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Title: Where is the Festival? Date: 2005 Language: en Topics: neoliberalism Source: Retrieved on 2020-04-15 from https://archive.elephanteditions.net/library/where-is-the-festival Notes: guerrasociale.org 2005. Elephant Editions 2005. Translated by Venemous Butterfly Publications.
By now, it is a matter of fact. The world is on the verge of being
transformed into a single enormous supermarket. From San Francisco to
Calcutta, from Rio de Janeiro to Moscow, we will all get in line to
consume the same identical products of unnatural, gaudy appearance. That
which forms an authentic wealth to safeguard for many–autonomy and
difference–could be swept away forever by the imposition of an economic
policy and the consequent social system. When we are presented with a
single possibility while every alternative is kept from us by force, we
cannot speak of freedom of choice in the face of an offer, but only of
coerced obedience. The continuing production of our days on earth (with
all their pleasures, tastes and hues), when a single model of life to
which we are to conform is imposed on it, is the totalitarian abyss that
many see opening before them.
Briefly, neoliberalism is the name given to the particular economic
policy that the Masters of the earth are applying. Globalization is the
name given to the process of homogenizing unification that it entails.
Over the past several months, hundreds of thousands of people have taken
to the streets against neoliberalism and globalization. On the occasion
of meetings between the political and economic leaders of the most
powerful states (in Seattle, Davos, Washington D.C., Melbourne, Prague,
Gothenburg,...), protest demonstrations have been organized that have
claimed the attention of the entire mass media. The next occasion is to
be in Genoa at the end of July, corresponding to the G8 summit. But if,
two years ago, this protest movement could close its eyes to certain
contradictions within it so as to avoid putting a brake on the initial
momentum, it seems to us that reflection on its significance is becoming
increasingly urgent and admits no delay.
Neoliberalism supports a kind of capitalism without frontiers. The most
powerful multinationals (mostly US capital) thus succeed in imposing
their interests even when these go against the “national good” of the
little states. Intolerable, right? But what are the opponents of
neoliberalism fighting against? Logically, the most extreme would have
to answer “against capitalism”, while the less extreme would have to
say, “against capitalism without frontiers”. The former, as enemies of a
world based on profit — no matter who benefits from it or within what
border the exploitation occurs — the latter as enemies of a world based
on the profit (of the ruling class) of the richest countries at the
expense of the profit (of the ruling class) of the power countries. But
whoever merely protests against the limitless global expansion of
capitalism, against its lack of respect for borders, in substance shows
themselves to be in favour of a form of local capitalism, even if ideal
controlled from the bottom. Therefore, within the movement against
neoliberalism and globalization two spirits live together, which for
linguistic convenience we have differentiated as the “more extreme” —
who want the elimination of capitalism and declare themselves against
all governments and their representatives from whom they have nothing to
demand — and the “less extreme” — who support or at least end up
accepting the necessity of capitalism with a human face, limited and
regulated by a democratic government, and whose intention is to explain
their reasons to the current rulers. Not a small difference. But then,
how and why did they come to find a point of agreement? For convenience,
above all. Alliances draw together to gain strength. But it would be
foolish to believe that in an alliance the sides in play are all
situated on the same level. There is always a stronger side and a weaker
side. And naturally, it is the stronger side that dictates the
conditions of an alliance, decrees its slogans, determines its
movements, derives the greatest advantage from it and — if it is
sufficiently able — causes the potential disadvantages to fall on the
weaker side. The only thing left to the weaker side, if it wants to do
anything, is to conform itself. So then, the alliance of the two spirits
present in the movement is determined by the choice of a common enemy:
neoliberalism. In the face of the great power of the opposing side, it
is said, differences must be set aside for now: “First we stop
globalization, then we will see what to do.” The condition posed would
even be understandable if it were mutually respected. But how do things
really stand? Do both the components of this Sacred Alliance stand to
benefit from it equally? Are the existing differences expressed in the
same manner and do they hold the same possibilities?
What then is the declared enemy of the anti-globalization movement,
capitalism as such or neoliberalism? And when we are present there at
the summits of the superpowers convinced that we are “putting pressure”
on the Masters of the Earth to which side’s needs is it responding? At
the various anti-globalization demonstrations, violent clashes with the
forces of order have occurred. This is what has forced the mass media to
pay more attention to the disputes. Here is the usefulness of the
alliance — some of the more extreme will say. In the final analysis, if
it hadn’t been for the thousands of other, less extreme, demonstrators
whose mere presence served to hinder the manoeuvres of the police, these
clashes wouldn’t had such a favourable outcome for the demonstrators.
