovereignty at all

times without clashing with, or violating that of others. This is

impracticable just in proportion, as we or our interests are UNITED or

combined with others. The only ground upon which man can know liberty,

is that of DISCONNECTION, DISUNION, INDIVIDUALITY.

You and I may associate together as the best of friends, as long as our

interests are not too closely connected; but let our domestic

arrangements be too closely connected; let me become responsible for

your debts, or let me, by joining a society of which you are a member,

become responsible for your sentiments, and the discordant effects of

too close connection will immediately appear. Harmonious society can be

erected on no other ground than the strictest INDIVIDUALITY of interests

and responsibilities, nor can the liberty of mankind be restored upon

any other principle or mode of action. How can it be otherwise? If my

interest is united with yours, and we differ at any point in its

management, as this difference is inevitable, one must yield, the other

must decide, or, we must leave the decision to a third party. This third

party is government, and thus, in UNITED INTERESTS, government

originates. The more business there is thus committed to governmental

management, the more must each of the governed surrender his liberty or

his control over his own, and the greater must be the amount of power

delegated to the government. When this becomes unlimited or indefinite,

the government is absolute, and the liberty and security of the governed

are annihilated; when limited or definite, some liberty remains to the

governed. Experience has proved, that power cannot be delegated to

rulers of states and nations, in sufficient quantities for the

management of business, without its becoming an indefinite quantity, and

in this indefiniteness have mankind been cheated out of their legitimate

liberty.

Let twenty persons combine their means to build a bridge each

contributing twenty dollars—at the first meeting for business it is

found that the business of such combinations can be conducted only by

electing some one individual deciding and acting power, before any

practical steps can be taken. Here each subscriber must trust his twenty

dollars to the management of some one, perhaps not of his own choice,

yet, as the sum is definite and not serious, its loss may not disturb

his SECURITY, and he prefers to risk it for the prospective advantages

to himself and his neighborhood. In entering his twenty dollars into

this combination he submits it to the control of others, but he submits

nothing more; and if he is aware beforehand, that the business of all

combinations must be conducted by delegated power; and if he is not

compelled to submit to any conditions not contemplated beforehand; and

if he can withdraw his investment at pleasure, then there is no

violation of his natural liberty or sovereignty over his own; or, if he

choose to make a permanent investment, and lay down all future control

over it, for the sake of a prospective advantage, it is a surrender of

so much of his property (not his liberty) to the control of others; but,

it being a definite quantity, and the risks and conditions all being

made known and voluntarily consented to beforehand, the consequences may

not be serious to him; and, although he may discover, in the course of

the business, that the principle is wrong, yet, he may derive ultimate

advantage, under some circumstances, from so much combination—some may

be willing to invest more and others less. If each one is himself the

supreme judge at all times of the individual case in hand, and is free

to act from his own individual estimate of the advantages to be derived

to himself or others, as in the above instance, then the natural liberty

of the individual is not invaded; but it is when the decision or will of

others is made his rule of action, CONTRARY TO HIS VIEWS OR INCLINATION,

that his legitimate liberty is violated.

We eat prussic acid in a peach—another quantity of prussic acid is

certain and sudden death. Let us learn to discriminate, to individualize

our ideas, even of different quantities of the same thing. The above

amount of combination may be harmless; indeed, it may give us a

healthful proof that it is wrong in principle, and admonish us not to

pursue it farther. But now let us contemplate another degree of

combination— combination as the basis of society, involving all the

great interests of man; his liberty, his person, his mind, his time, his

labor, his food, the soil-he rests upon, his property, his

responsibilities to an indefinite extent, his security, the education

and destinies of his children, the indefinite interests of his race! In

such combinations, whether political or social, the different members

can never be found always possessing the same views and feelings on all

these subjects. Not even two persons can perform a piece of music

together in order, unless one of them commences or leads individually,

or, unless both agree to be governed by some third movement, which is an

individuality. Two leaders cannot lead—the lead must be individual, or

confusion and discord will be the result. The same is true with regard

to any combined movement. In political and social combinations, men have

sought to mitigate the horrid abuses of despotism by diffusing the

delegated power, but they have always purchased the relief at the

expense of confusion. The experience of all the world has shown, that

the business of such combinations cannot be conducted by the whole of

its members, but that one or a few must be set apart to lead and manage

the business of the combination; to thee, power must be delegated JUST

IN PROPORTION TO THE AMOUNT OF BUSINESS COMMITTED TO THEIR CHARGE. These

constitute the government of the combination, and to this government all

must yield their INDIVIDUAL SOVEREIGNTY, or the combination cannot move

one step. If their persons, their responsibilities, and all their

interests are involved in the combination, as in communities of common

property, all these must be entirely under the control of the

government, whose judgment or will is the rule for all the governed, and

the natural liberty or sovereignty of every member is entirely

annihilated, and the government is as strong, as absolute as a

government can be made, while the members are rendered as weak and as

dependent on the governing few as they can be rendered, and

consequently, their LIBERTY and SECURITY are reduced to the lowest

practicable degree. If only half of the interests of the individual are

invested in the combination, then only half the quantity of government

is required, and only half of the natural liberty of the members need to

be surrendered; but as this definite quantity cannot be measured and set

apart from the other half, and as government once erected, either

through the indefiniteness of the language in which the power is

delegated or by other means, will steal the other half; there is no

security, no liberty for mankind, but through the ABANDONMENT of

COMBINATIONS as the basis of society.

If governments originate in combined interests, and if government and

liberty cannot exist together, then the solution of our problem demands

that there be NO COMBINED INTERESTS TO MANAGE. All interests must be

individualized—all responsibilities must be individual, before men can

enjoy complete liberty or security, and before society can be completely

harmonious. We can dispense with government only in proportion as we can

reduce the amount of public business to be managed. This, then, is the

movement for the restoration of the liberty of mankind; it is to

disconnect, to individualize, rather than to combine or “UNITE” our

interests!

When one’s person, his labor, his responsibilities, the soil he rests

on, his food, his property, and all his interests are so disconnected,

disunited from others, that he can control or dispose of these at all

times, according to his own views and feelings, without controlling or

disturbing others; and when his premises are sacred to himself, and his

person is not approached, nor his time and attention taken up, against

his inclination, then the individual may be said to be practically

SOVEREIGN OF HIMSELF, and all that constitutes or pertains to his

individuality. No greater scope of liberty for every individual can be

conceived—any less is not the “greatest practicable amount of liberty,”

and will not supply the demand of our third proposition, (III.)

(IV.) Economy in The Production And Uses of Wealth.

THE first and greatest source of economy, the richest mine of wealth

ever worked by man, is, the DIVISION AND EXCHANGE OF LABOR. Where a man

is so isolated from society as to be deprived of the advantages of

division and exchange of labor, and has to supply all his own wants,

like Robinson Crusoe, there is nothing to distinguish him from the

savage. It is only in proportion as he can apply himself to one or a few

pursuits, and exchange his products for the supply of all his wants,

that he begins to emerge from the crudest state of existence, to

surround himself with conveniences and luxuries, and to reduce the

burthen of his own labor. Were it not for the division and exchange of

labor, every one who used a needle would be obliged to make it. He or

she must dig the ore, erect a furnace, convert the ore into iron, then

into steel, and construct all the machinery and tools necessary to make

the needles, and make all the tools required in those operations! As

this would be impossible, we should be obliged to resort to such

clothing as could be made without them; and were it not for the division

and exchange of labor in the production of the single article of

needles, it is probable, that civilized society would still be clothed

like the uncivilized.

Division and exchange are naturally carried to a greater extent in

cities than in the open country. This, probably, in part, explains the

enigma of so many being sustained luxuriously in cities apparently

almost without labor, while men in the country are always hard at work,

but rarely have things comfortable around them. Being so remote from

division and exchange, they are obliged to supply many of their own

wants without the ordinary means of doing it—without tools—without

instruction—without practice, they must mend a gate, repair their

harness, make their own shoes, and expend, perhaps, three times the

labor that a workman would require in the same operations, and it is

badly done at last. They must also have as many kinds of tools as the

different operations demand, which it requires care to preserve and keep

in order, and between all, their time and capital are frittered away to

little purpose. Five hundred men thus scattered too remote from each

other, or, from other causes being unable to procure the advantages of

division and exchange, must have five hundred pairs of bench planes, and

other tools for working wood—five hundred sets of shoe-making tools—five

hundred places and fixtures for working iron, and five hundred

equipments in every other branch of business in which they are obliged

to dabble. Now, if these five hundred men or families were within reach

of each other, and each one were to apply himself to only one branch of

business, and all should exchange with each other, each one would

require only one set of tools, and one trade, instead of thirty or

forty—his work would be well done instead of ill done—and if exchanges

were equal, the wants of each would be well supplied, at perhaps, the

cost of one fourth the labor that is now required to supply one half

their wants in an inferior manner.

If such are the enormous advantages of division and exchange, how can we

account for the fact, that so large portions of all countries being

deprived of them, and that even in cities division if not carried out,

excepting in a very few branches of manufacture? I attribute this

barbarous condition of the economies chiefly to two causes. First, the

practice of making value the standard of price—asking for a thing just

what it will bring, just balances the motives of the purchaser, so, that

a man wanting a pair of shoes, being asked as much as he would give for

them, rather than go without them, makes him form the habit of going

without whenever he can, or of making them himself even at a

disadvantage. Whereas, on the contrary, if he could always get them for

that amount of his own labor which they cost an expert workman, he could

have no motive to do without them, nor to spend three times as much

labor in making them himself. The same cause and the same reasons ramify

into all our supplies.

A wants a barrel of flour, and goes to the “holder,” but he is “not

anxious to sell;” a report of short crops induces him to think that

there will not be a supply for the demand— it will be wanted more

by-and-by, and he can get more as want or suffering increases; so A does

not get the flour—no exchange of flour takes place yet; he waits—goes

again—he is told that flour has “risen since yesterday at 12 o’clock,”

he must pay more than usual, and the price is set at what the holder

thinks “it will bring;” but A, knowing that one fluctuation follows

another, thinks he will wait till the price falls; so no exchange of

flour takes place yet. A has still no flour—and thus it is with every

thing else; the same elements ramify into all our exchanges, and derange

all our efforts to obtain supplies. Making value, or “what a thing will

bring,” the limit of its price, stagnates exchange, and prevents our

wants from being supplied.

Now, if it were not a part of the present system to get a price

according to the degree of want or suffering of the community, there

would long since have been some arrangement made to ADAPT THE SUPPLY TO

THE DEMAND. This, even in the present wretched jumble of accidents,

would, to a great extent, soften some of the most hideous features of

our cannibal commerce.

In society where even the first element of order had made its way, to

the intellects of men, there would be some point at which all would

continually make known their wants, as far as they could anticipate

them, and put them in a position to be supplied—and all who wanted

employment would know where to look for it, and the supply would be

adapted to the demand. We should not then have all the flour carried out

of the country where it was raised, so that none could be had (as at

this moment while I am writing), and carried a thousand miles in

anticipation of higher prices. This rush of flour has “exceeded the

demand”— “prices have fallen”—twelve hundred barrels have spoiled in one

man’s hands, and two thousand barrels are on their way back to the place

of production! where, after having been stored and booked, and draped

and shipped to New Orleans, and there unshipped and drayed, and stored

and booked, and waiting for a demand, it is again drayed and shipped,

and brought back to be unshipped, drayed, and stored and booked, and

sold, half spoiled, to its original producers, for all its first cost,

with all these expenses added, and as much more as the holders “can

get.” This is the economy of our present profit-making commerce!

The adaptation of the supply to the demand, although it is continually

governing the bodies of men, seems never to have made its way into their

intellects, or they would have made it the governing principle of their

arrangements. It is this which prompts almost every action of life, not

only of men, but other animals—insects—all animated nature. All man’s

pursuits originate in his efforts to supply some of his wants, either

physical, mental, or moral; even our intellectual commerce is

unconsciously governed by this great principle, whenever it is

harmonious and beneficial; and it is discordant and depreciating where

it is not so regulated. An answer to a question is but a supply to a

demand. Advice, when wanted, is acceptable, but never otherwise—COMMANDS

are never in this order, and produce nothing but disorder. The

sovereignty of the individual must correct this.