But the less extreme are also satisfied that there have been clashes. In
the final analysis, if the “extremist menace” that needed to be averted
had not been there on display, the Masters of the Earth would have had
no reason to listen to them. As for those demonstrators who use clashes
with the police in order to gain recognition from the earth’s Masters as
go-betweens, it is clear that though they speak out of both sides of
their mouth (“we are not violent, but we clash with the police”, “we
give advice to government officials and sit on municipal councils but we
are antagonists”), they belong by right an by deed to the less extreme
objectors to neoliberalism since their objectives are the same and they
only distinguish themselves from the latter through the means they use
to pursue these objectives. Now battling the police is not the primary
objective of the more extreme, while being heard by the earth’s Masters
is the primary objective of the less extreme. Paradoxically, who has the
most reason to exult in the disorders that have happened up to now? In
other words, to whom is this strange anti-neoliberalist coalition
benefiting the most, the more extreme like the Black Bloc or the less
extreme like the Monde Diplomatique?
Let’s digress for a moment. It is not at all strange that the mass media
has rebaptised the movement with the name “the people of Seattle”. It is
as difficult to find a gram of intelligence in the head of a journalist
as to find water in the desert. But we don’t understand why this idiotic
description is repeated by a large part of the movement itself. It is
useless, the American dream even enchants its would-be opponents, those
who on the one hand announce their refusal to live “like Americans” and
on the other hand accept protesting “like Americans”. So if the friends
of neoliberalism look to Washington, D.C., its enemies look to Seattle.
It matters little, after all it’s only a matter of miles, as long as all
eyes are turned to the USA. In spite of the much praised Autonomy.
Autonomy would like every one to be more or less free to choose what,
when, how, where and with whom to act. The “people of Seattle”, on the
other hand, like all People, is afflicted with a political defect.
Within it are aspiring mayors, aldermen, councillors, even up to
parliamentary whip. Of course, we are referring to those who intend to
be elected as legitimate representatives of the “people of Seattle” in
order to be invited by the earth’s Masters to sit with them at the next
negotiating table, after having sat at the police chief ’s table. But
this is all more than understandable. Less understandable is that the
others adapt themselves to this ignoble game and allow themselves to be
treated as citizens who are requested not to disturb the public peace.
For months we have witnessed a painful spectacle. The Masters of the
earth meet in the most varied corners of the world to formalize
decisions made elsewhere. Their opponents follow them like puppies in
search of attention: they stand on two paws, bark, growl, at times even
nip at the edge of the pants of those who rule them.
Now it is quite clear. Though there is nothing to say to the true
citizens of “the people of Seattle, we would like to address some
observations to the others — to those without fatherland, to the
deserter from all citizenship. At Gothenburg, the police fired, wounding
a demonstrator who was throwing a rock. The Italian government has
already made it known that it is interested in listening to the less
violent opponents, provided that the more stubborn are left out of the
dialogue. This can only mean one thing: having achieved their first goal
— the much sought after institutional recognition — the less extreme
opponents will quickly cease to be interested in continuing to march
along side the more extreme who were useful up to now, having at first
contributed to keeping the tension that created such excellent publicity
high, but who will only be an encumbrance to them from now on. As soon
as they are admitted into the presence of the earth’s Masters, what use
will it be to them to continue using certain means? And at that point,
what will happen? Those who have participated in this movement stirred
by a hatred for capitalism have fought against its guard dogs, smashing
shop windows and destroying machines, determined to destroy this world
from top to bottom. But who chose the place and time from which to
launch this attack? The earth’s Masters chose it. They chose the
battlefield; they chose the method of conflict. Up to now, most of the
opposition has behaved as the police expected. Now this game is coming
to an end. The police are quick and even given permission to shoot in
the back. As petty politicians, the leaders in overalls, whether white
or red, have every interest in centralizing the movement of opposition
to neoliberalism. As subversives, we have interest in expanding rather
than “globalizing” the movement of struggle against capitalism. The
police are waiting for us in Genoa at the end of July in order to beat
us, photograph us, film us, arrest us and maybe shoot us. And instead we
could be anywhere at any time. The shop-shutters of McDonald’s and the
banks of Genoa will be armoured during the days of the summit. The
multinationals, the supermarkets and the banks of the rest of the world
will be at our disposal at any time. And this would only be the
beginning since as soon as we leave off following the due dates that
others set for us, we will finally be able to choose when, where, how
and who to strike.
If we decide for ourselves, we will be unpredictable. We will lose
allies, but we will find comrades along the way.
— a few nobodies neither want to represent or be represented by anyone
In the end, we still fall, a bit stupidly every time.
And yet we know them well, these annoying vultures. By now, we should no
longer nurture even the least bit of hope in finding courage, dignity,
coherence, the capacity to put themselves on the line in their words or
actions. In short, they are not comrades; our dreams are much too
distant from their aims. But even less are they worthy adversaries,
people who have clearly chosen which side to take, without dreary games
with which to try to win over anyone who is still capable of feeling
emotion, of getting angry, of looking without so many ideological
filters at the horrendous and omnivorous reality that surrounds us all.
When such an individual finds the force of the desire to do something in
her/himself, in the search for comrades, perhaps s/he runs into them,
into the Tute Bianche, into the social centres of the Northeast [of
Italy — translator], into the Ya Basta association, into Leoncavallo,
into any other of the myriads of protean monograms with which these
people try to disguise themselves and to ensnare agreement.
But not us, we, who no matter what, still love to describe ourselves as
anarchists — and tremble when journalists take the liberty of making
distinctions in this as well, debating over who really is who is not one
— we don’t consider ourselves so naïve, and we look with detachment at
the “people of Seattle”, which gets so much exposure that it seems to us
to be the mechanism of a struggle and a method (that still has
interested and even roused enthusiasm in us) that offers the flank so
widely to instrumental manipulation, to repressive attack, but
especially to media banalisation and the most dreary spectacularisation,
and therefore to its substantial surrender to the inoffensive game of
parties. We have chosen not to be part of that “people”, the
journalistic christening of which merely nauseates us; we refuse to make
ourselves fit into the mould of any group or sub-group, even running the
risk — and not just because of this choice, for goodness sake — of
enclosing ourselves in a fortress, the ideologically pure connotations
of which might be capable of preserving us not only from sullying our
hands and consciences too much, but also from our own frustrations . We
declared ourselves to be outside under the pretext of being inside of
something else, much more meaningful and important, something of our
own. Unfortunately, this is not always so. However, we declared
ourselves outside of that context on the assumption, which we continue
to hold well grounded, that it was much too narrow there. This
assumption is strengthened by some experiences that have involved us
directly, that disappointed us.
And yet here we are, surprised once again. For two very different
reasons, which have aroused very different reactions in us, though both
still surprise us.
First of all, the comrades in Genoa, their vitality, their capacities,
even their numbers. To be clear, and in consideration of the fact that
we also know of these events primarily through the journalistic filter,
we are referring to the so-called black bloc. We are amazed, at bottom,
that comrades could find such ample space for action in a context that
we knew was dominated by the double control exercised on the territory,
by the police on the one hand and by the forces of organized opposition
on the other, both our enemies (and in the case of the
“anti-globalizers”, we refer to those “responsible”, to the promoters,
the various “general headquarters”, the functions of order, certainly
not to the individual demonstrators, among whom we believe there were
many, dressed in their preferred colour whatever that may have been, who
did not necessarily consider themselves to be represented by those who
were the self-proclaimed leaders of the good spirit of the protest and
therefore in the right — having to cleanse the procession of any
unwelcome presence.)
But fortunately, anarchists are often bad prophets.
We are amazed and immediately loved these comrades, even if perplexity
still persists within us, the distance not so much from the method, but
rather from the various interests, the perspectives that diverge, but
don’t keep us from considering them our comrades. The thing that no one
says is that in Genoa class conflict manifested itself, that it
expressed itself in this form as well: the attack of the exploited
against the structures of capital and against the cops who defend it.
All the embodiments of exploitation disgust us in earnest, not
symbolically, not democratically. The social war is not our invention.
The second reason for our surprise: the reactions of the tute bianche.