Almost every movement of every animal is from nature’s promptings toward

the supply of some of its wants. Nay, more, if it is wounded, there is

naturally an action toward the formation of new skin, or new parts to

supply the deficiency created. The same principle runs even into the

vegetable creation. The bark of a tree being torn away, nature goes to

work to supply the demand thus produced, with new bark, which otherwise

never would have occupied that place. Even a pumkin-vine having run too

far to draw nourishment from its original starting point, strikes down

new roots, to draw a supply of nourishment necessary to its progress.

Had “the combined wisdom” of any country ever equaled that of a

pumkin-vine, that country would have had some arrangement for adapting

the supply to the demand. But this will never be, while speculations are

made by throwing the demand and supply out of their natural proportions,

or while value, instead of cost, is made the limit of price. This false

principle of price, in addition to all its direct iniquity, stagnates

exchanges, interrupts or stops supplies, and involves every thing in

uncertainty and confusion, discourages arrangement and order, and

prevents division and exchange.

Another great obstacle to division and exchange is the lack of some

principle by which to settle the prices, or which would itself settle

them harmoniously, instead of the disgusting process of bargaining in

every little transaction, which is so repugnant to good sense and good

feeling that the best citizens are often induced to do without

conveniences, or undertake to supply themselves to great disadvantage

rather than enter into the degrading warfare which generally attends our

pecuniary commerce. They will also afford to others little

accommodations gratuitously for the same reason—these lay the receiver

under indefinite obligations, one of the worst forms of slavery.

Gratuitous labor must necessarily be limited, and thousands of exchanges

of great value, but little cost, would immensely increase the comforts

of all parties, where COST, as a principle, measured and settled the

price in every transaction, without words—without disturbing our social

feelings and self-respect. Another great obstacle to the development of

this branch of economy, is the uncertainty, the insecurity of every

business. Men dare not make investments for carrying on business to the

best advantage while the markets for their products are unsteady—where

prices “rise at eight o’clock” and “fall at twelve.” If prices were

equitably adjusted by the COST principle, we should know, from year to

year, from age to age very nearly, the prices of every thing—All labor

being equally rewarded according to its cost, there would be no

destructive competition—Markets would be steady—then we might subdivide

the different parts of manufactures to any extent that the demand would

justify at any time, and be safe, secure, and society would know the

immense wealth to be derived from the division of labor.

Another great obstacle to extensive division of labor, and rapid and

easy exchanges, seems to be the want of the means of effecting

exchanges. We cannot carry our property about us for the purpose of

exchanging. If we could do this, and give one thing for another at once,

and thus settle every transaction, such a thing as money, or a

circulating medium, never would have been known; but, as we cannot carry

flour, shoes, carpentering, brick-work, store-keeping, etc., about us to

exchange for what we want, we require something which represents these;

which representative we can always carry with us. This Representative of

property should be our circulating medium. Theorists have said that

money was this representative, but it is NOT. A dollar represents

nothing whatever but itself nor can it be made to. At no time is it any

demand on any one for any quantity of any kind of property or labor

whatever. At one time a dollar will procure two bushels of potatoes, at

another time three bushels, at another four, and different quantities of

different persons at the same time. It has no definite value at any

time, nor if it had, would its value qualify it for a circulating

medium; but, on the contrary, its value and its cost being inseparably

united with its use as a representative, disqualifies all money for

acting the part of a circulating medium: it should have but one quality,

one individual, definite purpose, that of standing in the place of the

thing represented, as a miniature represents a person. Money represents

robbery, banking, gambling, swindling, counterfeiting, etc., as much as

it represents property; it has a value that varies with every individual

that uses it, and changes as often as it is used—a picture that would

represent at one time a man, at another a monkey, and then a gourd,

would be just as legitimate and fit for a portrait, as common money is

fit for a circulating medium.

We want a circulating medium that is a definite representative of a

definite quantity of property, and nothing but a representative; so that

when we cannot make direct equivalent exchanges of property, we can

supply the deficiency with its definite representative, which will stand

in its place. And this should not have any reference to the value of

property, but only to its COST, so that if I get a bushel of wheat of

you, I give you the representative of shoe-making, with which you should

be able to obtain from the shoemaker as much labor as you bestowed on

the wheat—cost for cost in equivalent quantities; and to effect these

exchanges with facility, each one must always have a plenty of this

representative on hand, or be able to make it on the occasion, and so

adapt the supply of the circulating medium to the demand for it—a

problem that never has yet been solved by any financiers in the world,

nor ever will be while value is taken into account of price. The remark

is common, that “if money was plenty we would purchase many things that

we cannot for want of it.” Here, no exchange takes place that otherwise

would, and division will always be in proportion to exchange or sales.

Where there is no circulating medium, there cannot be much exchange or

division. On the other hand, where every one has a plenty of the

circulating medium always at hand, exchanges and division of labor would

not be limited for want of money. A note given by each individual for

his own labor, estimated by its cost, is perfectly legitimate and

competent for all the purposes of a circulating medium. It is based upon

the bone and muscle, the manual powers, the talents, and resources, the

property, and property-producing powers of the whole people—the soundest

of all foundations, and is a circulating medium of the only kind that

ever ought to have been issued. The only objection to it is, that it

would immediately abolish all the great money transactions of the

world—all banks and banking operations—all stock- jobbing, money

corporations, and money movements—all systems of finance, all systems of

national policy and commercial corruption—abolish all distinctions of

rich and poor— compel every one to live and enjoy at his own cost, and

would contribute largely to restore the world to order, peace, and

harmony.

Boarding-houses, hotels, etc., having no principle for the government of

prices but whatever they can get, in the cannibal competition of

society, get whatever they can, and their inmates are only those who

have no other homes. If COST were made the limit of price, as economy is

in favor of one set of preparations for great numbers, the cost being

less in proportion to numbers, it would immediately become the interest

of every one wanting board to co-operate with all others, to afford

every facility in their power to get the greatest practicable number of

boarders for such an establishment, and to afford every convenience,

every facility for reducing the labor and trouble of conducting it, and

each one doing this through self-interest, to reduce the cost of his own

fare, would be promoting equally the interest of every other

boarder—here would be CO- OPERATION, but no COMBINATION. They need have

no compact with each other. The individual who conducted the house,

would be the only person with whom any contract need be made. Five

hundred persons thus accommodated with five times better fare than

common boarding-houses can now afford, would employ but one kitchen,

instead of a hundred kitchens—perhaps five cooks, instead of a hundred,

and the cost of board to each would, probably, not exceed one fifth of

that of keeping a private kitchen for five persons! Families seeing

this, would probably prefer such quarters, at least at meal-times, and

thus relieve the females of the family, from the dull, mill-horse

drudgery to which they otherwise are irretrievably doomed.

One person to keep a dairy in good order (instead of fifty cows being

scattered among fifty families, with fifty boys or men to hunt and drive

them, badly housed, badly fed, and badly treated in the hurry of other

domestic duties), is an arrangement that would naturally result from the

economy that each would derive from the cost principle.

A washing establishment conducted on the COST principle, would exhibit

one of the most necessary divisions of labor, and relieve the

house-keepers from the most irksome and repugnant of all their duties.

The same principle and motives being brought to bear upon schools, the

different branches of mechanism, and all social arrangements, would work

in a similar manner—each in the pursuit of his own interest promoting

the interests of all others.

Machinery being made and worked on the COST principle, every one would

be equally benefited by its construction and use—the more there was at

work, the more would the burthen of labor be reduced to all. If it threw

a certain set out of employment, they would turn immediately to other

employments, and thus reduce the labor still to be performed by hand.

Land being bought and sold on the COST principle, would be open to them

at almost a nominal price. Board and clothing being obtained at COST—all

arts, trades, and mysteries being communicated for an equivalent of the

labor of communicating them, and the rewards of all labor being equal

according to its cost—a report of the demand being always accessible, so

that they could know what to turn to, and where to find instruction in

any art, trade, or science, and a market for their products at a full,

equivalent price, machinery might then be introduced without any limits

but their wants, with benefits to all—with injury to none! and who shall

measure the yet untold economies which might then result from machinery!

I have said without any limits but our wants, because an immense number

of inventions are now brought out which are no improvements at all upon

existing modes, and the country is overrun, and inventions disgraced by

a surfeit of the productions of over-stimulated stupidity, for no other

purpose than to escape from unpaid labor and the punishments of poverty.

The want or demand for a machine would furnish the only reasonable

motive for its construction, and an equivalent in labor and cost of

materials would be the legitimate compensation to its inventor. This

would afford no more inducements to invent machinery than to pursue any

thing else that might be in demand—all things being equally paid, there

would be no temptation to invent machinery that was not wanted, but the

supply would be harmoniously adapted to the demand or wants of society.

It is no uncommon occurrence, that food, clothing, etc., for which

thousands are suffering, are destroyed to prevent prices from falling

too low for the interests of speculators! To save these from this kind

of destruction, is the particular province of the cost principle; which,

while it destroys speculators themselves, delights in passing supplies

from producer to consumer at the cheapest equivalent rates. Physicians

who can get fifty dollars per day, while the most useful labor is paid

only fifty cents, cannot be expected to get us well while it would stop

their income and drive them to an unpaid labor; but fifty dollars a day

will maintain them by working one day in fifty, or maintain fifty times

as many doctors as the demand requires. The cost principle will adapt

the supply to the demand, and destroy the temptation to keep us sick for

the sake of the profit of it.

Swarms of lawyers, office-holders, and office-seekers crowd the ranks of

useless consumers, whose chief business it is to contrive means of

keeping up the state of things by which they are exempt from unpaid

labor, and enjoy a few of the privileges of freemen. Individualizing all

business—committing none to the management of government, and conducting

all our business equitably with our fellow-men, on the cost principle,

will sweep away all demand for them—will compel them to assist in

reducing rather than increasing the burthen of labor, and paying all

labor by equivalents will change even their condition for a better.

Hordes of robbers, pirates, bankers, speculators, thieves, gamblers,

pickpockets, swindlers, etc., who are driven into any thing to live, and

to escape abused labor at starvation prices, may suddenly become useful

citizens, when labor is properly paid, and assist in reducing rather

than increasing the burthen of labor. When the door to all trades and

occupations is thrown open—when the demands or wants of society are made

known—when any one can turn at any time to a choice of employment which

will find a market at equivalent prices, and when any one may live on

two or three hours’ labor per day, where can any one find a motive to be

a fungus upon society?

When we contemplate the immense piles of materials and mechanism in

church paraphernalia—the armies of preachers and theological imposters,

their type-setters, printers, their emissaries in every nook and corner

of the world, all unproductive, and only professing to counteract the

vices of the present system, we see in these reasons enough for its

total “demolition. A direct and equitable exchange between the present

producers, would entirely cut them off from the means of existence. If

it be true that the demand for these grow out of the vices of the

present social state, these being cured, their occupation will be at an

end; and their transition to the productive and self-supporting class

will not only put a stop to their excessive, wasteful consumption, but

will immensely reduce the still remaining burthen of labor.

Controversialists, and all who are employed by them, whether moral,

religious, or political, are all engaged in propping up, in pulling

down, in repairing or counteracting the natural action of existing

social elements. Their equitable and harmonious adjustment would relieve

us of all these taxes upon our time and labor, which would be no small

item of economy.

Every thing being bought and sold for the greatest profit the holder

“can get” it becomes his interest to purchase every thing as cheap as

possible; the cheaper he purchases the more profit he makes. This is the

origin of the present horrid system of grinding and destructive

COMPETITION among all producers, who are thus prompted to under-work

each other. Thus, too, it is, that there is scarcely any article of

food, clothing, tools, or medicines, that is fit for use—that we are

always purchasing to throw away, to be cheated out of our money and

time, and be disappointed in our supplies. Responsibility rests nowhere.

The vender does not make them, but imports them from those beyond the

reach of responsibility. Why is every thing imported, even shoes, tools,

woolen and cotton cloths? For profit. It is because things are not sold

for their cost, but for whatever the holder can get. Were COST made the

limit of price, the vender of goods would have no particular motive to

purchase them at the very lowest prices that he could grind out from

manufacturers; and they would, therefore, have no motive to under-work

and destroy each other. There would be no more of each than enough to

supply the demand—no motive to import what could be made with equal

advantage at home, and the manufacturer would be obliged to assume the

individual responsibility of his work; because where profit-making did

not stand in the way, the merchant would not otherwise purchase of him;

and where land was bought and sold at COST, every man of business would

own the premises where the work was done, and could not easily run away

from the character of it; and this must be kept good, or another would

immediately take his place. Here, then, in the cost principle, is the

means of rendering competition not only harmless, but a great regulating

and adjusting power, and under its mighty influence, should we not only

escape national ruin from the excessive importation of worthless

articles, but should have good ones always insured, by their

manufacturers being within reach of tangible responsibility. The

scramble for unlimited profits in trade being annihilated by equitable

exchanges between nations, the imports and exports would be naturally

self-regulating, and limited to such as were mutually beneficial, and

each would have a co-operating interest in the prosperity of the other.

When this takes place, the armies and navies now employed in consuming

and destroying, will be compelled to turn to producing, at least

whatever they consume, and thus take off another crushing load from

down-trodden labor.

COST being made the limit of price, no bargaining, higgling, and

chaffering (so disgusting to every one), will stand in the way of a

direct purchase at once of whatever any one wants. The price will be

known from year to year, and will be paid without asking it, and the

time now consumed in higgling and bargain-making will be harmlessly or

usefully employed.

Wars are, probably, the greatest of all destroyers of property, and they

originate chiefly in two roots. First, for direct or indirect plunder;

secondly, for the privileges of governing. Direct plunder will cease

when men can create property with less trouble than they can invade

their fellow-creature’s. Indirect plunder will cease with making cost

the limit of price, thus cutting off all “profits of trade.” The

privileges of governing will cease when men take all their business out

of national or other combinations—manage it individually, deal equitably

with each other, and leave no governing to be done.

Every one having full pay for his labor, can afford the luxuries of

mechanism, commerce, and science. Each exchanging with the other for an

equivalent as a settled principle, there could remain no inducement for

a man, or a country, or a nation, to attempt to supply all their own

wants to disadvantage; but, as under co-operative interests, every one

would gain in proportion to the division of labor, this great element of

economy would be carried to the very highest state of perfection.

These are a few of the items of economy that appear as necessary

consequences of equity among men; others will suggest themselves to each

mind as the subject is studied.

(V.) To Open The Way to Each Individual to Land And All Other

Natural Wealth.

BY natural wealth is here meant all wealth; so far as it is not the

result of human labor.

The COST principle being made the limit of price, opens all this wealth

to every one at once.

Land being bought and sold on this principle, passes from owner to owner

with no farther additions to prime cost than the labor of buying and

selling it. If improvements C have been made upon it, their cost only

being paid, makes the natural wealth free and accessible to all without

price. In this manner simple equity would free, not only public, but

private lauds, from the trammels of profit-making. If it could not be

sold for profit, it would not be bought for speculation; and, it cannot

be sold for profit in competition with those who will buy and sell it

for an equivalent. Therefore, here is a power in simple equity which is

perfectly irresistible to free all lands, and to keep them free—a power

by which one person alone can open the land for miles around him, and

make it accessible to all who require it. No power on earth can prevent

him, and he can do it without sacrifice to himself.

Metals in the earth are natural wealth, and the cost principle would

pass them to consumers at the cost of labor in digging, preparing, and

delivering them.

The inventor of a machine may put wheels, weights, and levers together

in a certain relation to each other, which may produce great and

valuable results to the public, but this value is no measure for its

compensation. The cost to him of putting them together, is his

legitimate ground of price, while the qualities of a circle, the power

of a lever, and the gravitating tendency of a weight are natural wealth,

and are lightly the property of all; and cost being made the limit of

price, makes them accessible to all without price.

Certain articles of medicine compounded together may save life, and

their value in this case would equal that of the life saved—upon this

principle a dose of pills would be worth, perhaps, ten thousand dollars,

but this is no reason for such a price. The only rational price is an

equivalent for the labor of procuring the articles, putting them

together, and the contingent expenses of vending them. The rest depends

on the inherent natural qualities of the ingredients, which are natural

wealth, and should be freely accessible to all without price; and this

results from cost being made the limit of their price.

A teacher of music may communicate the principles of composition, which

may be of great value to the receiver, but this value is derived chiefly

from the inherent qualities and relations of sounds to each other, upon

which they depend for their effect, and which are not of man’s creating,

nor has man any right to make them the ground of price in communicating

them to others. If the teacher of music be paid for his labor in an

equivalent only, then the natural wealth inherent in musical elements,

becomes accessible to all without price. The same may be said of all

sciences, arts, trades, mysteries, and all other subjects of our

commerce, whether pecuniary, intellectual, or moral. One may devote his

time and labor upon an intellectual production, but who can measure its

value? this depends chiefly upon the new truths developed or

communicated. It is its cost only that can be equitably made the ground

of price, and when this is refunded by an equal amount of labor, equally

repugnant or disagreeable, and equally costly in its contingencies, the

writer is legitimately compensated—the rest is natural wealth. The cost

principle draws a distinct line of discrimination between this and the

wealth produced by labor, awarding to every one equivalents for cost,

but for cost only; while all natural wealth is thus rendered free and

accessible to all without price; which solves the fifth proposition of

our social problem.

(VI.) To Make The Interests of All to Co-Operate With Each Other,

Instead of Clashing With And Destroying Each Other.

IF cost is made the limit of price, every one becomes interested in

reducing COST, by bringing in all the economies, all the facilities to

their aid. But, on the contrary, if cost does not govern the price, but

every thing is priced at what it will bring, there are no such

co-operating interests. This will be self-evident to many, but to some

minds a few illustrations may be necessary, in addition to what has

already been said relative to boarding-houses, etc.

If I am to have my supply of flour at cost, then, any facility I can

afford to the wheat grower, reduces the cost to me, and as it does the

same for all who have any portion of the wheat, I am promoting all their

interests while pursuing my own. If I know that planting in drills

produces more with less labor, it is my interest to communicate it, and

have experiments instituted. If I can construct a machine to save labor

in planting, cultivating, harvesting, or grinding, it is for my

interest, and that of all others, to co-operate in getting it into

operation. If I see the fences down, exposing the wheat to the

depredations of cattle, it is my interest, and that of all others, to

have the breach repaired as soon as possible, because all contingent

losses become part of the cost. Now, if the wheat were NOT TO BE SOLD TO

us AT COST, but at “whatever it would bring” according to our

necessities, then none of us would have any interest in affording

facilities, repairing breaches, nor in any other way co-operating with

the producer of it. The same, motive would act in the production,

preservation, and use of every thing.

One or a few individuals may desire instruction in music. If the teacher

set his price at whatever he thinks he can make the students give, he

may prevent them from making the attempt, and keep himself out of

business—but if the cost of his labor be divided among the class, it

immediately becomes the interest of each to get as many as possible,

thereby reducing the cost to each; and the same would be seen in every

operation of this description—and the same with nations as with

individuals.

If the products of machinery were sold at COST, it would then be for the

interest of every one to afford any facilities in his power toward its

construction and its operation, and in thus reducing cost for his own

advantage, he would be equally promoting the interest of every one who

used the products of the machine. Thus, then, upon the principle of COST

being made the limit of price, is the interest of all made to CO-OPERATE

(but not to COMBINE with) the interest of each. Thus is solved the great

problem of the individual good harmonized with the public good! Thus

does simple EQUITY outstrip the sagacity and the genius of man, and work

out for him the great problem of SOCIETY, WITHOUT THE DESTRUCTION OF

LIBERTY!

—————

In the preceding pages I have treated of the first six propositions of

our problem, and endeavored to show that the first (the just reward of

labor), must be worked out by making cost the limit of price. That the

security of person and property demands the operation of this principle,

together with the admission of the right of SOVEREIGNTY IN EVERY

INDIVIDUAL. That LIBERTY demands the sovereignty of the individual. That

the economies would naturally result from the operations of cost being

made the limit of price. That, by the same means, land, and all other

natural wealth, would be legitimately accessible to all. That by making

cost the limit of price, the interests of all mankind would co-operate

for mutual benefit; but I have deferred the consideration of the seventh

and last proposition (withdrawal of the elements of discord, and the

establishment of general harmony) to the following division, as this is

rather the result of the working of all these elements together.

I have treated each principal division of our subject separately and

abstractedly, in order that the mind of the reader might be the more

concentrated upon one individual element at a time, and not have his

attention confused and weakened by a too close connection of different

parts at first. But now that these may have become so familiar as not to

require exclusive attention to either, I propose to associate these

elements of new society together, in their natural and practical order,

and illustrate more fully their adaptation to their proposed ends. These

elements are, first, INDIVIDUALITY; second, the SOVEREIGNTY OF EACH

INDIVIDUAL; third, COST THE LIMIT OF PRICE; fourth, A CIRCULATING MEDIUM

WHICH SHALL BE A DEFINITE REPRESENTATIVE OF LABOR; fifth, THE ADAPTATION

OF THE SUPPLY TO THE DEMAND OR WANTS.

I would suggest to the reader to refer continually to the marginal

references, and to study and familiarize himself with each proposition

that may be there marked—to compare these means with the ends to be

attained, and to exercise his Individual judgment with regard to their

adaptation to the solution of the great questions which involve the

deepest interests of every one, and which can no longer be deferred with

safety to any.

Part III. The Application. Elements of New Society.

THE first step to be taken by any number of persons in these practical

movements appears to be, that each individual or head of a family,

should consider his or her present wants, and what he can give in

exchange, with a view to have them recorded in a book kept for that

purpose. As soon as a movement is made by any one to this effect, a book

will be wanted as a record of this report of wants, and supplies. At

this point, when this is evidently wanted enough to justify it in the

estimation of any individual, he or she can furnish and keep such a book

upon his or her individual responsibility. If the cost of this is

sufficient to justify a demand for remuneration, the keeper of the book

can make this demand, according to the labor bestowed in each case, or

otherwise, as he or she shall decide—the voice of the majority having

nothing to do with it.

We will now suppose that the wants of twenty individuals are recorded in

one column of a book, and what they can supply in another column; and in

another, the price per hour which each demands for his or her labor.

These become the fundamental data for operations.

Every one wishing to take some part in practical operations, now has

before him in this report of wants, the business to be done. It will

immediately be seen that land is indispensable, and must be had before

any other step can be taken to advantage. Some one seeing this want,

after consulting the wishes or demands of the co-operators, proceeds on

his individual estimate of this demand, at his own risk, and at his own

cost, to purchase or otherwise procure land to commence upon, lays it

out in lots to suit the demand, and sells them to the co-operators at

the ultimate cost (including contingent expenses of money and labor in

buying and selling). The difference in the price of a house lot thus

bought and sold, compared with its price when sold for its value, will

be found sufficient to make the difference between every one having a

home upon the earth, instead of one half of men and women being

homeless.

We will now suppose the lots purchased and paid for by each one who is

to occupy them. They will want to consult continually together, in order

to co-operate with each other’s movements; this will require or demand a

place for meetings. As soon as this want is apparent, then is the time

for some one to estimate this want, and take it on himself individually

to provide a room, and see himself remunerated according to cost, which

cannot fail to be satisfactory to all in proportion as they are

convinced that cost is the limit of his demands; which he can always

prove by keeping an account of expenses and receipts, open at all times

to the most public inspection.—(See note A, in Appendix.)

At this public room, provided each one is properly preserved from the

ordinary fetters of organization, all can confer with each other

relative to their intended movements. If one has a suggestion to make to

the whole body, he can find listeners in proportion to the interest that

each one feels in his proposition, and a decent respect to the right of

every one to listen if he chooses, will prevent disturbances from the

indifferent, just in proportion as the right of sovereignty in each

individual is made a familiar element of surrounding opinion. If one

wished to propose a movement upon the land on a certain day, after

having made his proposals, every one should consider himself or herself

the supreme law for himself or herself, and not to permit any vote of

the whole body to rise above his or her individual estimate of their own

convenience and advantage, nor to decide how far he or she should

disregard either for the interest of others; but having listened to the

wants and sentiments of others, as long as to him or her seems good, let

each be the supreme deciding power for himself, but not for others.