It is useless to widen the discussion, that the Genoa Social Forum in
its totality expressing itself as it did is absolutely a consequence of
its very nature and reason for being. In reality — and this is why we
are surprised at our surprise — even that which these whitewashers of
our house, or more, have said and done is perfectly fitting with what
they are. And we have learned to recognize this quite well over the
years, from times when they didn’t use certain disguises, but others
that fooled even us, when, due to our naivety and superficiality, we
managed to conceive of them as distant comrades in struggle. We were
diverted by a language that we heard, undoubtedly — I repeat — due to
our stupidity, as less offensive than what, to our surprise, it would
become. Its calls for autonomy and class struggle perhaps appeared
ironic to us, even though we had not understood that the direction of
that irony was diametrically opposed to what we would have hoped. Now
the jokes have become clearer, their political capacities have been
refined (still at a level of extreme cultural impoverishment, but we
should not forget that the entire political scenario has suffered a
fierce intellectual abasement, along with all society that plods along
in its magnificent informational ignorance), their names have appeared
unequivocally flanking those of the class enemies. And yet, even in all
this, an oppositional component plays a role, hauled out as an artifice
at the most opportune moments, or instead held back, as a provocation by
a neo-vanguard outside prime time, or a residue of adrenaline rising
again as when — youth, at bottom, when all of us feel a bit like
anarchists... — they played at conflicts with the police, a practice
that still continues to rouse a certain sympathy. Of course, we recall
that in those days they didn’t use harnesses and the turtle formations
(but did they really do this or was it just a folkloric invention of
journalists? We ask it here again) and amenities of this kind, but the
agreements with the political police were already a recurring and noted
practice in the streets.
Now, why are we surprised when their spokespeople disassociate
themselves from the violence of the black bloc at first, in order to
later recant and express rage for the repression that shot someone to
death?
Why not believe that they would take advantage of this situation? A
comrade is dead, killed by a carabiniere. A comrade put his life at
risk, while the vultures wretchedly begged the repression not to strike
their procession of honest and correct disobedients, but that it be
applied elsewhere, to those who don’t respect the rules. As soon as this
happened, hypocritical and convenient indignation, expressing the
shortest memory in the world, explodes flaming from the eyes of the
corpulent leader of the white-washers when he gets wind of the occasion
that a martyr, who was still an enemy until the moment in which the
murderous bullet struck him (wouldn’t it have been sufficient to arrest
and beat him democratically in the barracks?), was offered to them.
But the only thing truly surprising remains our surprise in the face of
all this. Is it necessary to remind ourselves of the other occasions in
which we have had means for knowing them in their deepest essence? When
they have beaten us, “mistaking” us for fascists; when they have led us
to believe that they possessed the determination to go beyond the
threshold that makes them welcome to vice-mayors — senators —
councillors — civil society? When they have willingly been responsible
for police attacks against their own comrades (it is acknowledged that
they call each other this) in order to gain a hearing from the minister
of the interior? When they have announced or supported extremely
reactionary demonstrations calling for severity on the part of state
justice (against the very wicked fascists, racists, bullies, leaguists,
criminals of the national unity, of course — rabble to put it kindly)?
When they are candidates in elections? When they are allied to the
allies of Haider? What more is necessary to open our eyes?
Capitalism is a social relationship and not a citadel of power. It is
starting from this banality that one can deal with the question of
summits and counter-summits. To represent the domination of capital and
the State as a kind of general headquarters (such as the G8, the WTO or
some other organization) is useful to those who would like to substitute
that centre of power with another centre: the political structures of
the so-called movement, or better, their spokespeople. In short, it is
useful to those who propose merely a change in management personnel. Not
only is this tendency reformist in its essence and purpose, it is also
collaborationist and authoritarian in its method, as it leads to the
centralization of opposition. That’s why these leftist opponents, who
want so much to be heard by the “masters of the world”, invest money and
political hype on the summits, the dates of which they are often set
with them. During these summits decisions that were made elsewhere are
merely formalized, but this certainly does not disturb the various
representatives of the social forums; after all, their opposition is
also completely formal, consisting mainly of paid seminars where it is
shown that neoliberalism is wrong and humanity is right, or, for the
more lively, in some combative performance that is agreed upon with the
police. Besides, how could an opposition financed by the institutions,
represented by council and parliamentary members and protected by the
grave-diggers of the workers’ movement (we’re referring to the security
services entrusted to the CGIL[1] in collaboration with the cops) be
real? The paradox is that people are called into the streets in the name
of another possible world, but with the intention that... absolutely
nothing happens. Each time that an oceanic crowd demonstrates
peacefully, visibly supervised, they say that a great victory for the
movement has been achieved. And yet these social pacifiers know quite
well that their capacity to pose as negotiators with the institutions
doesn’t depend on the number of people that they lead into the streets
(millions of demonstrators opposing the latest military aggression
against Iraq have not worried the governments involved in the war), but
rather on the power of mediation and repression they manage to put into
practice — or to justify — against all social rebellion. In fact, if
summits and counter-summits are so frequently talked about, if the
representatives of the social forums have come together at the
negotiation table and been flattered by the mass media, it is only
because first in Seattle and then on other occasions, something
happened: thousands of comrades and poor youth attacked the structures
of capital and the state, upset police city planning schemes by opening
up spaces for communication and clashed with the uniformed servants.