When business commences, the estimates of prices must commence, and the

circulating medium will be wanted. For instance, if the keeper of the

room for meetings has expended a hundred hours of his labor in keeping

it in order, etc., and if there are twenty who have regularly or

substantially received the benefits of it, then five hours’ equivalent

labor is due from each.

This calls for the circulating medium, and he may receive from the

carpenter, the blacksmith, the shoemaker, the tailoress, the

washerwoman, etc., their labor notes, promising a certain number of

hours of their definite kinds of labor. The keeper of the room is now

equipped with a circulating medium with which he can procure the

services of either of the persons at a price which is agreed and settled

on beforehand, which will obviate all disturbance in relation to

prices—he holds a currency whose product to him will not be less at the

“report of scarcity,” nor “rise at 12 o’clock.” From year to year, he

can get a certain DEFINITE QUANTITY OF LABOR FOR THE LABOR HE PERFORMED,

which cannot be said, nor made to be true, with regard to any money the

world has ever known.

An extraordinary feature presents itself in this stage of the operations

of Equitable Commerce. When the washerwoman comes to set her price

according to the cost or hardness of the labor compared with others, it

is found that its price EXCEEDS that of the ordinary labor of men! Of

course, the washerwoman must have more per hour than the vender of

house-lots or the inventor of pills! To deny this, is to deny the very

foundation of the whole superstructure! We must admit the claims of the

hardest labor to the highest reward, or we deny our own rights,

extinguish the little light we have obtained, and throw every thing back

into confusion. What is the obstacle to the honest admission and free

action of this principle? What would be the ultimate result of carrying

it thoroughly out, and giving to every one what equity demands? It would

result in surrounding every one with an abundance, with peace, liberty,

harmony, and security, and reduce the labor of each to two or three

hours per day.—(See note B, in Appendix.)

In a movement upon a new location, it would be well for every one to be

guarded against being swept along by the mere current of other’s

movements, without seeing how he is to be sustained in his new position.

The larger the purchases of lumber, provisions, etc., at once, the

cheaper will the prices be to each receiver upon the cost principle, and

these economics, together with the social sympathies, will offer the

natural inducements for an associated movement. But there is great

danger that oven these inducements will urge many into such movements

prematurely—we cannot be too cautious NOT TO RUN BEFORE THE DEMAND. Let

no one move to an Equity Village, till he has thoroughly consulted the

demand for his labor at that place, and satisfied himself individually,

that he can sustain himself individually.—(See Caution, Appendix.)

Previously to any movement upon a new locality, it will probably be

perceived, that a boarding-house would be necessary to accommodate the

few pioneers until they could build for themselves. Instead of making

this the business of the whole association, some one Individual

perceiving this want, can make it his business to provide one adapted to

the demand, by ascertaining how many persons are likely to require it,

and what style of living they prefer. If these persons are satisfied

that cost will be honestly made the limit of the price of their

accommodations, then every one will be interested in reducing this cost,

by lending such articles of furniture as he can spare, by communicating

any thing that will enable the keeper to purchase to advantage, and to

transport provisions and materials, and to get up the establishment with

as little cost as possible; but during all these operations every one’s

interest will be distinctly individual. The future keeper of the house

has the deciding power individually in every thing relative to it, and

each border makes his contract with the keeper; but as no combination

takes place, no vote of any majority is called upon until the boarders

become so closely connected that each individual cannot exercise his

individual taste—when all cannot be gratified, then it is, and not till

then, that the will of the majority is the best practicable resort of

the keeper; but he must not surrender his individual prerogative of

management, even in this case, or all will be confusion.

When this calls for too great a sacrifice from any one, the remedy will

be found only in disconnection from that boarding-house, and a resort to

another more congenial to his taste, or to private accommodations. In

such case, there being no combination to consult, none but the one

person is put to inconvenience; no other persons are disturbed. In this

boarding-house, if the keeper of it keeps an account of all his

expenditures of money and labor, open at all times to the inspection of

his boarders, and divides the cost among them, he cannot be charged with

penurious management for his own profit, nor can any of the ordinary

dissatisfaction from this cause disturb the general harmony. This

arrangement is imperfect, inasmuch as there is more or less of united

interests involved in it. The perfect form (excepting in the principle

of fixing prices), is found in the eating- houses in the cities where

any Individual can go at any time, and get any particular fare that

suits his individual demands. He gratifies his own tastes at his own

individual cost, and is not involved in expenses for others, and

therefore there is no collision between any parties.

This perfect arrangement is practicable only in circles large enough to

sustain it.

In all business where money is used, it has been found necessary to keep

it entirely separate from labor, receiving money, in the exchanges, for

that which costs money, and labor for that which costs labor. The union

of money with labor has .been the great fundamental error. We now

divorce, disconnect, individualize them, and in all running accounts

have one column for money, and another for labor—two distinct accounts,

and two distinct currencies, until a rational circulating medium can

supplant money altogether.

It will now be found necessary to ascertain the amount of labor required

in the production of all those things which we expect to exchange. This

naturally suggests itself to each one in his own business, and if all

bring in their estimates, either at public meetings, or have them hung

up in the public room, they become the necessary data for each

individual to act upon. It is this open, daylight, free comparison of

prices, which naturally regulates them; while land, and all trades,

arts, and sciences, will be thrown open to every one, so that he or she

can immediately abandon an unpaid labor, which will preserve them from

being ground by competition below equivalents.

If A sets his estimate of the making of a certain kind of coat at 50

hours, and B sets his at 30 hours, the price per hour, and the known

qualities of workmanship being the same in both, it is evident that A

could get no business while B could supply the demand. It is evident

that A has not given an honest estimate, or, that he is in the wrong

position for the general economy; but he can immediately consult the

report of the demand, and select some other business for which he may be

better adapted. If he concludes to make shoes, his next step is to get

instruction in this branch—he refers to the column of supplies, and

ascertains the name and price per hour of the shoemakers—he goes to one

of them, makes his arrangement for instruction, then provides himself

with a room and tools, sends for his instructor, pays him according to

the time employed, and becomes a shoemaker. Is this thought

impracticable?—(See note on Apprenticeships, in Appendix.)

The new shoemaker, having paid his instructor for his labor, has the

proceeds of it, together with his own, at his own disposal, and if these

be sold for equivalents, he will find his new apprenticeship quite

self-sustaining.

The same course will have to be pursued with regard to all trades and

professions—the supply must be adapted to the demand; which demand

should be continually made known at a particular place, by each one who

wants any thing, while those who want employment will know where to

apply for it, and what they can get in exchange; and if one is not

already qualified to supply some portion of the demand, he will be

obliged to qualify himself, or fall back upon the land, and supply all

his own wants, and be deprived of the advantages of division and

exchange, or he must manufacture some article that will sell abroad.

We have now progressed far into practical operations without any

combination or unity of interests. Every interest and every

responsibility being kept strictly individual, no legislation has been

necessary. There has been no demand for artificial organization. There

being no public business to manage, no government has been necessary,

and therefore NO SURRENDER OF THE NATURAL LIBERTY HAS BEEN REQUIRED.

Now, let us imagine one small item of united interests, and trace its

consequences. We will suppose that A and B get a horse in partnership,

to transport their baggage to the new location. The horse is taken

sick—A proposes a medicine, which B thinks would be fatal; neither party

has the power to lay down his own opinion and take up that of the other.

These are parts of the individualities of each, which are perfectly

natural, and, therefore, uncontrollable. A brings arguments and facts to

sustain his opinion; B does the same, still they differ, and the horse

is growing worse. What is to be done? One dislikes to proceed contrary

to the views of the other, and both remain inactive for the same reason.

There is no deciding power, and the horse is growing worse; what can

they do but call a third party to act in behalf of both? To this third

party both commit the management of the horse, and surrender their right

of decision—this third party is government. This government cannot

possibly decide both ways, and either A or B, or both, remain fearful

and dissatisfied. The disturbance now extends itself to the third party,

producing a social disease in addition to that of the horse. This is in

the wrong direction. We must take another course—retrace our steps—look

into causes, and we shall find the wrong in the UNITY of interests,

DISUNITE these—let A own the horse individually; then, if he is sick, A

has the deciding power, listens to such council as he judges useful, and

then proceeds to treat the horse. If the horse dies, A takes on himself

the cost of his own decisions and acts, and the social harmony remains

undisturbed. TO BE PERFECTLY HARMONIOUS, ALL INTERESTS MUST BE PERFECTLY

INDIVIDUAL.

Those who are most averse to collision with others, will find this an

invaluable truth. Natural individualities admonish us not to be

dogmatical on this or any other subject, but to be careful not to

construct any institutions which require rigid adherence to any man-

made rule, system, or dogma of any kind; to leave every one free to make

any application, or no application, of any and all principles proposed,

and to make any qualification or exception to them which he or she may

incline to make, always deciding and acting at his or her own cost, but

not at the cost of others. If the horse, in the above instance, should

die under A’s decision and treatment, while B held an interest in him,

then A decides and acts partly at the cost of B, which is wrong and

discordant. Let us now examine the motive for this partnership interest.

Is it for economy? We have that secured in the operation of the cost

principle, and, therefore, united interest is unnecessary. Under the

partnership interest, A and B would each have half the labor of the

horse, and would bear half of his expenses. If cost were made the limit

of price, and A owned him individually, and should let him work for B

half of the time, the price would be half of his expenses—exactly the

same result aimed at by the united interests. The difference is only,

that the one mode paralizes action, is embarrassing and discordant, and,

therefore, wrong; while the other admits the freest action—works

equitably toward both parties, is perfectly harmonious, and, therefore,

right.

Again; let any laws, rules, regulations, constitutions, or any other

articles of association be drawn out by the most acute minds, and be

adopted by the whole. As soon as action commences, it will be found that

the compact entered into becomes differently interpreted. We have no

power to interpret language alike, but we have agreed to agree. New

circumstances now occur, different from those contemplated in the

compact. New expedients are to be resorted to—language is the only

medium of communication, and this is variously interpreted—two or more

interpretations of the same language neutralize each other—an opinion

expressed, is misunderstood, and requires correction—the correction

contains words subject to a greater or less extent of meaning than the

speaker intended—these require qualification. The qualification is

variously understood, and requires explanation—the explanations require

qualifications to infinity. Different opinions and expedients are now

offered—all of which partake of the same elements of confusion—counter

opinions rise up on all sides—new expedients are proposed, all subject

to various interpretations and appreciations, all requiring explanations

and qualifications, and these, in their turn, demand qualifications and

explanations. Different estimates are formed of the best expedients, but

there is no liberty to differ; all must conform to the articles of

compact or organization, the meaning of which can never be determined.

Opinions, arguments, expedients, interests, hopes, fears, persons,, and

personalities, all mingle in one astounding confusion. All order is

destroyed—all harmony has changed to discord. What is the origin of all

this? It is the different interpretations of the same language, and the

difference in the occasions of its applications, where there is not

liberty to differ. A deep- seated, unseen, indestructible, inalienable

individuality, ever active, unconquered, and unconquerable, is always

directly at war with every demand for uniformity or conformity of

thoughts and feelings. We ask again, what is to be done? As we cannot

divest ourselves or events of natural individualities, there is but one

remedy—this is, to AVOID ALL NECESSITY FOR ARTIFICIAL ORGANIZATIONS;

which necessity is founded in UNITED INTERESTS.

One person becoming security for another, produces a unity of interest

that infringes the liberty of one, and often destroys the harmony of

both. If C becomes security for D, then C has an interest and a right to

a voice in all D’s movements and expenditures until this connected

interest is at an end. As natural individualities will probably compel

them to differ in opinions of business, and matters of convenience and

taste, the ease and security of C, and the harmony of both, are at least

in danger, while C is involved in D’s movements or expenditures.

Dissolve this united interest—let D act upon his own individual

responsibility, at his own cost, and he can then, and not till then, “be

the law unto himself.”

Exactly the same reasons apply against one person being in debt to

another; and it is only By settling every transaction in the time of it,

either by equivalents or their representative (such as the labor note),

that the liberty, peace, and security of all parties can be preserved.

Running accounts between any two persons are liable to be erroneous,

from omissions and mistakes which are entirely beyond the control of the

best intentions; but “errors from these causes cannot be distinguished

from those of design; all these are elements of uncomfortableness and

discord, which those who value social harmony will avoid, by making

every transaction an individual one—settling each in the time of it,

when all its peculiarities are fresh in the minds of both parties. Once

being settled to the satisfaction of both, nothing is left to the memory

or the indefinite guess- work of the future, which is almost sure to

produce dissatisfaction to one or both parties.

A still more subtle, and more serious invasion of the rights of

property, the natural liberty, and social harmony, is constantly at work

in the form of indefinite obligations. If A lend B a hammer, it may be

of great value to B, but no price is set upon it; this is considered a

neighborly accommodation, and common morality says, “neighbors should

accommodate each other.” The next day A applies to B for the loan of his

favorite horse. B wishes to train his horse in a particular manner, and

knows that he cannot do this, if different people use him—besides, he

wants to use him, or he wants him to rest, and no compensation is

offered by A as an inducement. He evidently makes the request on the

ground that “neighbors should accommodate each other;” and on this

ground B loses all proper control over his horse; and, on the same

principle, over every thing that he possesses which is not for sale; so

that, by this means, his proper control over his own becomes almost

annihilated. The cause is indefiniteness in our obligations. The remedy

is definiteness in our obligations. Let every transaction be an

individual one, resting on its own merits, and not mixed up or united

with another. If A lends B a hammer, and he thinks the cost of doing so

is worthy of notice, let B pay it at once, or give a representative of

an equivalent; if it is unworthy of notice, it should be entirely

disregarded, and never be mixed up with its value, nor referred to in

future transactions.

It is only by thus individualizing of our transactions and their

elements, that each citizen can enjoy the legitimate control over his

own person, time, or property. It is only by this means that we can

distinguish a disinterested present, or act of benevolence and sympathy,

from one prompted by a mercenary design. If we present a rose to a

friend, it is understood to be an expression of sympathy—a simple act of

moral commerce, and the receiver feels free from any obligation to make

any other return than an expression of the natural feeling which

immediately results therefrom; but if one should give half of his

property to another, the receiver could not feel equally free from

future indefinite obligations. Why? Perhaps, not that the property was

any more valuable to the receiver than the rose, but, that it cost more.

A delicate regard to the rightful liberty of every one, and the

necessity of self- preservation, would seem to admonish us to make cost

the limit of gratuitous favors, while those of immense value, which cost

nothing, can be given and received without hesitation or reluctance, and

will purify our moral commerce from any mixture with the mercenary or

selfish taint, and carry it to the very highest state of perfection.

We will suppose our practical operations so far progressed upon our new

premises, as to require the establishment of a store. No one has money

enough to stock one, and the sovereignty of each over his own at all

times, seems to forbid borrowing of each other, or one becoming security

for another. The most harmonious mode will be found to be for the

store-keeper to borrow money outside of these operations until borrowing

is unnecessary. The next best resort, though not perfectly harmonious,

but which may not be seriously disturbing, is for the store-keeper to

borrow very small sums from the co- operators, giving them notes for the

same, payable on demand, so that if any one, for any cause, wishes to

withdraw his investment, he can do so, at any time, without words. The

store-keeper then proceeds, like ordinary store-keepers, to purchase on

his own responsibility and risk, whatever he thinks is in demand, but he

observes the time that he employs in purchasing, and on his return opens

an account against the store for his labor and contingent

expenses—placing the labor in one column and the money in another. He

then considers what per centage will probably pay these and all in other

contingencies of the business, decides on this, and lets it be as

publicly known as possible; preserving, however, his liberty to change

it when he thinks necessary. We will suppose this to be six per cent, in

money and fifteen minutes labor on each dollar’s worth of goods, for

expenses of traveling, purchasing, insurance, losses, drayage, etc., and

all the labor of keeping the store, except that of dealing out the

goods. When he places them upon the shelves for sale, he marks them with

these additions to prime cost, and places them in such a manner that

customers can examine them, and know at once, their prices, without

taking up the time and attention of the keeper; but when the keeper

deals out the goods he charges this item of his labor in each individual

case, according to the time employed, which is measured by a clock. This

arrangement sweeps away at once all the higgling and chaffering about

prices, so disgusting in the present system, but which is inseparably

connected with it. Perhaps when the habits engendered by it shall have

been cured, the time of the keeper may be made up by regular

installments of each dealer; but, as things are, while one will purchase

his supplies in large quantities another will purchase in small, while

one will detain him an hour in higgling another knows better, and it

seems necessary that the one should have the natural advantage of his

better practice, and the other exercise his bad habits at his own cost.

When the keeper receives pay for his goods and his labor, he records

those receipts, by a short and easy method, before the eyes of his

customers, and this record shows the amount received—say six per cent,

in money, and a certain per cent, in labor. Say ten pounds of wheat on

every dollar’s worth of goods go to pay expenses, and an account of

these expenses being balanced against these receipts, shows whether the

keeper receives more or less than an equivalent for his labor—if more,

perhaps he will reduce it—if less, he must increase his per centage. He

can do this perfectly harmoniously, if the customers are allowed to know

the necessity of it, which they can do, if the documents with the bills

of purchase are habitually exposed upon the table at the public

meetings, or in any other manner made public.—See note, Equitable

Stores, Appendix.)

In all these operations the store-keeper acts entirely as an individual;

if he wishes for counsel, he will seek it of those whom he thinks most

capable of counseling. If he wishes to know the views of the whole on

any point, he can obtain them at the public meetings, but having done

so, he does not allow the public voice to rise above his individual

prerogative; but paying as much deference to their opinions and wishes

as he judges best, he proceeds upon his own individual decision, always

at his own risk, and all is harmonious.

In a similar manner can manufactures and all other business be

conducted. If each individual is FREE to make any investment or to

decline it—to invest one sum or another, according to his or her

inclination in each case; and if the amount be so small as that the risk

do not disturb the peace of its owner, and he is at liberty to withdraw

it without words or conditions whenever he may choose, one may use the

property of another for the general interest, without much disturbance

of the general harmony, provided it be made evident to all, that the

means are used for the purposes intended, and on the cost principle. So

much of connected interests may not be perfectly harmonious; but the

occasional discords may admonish us that the principle is wrong; and

like those of music, if not too frequent and out of proportion, may

serve to set off the general harmony to more advantage.

Working of Machinery.

If one person have not sufficient surplus means to procure machinery for

a certain business, all will have an equal interest in assisting in

establishing it, provided that each is satisfied that he will have its

products at cost; but if there is no limit to their price, then they can

have no such co-operating interest: The wear of the machinery and all

contingent expenses, together with the labor of attendance, would

constitute this cost. The owner of the machinery would receive nothing

from the mere ownership of it; but as it wore away, he would receive in

proportion, till at last, when it was worn out, he would have received

back the whole of his original investment, and an equivalent for his

labor in lending his capital and receiving it back again. Upon this

principle, the benefits of the labor-saving powers of the machinery are

equally dispersed through the whole community. No one portion is

benefited at the cost of another. If one portion is thrown out of

employment by it, the land, and all arts and trades, and professions

being open to them, so that they are easily and comfortably sustained

during a new apprenticeship, they are not only not injured, but

benefited by new inventions of which they receive their share of the

advantages, while they turn and assist in reducing the labor still to be

performed by hand; but (cost being made the limit of price) NOT THEREBY

REDUCING ITS REWARD. Those engaged in these pursuits will now have less

employment, but having their share of the natural wealth of the

machinery, they have, in the same proportion, less demand for

employment; in other words, THE BURTHEN OF THEIR LABOR IS REDUCED IN

PROPORTION TO THE INTRODUCTION OF MACHINERY. Thus, cost being made the

limit of price, solves the great problem of machinery against labor.

Rents of houses, lands, etc., being limited and determined by the same

principle, those who have surplus time or means to invest for

accumulation, by adapting the supply to the demand, can not only make

safe investments for themselves, but at the same time be providing

houses and homes for the homeless, with the exercise of nothing but

simple equity, which does not lay the receiver under indefinite

obligations (the worst of slavery), nor does it diminish one particle

the rightful accumulations of the first party; but, on the contrary,

having laid up ten thousand hours’ labor in houses or machinery, and

receiving the amount of its depreciation as it wears out, he receives,

at last, ten thousand hours which he originally invested. He lives then

only upon his own accumulations—lives at his own cost—not at the cost of

others who are immensely benefited by the value of his investments,

while he is, perhaps, equally benefited by the division and exchange of

labor, and all other social commerce with them.

—————

A proper regard to the Individualities of person’s tastes, etc., would

suggest that hotels be occupied by such persons as are most agreeable to

each other; therefore, children generally, as well as their parents,

would be much more comfortable not to be so closely mixed up as they

would be in a boarding-house with their parents. The connection is

already, even in private families, too close for the comfort of either.

Disconnection will be found the real movement for the happiness of both;

and hotels for children, according to the peculiarities of their wants

and pursuits, would follow of course. I have seen Infant Schools, in

which one woman attended twenty children not above two years old, and

where the children entertained each other; taking most of their burthens

on themselves, to infinitely more advantage to themselves than the best

mothers could have conferred, and, perhaps, fifteen mothers were thus

relieved from the most enslaving portion of their domestic labors. And

if such institutions were opened and conducted by individuals upon

individual responsibilities (instead of combination), and upon the cost

principle, every mother and father, and every member of every family,

would be deeply interested in promoting the convenience and reducing the

cost of such establishments, and in taking advantage of them. Instead of

the offensive process of legislating upon the fitness of this or that

person for those situations, which is rendered necessary in a

combination, any individual who thought that he or she could supply the

demand, might make proposals, and the patronage received would decide.

This would be an entirely individual movement, there would be no use for

laws, governments, or legislation, but there would be co-operating

interests. Every mother would be free to send her child or not,

according to her individual estimate of the proposed keeper, the

arrangements, and the conditions; and it would, therefore, be a peaceful

process; whereas, if every mother should be required by a government, or

laws, or public opinion, to send her children, without the consent of

her own individual approbation, we might expect what we always

experience in combination—resistance, discord, and defeat. The

Individual “is by nature a law unto himself” or herself, and if we ever

attain our objects, this is not to be overlooked or disregarded.

Education.

What is education? What is the power that educates? With whom will we

trust the fearful power of forming the character and determining the

destinies of the future race?

Every thing we come in contact with educates us. The educating power is

in whatever surrounds us. If we would have education to qualify children

for future life, then must education embrace those practices and

principles which will be demanded in adult age. If we would have them

practice equity toward each other in adult age, we must surround them

with equitable practices, and treat them equitably. If we would have

children respect the rights of property in others, we must respect their

rights of property. If we would have them respect the individual

peculiarities and the proper liberty of others, then we must respect

their individual peculiarities and their personal liberty. If we would

have them know and claim for themselves, and award to others the proper

reward of labor in adult age, we must give them the proper reward of

their labor in childhood. If we would qualify them to sustain and

preserve themselves in after life, they must be permitted to sustain and

preserve themselves in childhood and in youth. If we would have them

capable of self-government in adult age, they should practice the right

of self-government in childhood. If we would have them learn to govern

themselves rationally, with a view to the consequences of their acts,

they must be allowed to govern themselves by those consequences in

childhood. Children are principally the creatures of example—whatever

surrounding adults do, they will do. If we strike them, they will strike

each other. If they see us attempting to govern each other, they will

imitate the same barbarism. If we habitually admit the light of

sovereignty in each other, and in them, then they will become equally

respectful of our rights and of each other’s. All these propositions are

probably self-evident, yet not one of them is practicable under the

present mixture of the interests and responsibilities between adults,

and between parents and children. To solve the problem of education,

children must be surrounded with equity, and must be equitably treated,

and each and every one, parent or child, must be understood to be an

individual, and must have his or her individual rights equitably

respected.—(See Appendix, article Education.)