Without this subversive threat — which is characteristic of our time
together with the many insurrectional explosions that have shaken up the
last few years — the bosses would have nothing to do with the various
Casarinis and Agnolettos.[2] Hasn’t something of this sort happened with
the unions? In more recent times they have been put in storage after
they have been flattered by capital in times of great social conflict
with the aim of dividing, demoralizing and denouncing revolting
proletarians. So they are now forced to raise a loud voice against the
very attacks of the bosses that they themselves once justified and
ratified.
The “disobbedienti”[3] spokespeople must then distinguish themselves
from the bad ones, the extremists, the violent ones (i.e., those who
practice direct action) and give political visibility to the others. On
the one hand, therefore, the slogans of the social forums are perfectly
suitable for the enlightened bourgeoisie: taxation of finance capital,
democratic and transparent regulation over global trade, more state and
less market, critical consumption, ethical banks, pacifism, etc. On the
other hand, what they sell with their “democratic mobilizations” is a
valuable commodity: the illusion of doing something against the
injustices of the world. In this sense, counter-summits are a juicy
spectacle. The few bad ones are repressed and the fair demands of the
good ones are listened to: end of the story?
Power knows that it isn’t so simple. The disgusting realistic proposals
of the domesticated opposition have nothing to say to the millions of
poor people parked in the reservations of the market paradise and
repressed by the police. This was proved in Genoa: only during the
clashes and the looting of supermarkets the young local proletarians
united with the insurgents. In the meantime the White Overalls with
their gaudy spectacles appeared to them as Martians or buffoons , those
excluded from any political racket understood the language of revolt
immediately .
There is no doubt that in Seattle and Genoa, and again more recently in
Thessaloniki, a critique without mediation against domination and its
false enemies was developed. Despite the fact that the dates were set by
the bosses, the presence of the reformists in the streets was overcome.
We say this, even though we were among those comrades who maintained
that Genoa is everywhere because if domination and dispossession are in
every part of society and in daily life, the attack doesn’t need dates
set by the enemy. We found interesting the practice of those who,
deserting the stage of the “red zone” that was to be violated and the
trap of full frontal clashes with the police, moved with agility,
striking and disappearing (in this sense, the attack on the Marassi
prison in Genoa is remarkable). This powerful gust of unpredictability,
this subversive “federalism” of actions and groups, marked an important
rupture with the logic of those who centralize the enemy in order to
centralize the struggle (and render it symbolic). But we still think
that to be in the place where the enemy does not expect you, far from
the appointments, is the best way. Even in their most interesting
aspects, the counter-summits limit this perspective. Moreover, even
considering the importance of the revolts in Seattle and Genoa, it seems
to us that chasing after such dates is becoming a cliché, and more, a
devourer of energy: as soon as one counter-summit ends, preparation for
another begins. The dates are fixed more and more by the mass media, to
the point that, if many revolutionaries have demonstrated, for example,
against the war in Iraq, almost no one has managed to express any
practical solidarity with the insurgents of Argentina or Algeria. The
clashes involving just the “militants” are often considered more
important than authentic social and class uprisings.
We know very well why many comrades go to counter-summits: wide-spread
direct action and the generalised clash with the cops is only possible
in mass situations. As the possibility of attacking is quite low
elsewhere, only in crowded situations can a certain sort of street
guerrilla warfare be tested. Other kinds of actions can be realized at
any moment and they are not in any way incompatible with a certain
practice in the streets during counter-summits. And yet we think that in
the long run such a practice limits the autonomy of analysis and action
(in the face of many social conflicts we have just stood there looking
on) and tends to become in spite of itself , a sort of extremist model
within the “disobedient” caravan. And again, why on earth does power
publicize so many summits in which decisions that have already been made
are ratified? All this seems to us to be a great occasion for the police
to study and experiment with anti-riot techniques. It’s like homeopathic
treatment: tiny doses of the virus of subversion in order to reinforce
its immune system in view of much broader social plagues. It must know
how the bad ones move and organize themselves, and with which good ones
it is possible to dialogue in such a way that nothing really changes.