Amusements and Instruction.

These, of course, would keep pace with the demand for them. Any one who

perceives that balls, concerts, reading-rooms, etc., can be sustained,

can open rooms for one or more of these purposes, charging for admission

sufficient to pay for his labor and contingent expenses, and by taking

in payment the circulating medium, of which every one may have an

abundance, these institutions can be sustained at an early stage of the

progress. Lectures on any subject can be obtained at little cost to each

one of a class, when cost is made the limit of price for the room,

lecture, attendants, etc.

Natural Organization of Society.

It would, probably, not be advisable for less than thirty families to

commence these operations; because, less than about this number could

scarcely commence the exchanges, so as to derive much economy from them.

For instance, two families could not sustain a shoemaker, nor a

carpenter, an iron worker, nor any other indispensable profession.

Thirty families might sustain some of them, by which means each could

have the benefits of all. Six families could not sustain a

storekeeper—probably not less than thirty could. If fifty families

commenced together, the economies would be greater; a hundred families

greater still, and they would be great in proportion to the size of the

circle, until it became too large for interchange and correspondence!

We have supposed a few pioneers to have advanced upon our new premises,

and these probably would embrace one or two carpenters, perhaps a

shoemaker, an iron-worker, housekeeper, etc. When they have commenced

their operations, they will probably see what is wanted there or in the

surrounding neighborhood. If the location is sufficiently near a city to

afford a market for surplus labor, the co-operators can divide their

time between the two places; otherwise the greatest caution is necessary

in the coming together, and the growth must be slow in proportion to the

want of a sustaining demand. If some branches of business, such as

stereotyping, publishing, etc., were commenced, the product of which

will sell abroad, then any number, within the demand, can safely

assemble at once after having provided their first accommodations. When

they have arrived with their families, perhaps another carpenter can be

sustained—when he and his family arrive, perhaps another mason can find

sufficient employment. If each of these continually record their wants

in the report of demands and supply, then any one wishing to know

whether he can be sustained has only to get some one on the premises to

consult this record, from which he can judge for himself. In this

manner, one after another can be added to the circle, till those lining

in its circumference are too remote from the boarding- house, the

schools, and the public business of different kinds; then another

commencement has to be made, another nucleus has to be formed, and thus

in a safe and natural manner may the new elements extend themselves

toward the circumference of society. Commerce, on these principles, will

be proposed with individuals in foreign countries, which may give rise

to similar beginnings in different parts of the world, each nucleus

extending its growth outward till the circles meet--obliterating all

national lines, national prejudices, and national interests, and in a

safe, natural, and rapidly progressive manner reorganize society—and

harmonize the interests and feelings of all mankind.

—————

Conclusion.

I HAVE stated the problem to be solved, I have suggested the means of

its solution, and endeavored to exhibit their applications in a manner

to reach the plainest understanding. I have carefully withheld comments

of my own, that the mind of the reader might sit in free and unbiased

judgment in each case, and on every point of our subject; and I now

respectfully,- but earnestly, invite him or her to study the adaptation

of these means to their proposed ends, and to decide whether or not the

problem is fully and correctly stated—whether or not the means proposed

are adequate to the solution of that problem—whether or not I am correct

in the following conclusions:

That cost is an equitable, and the only equitable principle for the

government of prices in the pecuniary commerce of mankind.

That this being reduced to practice, would give to labor its legitimate

reward, and its necessary and natural stimulus.

That it would convert the present clashing interests of mankind into

co-operating interests, and thereby sweep away the principal cause of

national prejudices and national wars—would destroy all motive in the

masses to invade each other—all necessity for armies, navies, and other

paraphernalia for in national defense, and thereby neutralize the

principal excuse for government—that by infusing into the public mind,

correct and practical principles which will give a clear knowledge of

the rights of each other, and at the same time raise every in one above

the temptation to violate them, we can put an end to the other excuse

for governmental “protection.”

That by dispensing with government we shake off the greatest invader of

human rights, the nightmare of society.

That cost being made the limit of price, would give to a washerwoman a

greater income than the importer of foreign goods—that this would

entirely upset the whole of the present system of national trade—stop

all wars arising out of the scramble for the profits of trade, and

demolish all tariffs, duties, and all systems of policy that give rise

to them—would abolish all distinctions of rich and poor—would enable

every one to consume as much as he produced, and, consequently, prevent

any one from living at the cost of another, without his or her consent.

That it would prevent the ruinous fluctuations in prices, and in

business, which are the chief elements of insecurity, and which give

rise to the unprincipled scramble, for property so prevalent in all

civilized countries, in which, in the very midst of the most clamorous

professions of righteousness, the rights of persons, of property, and

the great interests of the whole race are practicably forgotten or

disregarded.

That upon this principle the great problem of machinery against labor is

mathematically and harmoniously solved—and that no other principles or

modes of action can thus solve it. That upon this principle the

disgusting and degrading features of our pecuniary commerce would be

changed, and men could exchange their products with each other without

degrading their own characters and destroying their self-respect in the

operation.

That this principle is indispensable to the security of person and

property—that it would put an end to the scramble for property, which

gives rise to encroachments on each other, to restrain which, government

is invented and invoked—that these governments, instead of securing the

rights of person and property, prove in their operations the greatest

violators of all rights, and that we must work out the security of

person and property without governments.

That cost being made the limit of price, would necessarily produce all

the co- operation, and all the economies aimed at by the most

intelligent and devoted friends of humanity; and, by reducing the

burthen of labor to a mere pastime or necessary exercise, would probably

annihilate its cost; when, like water or amateur music, no price would

be set upon it; and the highest aspirations of the best of our race

would be naturally realized.

That the security of person and property demands that every one shall

feel secure from any external power rising above him, and controlling

his person, time, or property, or involving him in responsibilities,

contrary to his own individual inclination—that he must feel that he

has, and always shall have, his own destiny in his own hands—that he

shall always be sovereign of himself and all his own interests— that

this sovereignty of the individual is directly opposed to all external

or artificial government. That this sovereignty of the individual is

impracticable in national, State, Church, or reform combinations; and

that combination is, therefore, exactly the wrong condition for the

security, peace, and, liberty of mankind. That the true movement for the

attainment of these ends, is for each individual to commence immediately

to disconnect his person and all his interests from combinations of

every description, and to assume the entire control of them as fast as

they can be sufficiently separated from others, so that he can control

his own, WITHOUT CONTROLLING THEM.

That a rational circulating medium, a definite representative of

property on equitable principles, has never -been known to mankind—that

all the great money transactions of the world, all banks and banking

operations, all stock-jobbing, all money corporations and money

movements, all systems of finance, and all the money business of the

world, have been based upon shells, metals, and pictures; things which

are no better qualified for a circulating medium, than a floating log is

fit for a boundary of a piece of land. That all the legislative action

on this subject has been conducted in the most profound ignorance of

what a circulating medium should be, or legislators have abused their

trust, and sold the people to their enemies. That a rational and

equitable circulating medium, together with cost as the limit of price,

would strike at the root of all political, commercial; and financial

corruption, and contribute largely to establish equity, security,

liberty, equality, peace, and abundance, wherever it shall be

introduced.

That all INTERESTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES MUST BE ENTIRELY INDIVIDUALIZED,

before the legitimate liberty of mankind can be restored—before each one

can be sovereign of his own without violating the sovereignty of others.

That the sovereignty of every individual is not only indispensable to

security, but constitutes the natural liberty of mankind, and must be

restored back to each, before society can be harmonious. That the

sovereignty of the individual becoming a new element in public opinion,

and thereby constituting each the supreme deciding power for himself at

all times, would put an end to all discordant controversies on ALL

SUBJECTS—disarm all laws and governments of their desolating power; and,

that with an habitual regard to this right in every one, no one’s time

or attention would be taken up, nor their thoughts or feelings

disturbed, against his or her inclination, and that our social

intercourse would thus become purified, refined, and exalted, to the

very highest conceivable state of perfection.

That the natural tendency of these new elements of society is to abolish

all the cause of crimes, and all the horrid inventions for punishment,

and to take away the last excuse of men for their insane cruelty to each

other. That the sovereignty of the individual constitutes the largest

liberty to each individual—that liberty defined and limited by others is

slavery. That every one has an inalienable right to define this and all

other words for himself or herself, and, therefore, that no one has any

right to define them for others; and, therefore, that all verbal

institutions which demand conformity in their interpretations are as

false in principle as they have proved pernicious in practice.

That the great problem of education has never been practically solved,

nor can it be solved upon any of the principles upon which society is

now acting; but, that the study of natural individualities, with these

natural deductions from thorn, point out a solution at once simple,

truthful, beautiful, and sublime.

Finally, that the five elements of new society herein set forth,

together with other modern discoveries and inventions, are capable, if

reduced to practice, of “ADJUSTING, HARMONIZING, AND REGULATING THE

PECUNIARY, INTELLECTUAL, AND MORAL INTERCOURSE OF MANKIND,” and of

elevating the condition and character of our race to the fulfillment of

the highest aspirations and purest hopes of the most devoted friends of

humanity.

The Practicability.

WITH regard to the practicability of our propositions, every one will

form his own individual estimate of this. A few have practical proofs

which others have not. Different estimates will be formed on internal

evidences, and this part, at least, of our subject (individuality), is

practically at work, and demonstrates itself. If every one is free to

differ, and no attempt is made to change any one’s views or action

against his inclination, another practical step is gained; but with

regard to the movement as a whole, it is addressed, first of all, to the

noble few whose intellects and hearts have not been destroyed by the

prevailing cannibalism of the world, and whose last hope has not become

entirely extinguished by the repeated failures of enterprises having

similar objects in view.

It is confidently believed that a few such persons can be found, who, by

making a commencement, will immediately start a power into existence

which is perfectly irresistible by the strongest opposers of

reformation—a power, to which all their opposition, all their deep-laid

plans, their wordy warfare, their bitterest hostility, must become as

chaff before the wind—this power is COMPETITION. The competition of

Equitable Commerce invades no one’s right of person or property— it

reduces no one’s labor below equivalents, but it will bring every one to

this position in defiance of any resistance that may be offered.

No one can sell house lots for five thousand dollars, while any one will

sell them of equal value for five dollars; and one person can buy and

sell all the lots required by thousands. No one can sell coffee at

sixteen cents a pound, where any one will sell it equally good for ten

cents; and one person can sell coffee and sugar to thousands. No one can

get five dollars per hour for visiting the sick, when another, whose

services are equally valuable, can be obtained for an equivalent. No

lawyer can get a hundred dollars per hour, when another will do the

business as well for an equal amount of labor.

If it be objected that the first beginnings cannot be made, we meet this

with the fact, that there is no branch of necessary knowledge that is

not now accessible immediately to those who want employment; and that in

the professions mentioned, the durations of the customary

apprenticeships, do not generally equal those of the cabinet-maker, the

iron-worker, or the carpenter; and that where profit is not made by

concealment and mystery, any demand can be very readily supplied; and

that any number of any profession (which is likely to be wanted) can be

qualified in from two to three years.

Competition is an element of society so well known and understood, that

no illustration is necessary to show that where one person will deal

more for the interest of the public than another, he will get all the

business, or others must come to his prices, and that in this position

one person can wield an immeasurable power. The competition of Equitable

Commerce exerts this power upon all professions that are paid above

equivalents; and the natural propensity for self-preservation, raises

those below up to equivalents. The power of money itself, which wields

all other powers, must sink into imbecility in competition with a

rational circulating medium, and those who possess the most money, may

suddenly find themselves the most powerless and most dependent of men.

It is folly for any parties to hope any longer to delay the general

emancipation and natural equality of the race. The ostrich, who hides

his head in the sand, while his body is exposed to the huntsman, does

not exhibit a more fatal self-conceit than those who expect that rank,

name, money, political power, or Jesuitical craft can any longer exempt

them from the great, the harmonious destiny of humanity.

—————

It has now become a very common sentiment, that there is some deep and

radical wrong somewhere, and that legislators have proved themselves

incapable of discovering or remedying it.

With all due deference to other judgments, I have undertaken to point

out what seems to constitute this wrong, and its natural, legitimate,

and efficient remedies; and shall continue to do so wherever and

whenever the subject receives that attention and respect to which its

unspeakable importance appears to entitle it; and it is hoped that some

who are capable of correct reasoning will undertake to investigate, and

(if they can find a motive) to oppose Equitable Commerce, and thereby

discover and expose the utter imbecility—the surprising weakness of any

opposition that can be brought against it. Opposition, in order to be

noticed, must be confined to this subject, and its natural tendencies,

DISCONNECTED from all others, and all merely personal considerations.

To those who have neither eyes to see nor hearts to feel, I quote the

words of Rouvray, announced in St. Domingo only a few months before the

streets were choaked with conflict and corpses, and running with human

gore: “Learn,” said he, “that indecent clamor may force to silence, but

will never refute true reasoning, founded upon the authority of existing

facts or true history. One day, perhaps, the cries of scorn with which

you repay the announcement of important truths will be changed to tears

of blood.”

My most anxious hope is that this prophecy may not prove applicable to

all civilized countries,

I decline all noisy, wordy, confused, and personal controversies. This

subject is presented for calm study, and honest inquiry; and, after

having placed it fairly before the public, I shall leave it to be

estimated by each individual according to the peculiar measure of his

understanding, and shall offer no violence to his individuality, by any

attempt to restrain or to urge him beyond it.

JOSIAH WARREN.

NEW HARMONY, INDIANA, U. S., 1846

—————

Appendix.

(a.) THE circulating medium used in Equitable Commerce has been a simple

note for a certain number of hours’ labor of a definite kind; one form

is as follows: DUE TO BEARER ON DEMAND, TEN HOURS’ LABOR IN CARPENTER

WORK—signed by the individual who is responsible for its redemption[6]

As it is necessary to measure and compare the price of this with other

labor, we use, as before mentioned, one common idea as a rule of

comparison. Having ascertained that corn costs, in a certain location,

on an average, two minutes’ labor for each pound, then, if the carpenter

considers his labor equally costly with that of raising corn, he

signifies it by attaching the number of pounds of corn which would be

the product of ten hours—thus: Due to the bearer, ten hours’ labor in

carpenter work, or three hundred pounds of corn. This addition to the

note enables us not only to compare one labor with another, but it gives

the signer of it an alternative in case it is not convenient for him to

give his labor on demand, and there can be as many of these alternatives

(all being equivalent to each other) as the responsible person may

choose to attach to his note.

If a shoemaker thinks his labor not so costly as the raising of corn (as

he can work all weathers, and with less wear of clothing and tools), by

one quarter, then he can give his note for ten hours’ labor in

shoe-making, or two hundred and twenty-five pounds of corn, which is one

quarter less for the same time.

In dealing out goods in a store, only about one half of the time of the

keeper can be actually counted, even while he is the most busily

employed; so that, if he considers this labor equivalent to the raising

of corn, he must charge as much for one hour actually employed, as will

compensate for two hours—thus: Due to the bearer on demand ONE hour in

merchandizing, or SIXTY pounds of corn. Thus, the unavoidable loss which

constitutes one half of the cost of this part of his business, is made

up by each customer in proportion to the business he transacts.

In this manner any degree of comparison can be carried out, each

individual being the only deciding power for the estimate of his own

labor, and competition being the regulator of all, The reasons we give,

why competition does not work any one below equivalents, are—first, that

the idea of comparative cost is admitted by public opinion to be a

correct and the only correct standard for the limit of price, and it

becomes a new element of society, furnishes new data for judgments, and

then each one is naturally influenced by it; and, secondly, because

every thing being bought and sold for cost, the merchant has no motive

to purchase at a price below equivalents; and, thirdly, because all

business being thrown open by the cost principle to those who want

employment, any one can abandon an unpaid labor, and resort to any

other, until all are equalized. (Apprenticeships.)—When any persons are

thrown out of employment by the introduction of machinery, or when, from

any other cause, there is no demand for their labor, it becomes

necessary for their self-preservation that they turn to some other

employment. At this point, the apprenticeships established by custom,

stand directly in the way, and constitute the principal obstacle to this

necessary change. During the nineteen years of the study and experiments

of Equitable Commerce, it has been one principal object to test

practically the necessity of these apprenticeships; the result of these

tests are on record for publication, if necessary; but, perhaps, it is

sufficient to DENY, in general terms, their necessity, and to refer

every one to his own experience, or to that of his acquaintance, when

proof will start up on all sides, that they are a relic of ancient

barbarism, totally unworthy a free and self-sustaining people. No new

proposition of equal importance is more susceptible of proof than this.

And at least one half of all the pursuits now monopolized by men, can be

quite as successfully performed by women, who are now confined by custom

and craft to one or two pursuits, in which competition has ground them

to beggary and starvation. If a new sense of equity, of humanity, does

not immediately render to them an equivalent for their labor, the

competition of Equitable Commerce will do it. Let women and all others

whose labor is unpaid, abandon their pursuits and turn to others that

will command an equivalent, which they can do when all kinds of

instruction can be obtained on the cost principle, and where the prices

of board, clothing, and every thing else are limited in the same manner.

Under these circumstances, a few hours or days instruction substitutes

years of the customary apprentice slavery, and, be it more or less, the

learner, besides paying his or her instructor equitably for his labor,

can sustain himself or herself from the beginning to the end of it,

provided the products are sold for equivalents.

Any one wishing to learn a new business, consults the reports of demand

and supply, and looking under the head of supply, sees who advertises to

teach that business; then, having provided his or her place for

business, calls on the instructor, gets his advice relative to tools and

materials, and when all is ready, the instructor comes and gives the

necessary instruction; the learner or employer pays him for his labor,

and has all the products of it.

This is an extremely interesting and a fundamental branch of

reformation, and nothing short of practice can disclose the immense

wealth that lies buried under the barbarous rubbish of the seven years’

apprenticeships.

(A.) It is the evidence that each one has, that cost is and will be made

the limit of price, that establishes harmonious relations and ensures

co-operation. Pledges are no evidence to this effect, but they violate

the legitimate liberty of those who make them, and are liable to become

elements of discord. In the experiments of the Equitable stores,

boarding-house, and other operations of Equitable Commerce, the

conductors of them made all the bills of purchase public by hanging them

up to view, exposing them at public meetings, and on all occasions

attracting attention to the cost of every thing; so, that common

knowledge soon became a sufficient guard against even the suspicion of

deviation from the principle; and this was done, not in obedience to any

vote of any combination, but as the only known means of accomplishing

the object in view. (Caution.)—It is, perhaps, impossible for any one

without experience to know the conveniencies and necessaries that they

leave behind them when they abandon a city life and go beyond the reach

of them. Experience on this subject has taught a lesson at once too

costly and too valuable to be forgotten or withheld. It is, not on any

account to make new beginnings too remote from cities or large towns,

but to keep within, say an hour’s travel of some one, as a mart for

little supplies that never can be anticipated, and as a market for

surplus labor, which must be exchanged for that which cannot be produced

in the commencement of new operations.

I have already given a word of caution against being hurried on by the

current of others’ movements into a new position, in which we might not

find a sustaining demand for our labor, and I would here add, that we

may commit as great an error by yielding to the influence of surrounding

customs, or to the fears and prejudices of friends; but having

ascertained what we want, and that this movement promises the supply in

a manner to be depended on, I know of no better course than to sit in

judgment, as an individual, on all counsels, and then to act, each on

his own individual estimate, on his own responsibility, and at his own

cost.

Education.

Treatment of Children upon Equitable Principles.—My little daughter was

between seven and eight years old when I commenced the application of

these principles to her education, thus:

I asked her to come into a room by ourselves, where we might be FREE

from interruption. After seating ourselves, I said to her: “M., you may

not be old enough to understand all that I should like you to know upon

what I am going to speak to you of, but, perhaps, you can understand

enough for the present purpose.

“You know that you eat and drink every day, that you have clothes, that

you live in a house, that you sit by the fire, have books, playthings,

attendance when you are sick, etc.; and yet, you cannot make any kind of

food, you cannot make any part of your clothing— no part of the house

you live in, nor the fire-wood; these must be made for you by others,

and how do you get them? Do you know how you get them?” “I get them from

you and mother,” said she. “Yes, and how do you think we get them? for

we do not make either of them,” “I do not know,” she said. “Now this,”

said I, “is what I want to tell you. I do one thing—I keep store, and

the makers of all these things want my labor in store-keeping, and so we

exchange with each other, and I get all these things by doing one thing.

This doing only one business is called the division of labor, and the

exchanging with each other is called pecuniary commerce; pecuniary means

relating to property. There are other kinds of commerce; for when one

talks with another, they exchange ideas with each other, and this might

be called intellectual commerce, or the commerce of minds, such as we

are carrying on at this moment, Then, there is another kind of commerce,

not so easy to explain ; it is the interchange of the feelings—for

instance, if a person plays a piece of music for the gratification of

another, he conveys a feeling to that other, and this may be called the

commerce of the feelings, or moral commerce; these different kinds of

commerce are often called the intercourse of society. This intercourse

of society is at present conducted in the most confused, disorderly,

unprincipled manner, which produces all the sufferings of the poor, the

anxieties of the rich, and misery in all conditions beyond any thing I

can make you understand; but you will see more as you grow older and

come to read history. I am making it my only object in life, to try

principles which I think can regulate this intercourse in such a manner

as to prevent all this suffering; but my particular object with you now

is, to begin to apply these principles here in our house between

ourselves, and you will see yourself benefited by them.

“As it is now, you have seen that you are subject to be called on by me

or your mother to do this or that at any and all times, however you may

be engaged or interested, and that sometimes you do not come, or do not

do what we require directly; you do not feel the same interest in doing

a thing for us, that you are not interested in, as you do in your own

playthings; but there is a necessity for performing a certain quantity

of labor, in order that we may have playthings, and food to eat, clothes

to wear, a house to live in, etc., because you know these things are all

produced by labor, and if it were not that this labor is performed by

somebody, we could not have them. I get them from those who make them,

as I said, by buying and selling goods to them. You get them from me and

your mother, and you do these little things we require of you, for the

supplies you receive of us, although you did not know this was the case.

It is so from necessity; because if you did not do some things for us,

we should not even have time to get these things for you. Now, here is

the great question: How much should you properly do for us for what you

receive? Should we require all your time night and day? Would this be

too much, or not enough? Is there any limit, any bounds that we can set,

in so that you may understand when your obligations to us are

discharged, and you can feel yourself free to pursue your own objects

without being interrupted by our unlimited claims and calls, and that we

may feel free to require, knowing that you see and acknowledge its

necessity? Can you suggest any way to do this?” “No, sir,” said she, “I

cannot, but I should like it very much.” “Well, then, I will tell you

what I have thought; that I would as soon buy and sell goods an hour as

to wash dishes an hour; so if you will wash as many dishes as I or your

mother would wash in an hour, I should consider that you had paid us for

an hour of our labor; this would take you more than hour, but no matter.

Each of us, in our family, consume, under our present circumstances,

about three hours of men’s labor per day. You consume about so much of

mine and your mother’s labor or time. Now, how much of your time do you

think you ought to work for us, to do as much for us as we should do for

ourselves in three hours?” “I do not know,” she replied, “but I am

willing to do whatever you think I ought.” “But,” said I, “I want your

own understanding and feelings to act in this; I want the decision to

come from yourself, from the clear perception that you are governed by

the necessity of things, and not by me or your mother personally, and

then all will go smoothly. But, as it is impossible for you to judge,

suppose we say that six hours of your labor at present shall be

considered an equivalent for what you receive of us (“yes, sir’), and

then, you know, we can change from time to time, and in order to show

you that I take no advantage of your dependence on us, or your

confidence in me, if you can do better for yourself at any time, you

have a right to do it; I lay no claim to your person or time, but the

return for labor, which you see we must all have in order to live. And

whenever you do not do your part of this necessary labor, it is but

reasonable to conclude that you cannot have the benefit of it, and your

income or supplies must necessarily stop. And, remember, that this would

not be done in anger, or for punishment, but, because if no labor was

performed, there would be nothing to live upon, and they who do not do

their share, must not expect to live on the labor of others.”

Even at this age she comprehended me, and seemed to feel the justice of

her position. It then only remained to disconnect that portion of her

time from the remainder, so that both parties might be free to act up to

just limits, and not overstep them. We agreed that from between seven

and nine, from twelve to two, and from five till seven, should be the

six hours of each day to be devoted to our work, and that all the rest

of her time was to be entirely her own; and if we required her services

during any of this time, we would make a contract with her as with any

stranger, and pay her by the time employed, and the pay was to be

absolutely her own, of which she was to be supreme sovereign disposer.

If she chose to ask our advice, of course we would give it; but we

should exercise no authority, nor even give advice unasked, and if she

spent it inconsiderately, the consequences would show her the necessity

of asking the advice of older friends.

This arrangement was immediately carried into practice, and the

beautifully harmonious efficacy of the practice can only be conceived by

trial. No other arrangement was necessary, and this was continued, with

but little variations, from that time forth.

It will be seen, on a little trial, that children thus thrown upon

themselves, begin to exercise all the self-preserving faculties; they

are interested in looking into consequences before they act, and will

ask the advice of parents, and listen with interest to their

injunctions, which, before, they would have shunned as unmeaning,

tedious inflictions.

Under these circumstances, if we call children in the morning, it is for

them, and not for us, we do it, as their supplies would stop if the

contract was not fulfilled. If we advise them not to spend their money

or time foolishly, it is for them, and not for us; it is not our money

or time they spend, and they can see that our advice is DISINTERESTED.

Then, they listen and thank us for that which otherwise they would have

considered an interested, selfish exercise of authority. If there is

ever to be undisturbed harmony between parents and children, it will be

found where their interests and responsibilities are entirely

individualized, disconnected from each other, where one exercises no

power or authority over the persons, property, time, or responsibilities

of the other. I speak from seventeen years’ experiments, of which more

will be said in the proper place, but will add here, that these

principles can be only partially applied under the present mixture of

the interests and responsibilities of parents and children—that where

parents are obliged to bear the consequences of the child’s acts, the

parent must have the deciding power; but in things in which the child

can alone assume the cost of its acts, he may safely be intrusted to the

natural government of consequences.

—————

A company who were conducting a school at Spring Hill, Ohio, let one of

the boys try his own self-management with me; and here commenced one

distinction—he was not under my authority, although he was guided by me;

I did not take him, any more than I took the Mayor of New York, when I

went to do business with him. I made him understand this at the

beginning. I told him that I should never exercise any authority

whatever, but that there were certain things which he wanted to learn,

to prepare himself for future life, and that I had a particular way of

teaching these; that the company were willing he should try this mode if

he was inclined to do so, but that he was free at any moment to place

himself again under the direction and control of the company. My object

was, among other things, to teach him to need no control from any one;

that he was to have all the proceeds of his own labor, pay his board to

the company, exercise his own judgment or taste with regard to his

clothing, pay for it himself, and do whatever he chose with his surplus

time or property. He was between eleven and twelve years old. “Well,

James, how do you like such a proposal?” “I do not know,” he said, “how

to pay my board or earn my clothes.” “Well, would you not like to learn

how these things are done, so as to get experience against time of

need?” “Oh! yes, sir,” said he, and his eyes brightened up “Well, now,

what do you think should rationally be your first step?” He did not

know. “Would it not be to do first, that which you want first? You will

want dinner directly, and if you pay the company your board, you want to

know what they want, don’t you? and then you have your pursuit marked

out for you. This is what is called the demand.” “Oh! yes,” said he, “I

see.” “Well, now, in talking with the company, I perceived that they

were more in want of shoes than any other thing; now if you could supply

this demand”—” Oh! sir,” said he in amazement, “it takes men to make

shoes, I don’t know how; I—I—I”—”My dear boy, you do not understand your

own capacities; I am going to show you what you can do; wouldn’t you

like to have me?” “Oh! yes, sir,” said he, “if you think I could.” “I

think you can,” said I, “and now let us see what is the first step:

there must be tools, leather, a place to work in, and a teacher; now

which of these is wanted first?” He thought a moment, and then replied,

“Why, the shop, I should think, if I had the things to put in it.” “I

have got tools that I will lend you,” I said, “by your being responsible

to me for their safe return, and the company will find you leather. Now

you want the shop, and there is that little building up there that is

just fit for it; you bad better go to the company and make some contract

with them for the use of it.” “I do not know,” he said, “how to make a

contract.” “To learn to do every thing of the kind, constitutes your

education, my dear child. You have only to go and ask them what rent

they will ask you for the use of it; they will not think it strange, I

have talked with them, and they expect it.” He went to one of the

company, who told him that the wear of the building was not worth

setting a price upon. The next thing was the leather, and this he must

get of the company, and as he had no money to pay for it, he must keep

an account of it. When he came to this, he said, with a deep blush, “I

do not know how to keep accounts.” “Don’t blush, my dear boy, you have

never been taught; none of us know until we are taught, and it is not

until we come to want these things that we know their value, and this is

the reason why I am proceeding with you in this manner. Now, as you do

not know how to keep books, I will set a few examples, and after them,

if you observe closely, you will be able to do it yourself.” “But,” said

he, “I cannot write well enough.” “Then, you see what you want; and if

you learn one thing after another, in the order in which you want it,

you will get on with your education in the best possible manner, for you

see that even now you want a knowledge of book-keeping, of writing, and

arithmetic, all at once.” “Yes, sir,” said he, “and I will ask, who do

you think I had better ask to teach me to write?” “Mr. E., or Mr. F.,

either would do it very well,” I said. “I will try to learn right away,”

said he,” in the evenings, when I am not at work.” He now wanted the

tools, and I told him that I should look to him for their safe return,

and in order to know when they were all returned, it would be necessary

for him to give me a receipt for them. He did not know the form of

receipts, and when I wrote one, it was a new item in his education. He

bashfully took the pen to sign it, when I said, “you need not feel

mortified, my boy, for not knowing what you have never been in a

situation to learn; but, now you are in a situation, you will learn, I

know. If you never before had to give a receipt, how could you give one?

It is by placing you in this situation, that you will learn those things

and form those habits that will be necessary to you when you grow up,

and you cannot begin too soon.”

Now, throughout all this process, he was as much sovereign of himself,

and of all his interests as the Emperor of China. The ordinary relation

of teacher and pupil was reversed—he was master, I was servant—and he

paid me for my services according to the time employed; and yet he would

not take the least step either in business or amusement without my

advice and approbation. Within two days from the first commencement, he

had a pair of shoes on his feet, of his own make, that no one would have

noticed as differing from ordinary work. He continued in this business

till the demand of the company for shoes was fully supplied, and then

turned to another pursuit.

—————

My son, who is now about nineteen years of age, has been more

particularly and continuously the subject of these experiments, which

were commenced with him at the age of seven. The natural government of

consequences has been uniformly substituted for the barbarous government

of force—he has never in all his life been struck by either of his

parents; and, making a just allowance for all the counteracting examples

and influences which have surrounded him on all sides, I am willing to

have him considered one of the practical results of these principles

applied to education.

I give these facts in detail, in this undisguised manner, because facts

in detail, given upon responsibility, are the only material that will

now supply the demand of society. The public, having been so often

misled by theories, now, very reasonably, call for practical results, I

know that in giving these in this form, I subject myself to the charge

of egotism from those who regard manner more than matter; but, to

hesitate, or remain silent on this account, would be less justifiable in

my own eyes, than the most ridiculous egotism.

(B.) An accurate account of all the expenses of the family for

ninety-five days, during the operation of the experimental store in

Cincinnati, including clothing, wear of house and furniture, all reduced

to their labor cost, resulted in the average of one hour and forty

minutes labor per day for each individual of the family. This estimate

does not include housework, as this is so various under different

arrangements. In this estimate, flour was set at twenty hours’ labor per

bbl.; chickens, an hour’s labor each; coffee, one hour per pound;

butter, one hour per pound; milk, fifteen minutes’ labor per quart;

beef, ten minutes’ labor per pound; six cords of wood and sawing,

ninety-six hours; sugar, forty minutes per pound. This estimate includes

the ascertained labor cost of seventeen yards sheeting (forty-three

hours), five pair of shoes, forty nine hours; wear of house with four

rooms, twenty hours—probably wear of clothing not specified, thirty

hours. For expenses not enumerated, thirty hours.

Explanation of the Labor Note.

“Not transferable.” This condition is made a prominent feature in the

labor note for various reasons: first, we do not propose, as a general

practice, to deal on these new principles with those who do not

understand or appreciate them, and it is necessary to inform such

persons that the notes are not intended for them. Second, in the

incipient, progressive stage, there will be those who would gladly get

hold of the notes for no other purpose than to make trouble and

embarrass the operations, instead of assisting them, and it is necessary

for the giver of the note to have the means of protecting himself or

herself against all such designs, which they can effectually do, by

exercising their right of “sovereignty,” and refusing to redeem the note

in such hands; while, at the same time, the same right of “sovereignty”

would be equally exercised and vindicated by RISING ABOVE and

disregarding the condition, when the reasons which gave rise to it did

not exist. To carry out this design it becomes necessary to leave the

name of the receiver blank in the printed form, to be filled up at the

time of the issue of the note. “One hour’s labor in carpenter work, or

twelve pounds of corn.”

The twelve pounds of corn serves two purposes; it shows the price which

the giver of the note sets upon his labor, as compared with others, who

may rate their labor at eight, ten, fifteen, or twenty pounds, according

to the “cost” of it. Secondly, it gives the signer of the note an

alternative. In case it is not convenient for him to pay his note in

carpenter work at the time required, he can pay it in an article which

contains an equivalent of labor. An article that, being almost

imperishable from year to year, he can keep on hand, and one that is

likely to be always acceptable to the holder of the note; because it

would not be an easy matter to over supply the demand, as it can be

converted into milk, butter, cheese, beef, pork, poultry, eggs, and even

exported in most of these forms to almost any part of the world to an

indefinite extent. On these accounts, corn is an article peculiarly

adapted to become the basis of a circulating medium; whereas many other

articles, even gold and silver, are liable to over or under supply the

demand, and consequently work sudden and ruinous revolutions. The note

is issued by each individual, in his individual capacity, because

combined interests include the elements of defeat, and destroy all

responsibility.

——————————

Do Not Expect Too Much.

THE picture of the future, to which these principles point, is so full

of beauty and magnificence, that in our anxiety to realize such a life

we are apt to overlook the distance between that and us, which must be

traveled over step by step, through very rough and unforeseen obstacles.

Among the greatest of these are the forces of habit and fashion. Habit

is said to be “a second nature,” and fashion is stronger than law. Many

years might pass away before an American, placed among Frenchmen, could

so far overcome the habit of his own native tongue as not to be

distinguished by it, with all his best efforts to aid him. Such being

the force of one particular habit, what allowance must we not make for

all the habits of previous life!

Fashion—more tyrannical than tyranny itself! How much intellectual

effort, moral courage, time, and self-devotion are required to effect

even a small revolution, in a power which controls all other

controllable powers! Therefore, in the outset, let us not overlook

unavoidable obstacles, and thereby lay the foundation of disappointment

and reaction by expecting too much.

[Sample Labor Note]

[1] See forthcoming works on practical details.

[2] To common eyes this will appear strange or impracticable—on this

point see “Practical Details.”

[3] See Practical Details of Equitable Commerce.

[4] See Dr. Joseph Burhanan’s discoveries in Neurology

[5] Ridiculous as this appears, it is actually carried out in limited

leases on land, which is never completely sold, but subject to have a

new price set upon it at the expiration of each lease, according to its

fluctuating values!

[6] This may be worked into the semblance of a bank note, or any other

form that fancy may dictate.