But above all, summits constitute a form of experimentation to see what
level of oppression people are willing to put up with. By bringing a bit
of Palestine, with its checkpoints, its permanent red zones and its
armoured patrol cars around every corner, into the “rich West”, power is
saying to its subjects that, until proven otherwise, they are criminals;
that nothing is secure enough for the police and technological
apparatus; that city planning is the continuation of the social war with
different weapons. More that sixty years ago, Walter Benjamin wrote in
his Theses on the Concept of History that “the state of exception in
which we live has become the rule”. If this is true, we have to
understand what links a concentration camp for immigrants without
documents to the stadiums where war refugees are loaded, certain poor
and working-class neighbourhoods patrolled by the police, or to the
various Guantanamos scattered throughout the world, or to some
operations of evacuation that are clearly disproportionate to the
declared aim (for example, entire neighbourhoods evacuated in order to
defuse some implement from the first World War) or to the rationing of
electrical energy carried out without warning — in the style of the
1920’s — by the ENEL.[4] Up to now it is a question of successful
experiments that confirm what a comrade wrote in the 1970’s: the people
of capital are a stoic people. They upset traffic circulation, they put
surveillance cameras everywhere, they install noxious antennas over the
roofs of our houses, they criminalise more and more behaviour: no one
says a word.
Summits are the concentrated representation of all this, the legal
suspension of every right. “What’s going on?” the average citizen asks,
forced to take a detour in order to go shopping. “Nothing, it’s just the
anti-globalization people,” the woman at the supermarket answers.
Meanwhile, they are even privatising drinking water, while the police
are everywhere.
But precisely because it is a concentrated representation of a daily
situation, the practical critique must be widespread and constant, for
example through the destruction of video cameras and other systems of
electronic surveillance. It is important to map out the locations of the
instruments of control, spreading awareness of them and theoretically
supporting the necessity of attacking them.
Power is increasingly brazen. On the one hand, the masters know that the
current social conditions, increasingly marked by precariousness and
dependence on commodities, can be imposed only through terror: such
terror is manifested through war outside and in fear of the future
inside (for example, fear of remaining without work) or through the
repression of more and more social groups. On the other hand, decades of
social pacification — in which every despicable act has been passed
simply because nothing has been done to prevent the passing of the
preceding ones, in an incredible acceleration of degradation — have
given power an arrogance without precedence. We have seen this, for
example, in Genoa, in the beatings, the torture, the murder of Carlo
Giuliani. And it continues. The new police chief of Trento is Colucci,
police chief in Genoa during the G8 summit, a certified pig. He will be
managing the summit of foreign ministers of the European Union that will
be held at Riva del Garda next September 4 through 6. Do you understand
the message? A Trento committee “for truth and justice” has found
nothing better to do than to invite him to a public confrontation.
The foreign ministers who will be meeting in Riva on September 4 through
6 must achieve a common platform to present at the WTO summit in Cancun,
Mexico on September 9 through 13. The topic is the General Agreement on
the Trade of Services (GATS) that anticipates precisely the
liberalisation of the principle “public services” on a global level.
Among the many decisions in process, the most scandalous is surely that
of the privatisation of water, which may become a reality for the 144
countries who belong to the World Trade Organization. It is a process
that has been going on for some time, as for decades seven
multinationals have contended over concessions for the bottling of
mineral water, and in the last few years over concessions for managing
the water system as well. The “Trento board for a social Europe” is also
interested in the privatization of water, and on its scarcity due to
pollution, as a mark of the most unbridled neoliberalism. Apart from the
usual complaints about the non-democratic aspects of these agreements
(as if those made by individual governments were on the contrary
subjected to who knows what public debates...; and, weren’t the state
institutions supposed to save us from the savage market?), what is
equally scandalous as concerns the reformists is the gap between the
size of the disasters that they denounce and the solutions that they
propose.
On the one hand, they indicate the industrialisation of agriculture, the
concentration of populations in increasingly gigantic cities, the
pollution produced by factories, the waste of drinkable water for
industrial machinery and for cultivation intended for the intensive
breeding of animals as the causes of these disasters. In short, they are
the very essence of the techno-industrial system. On the other hand,
they propose... new laws, transparent rules, even the participation of
citizens through short term treasury bonds in the S.P.A.s [5] that
privatise water. Thanks to the marvels of progress, there are whole
countries in which a collapse of the banking system would leave the
countryside without water, and these citizens, so proud of being so,
want different laws. It is like suggesting covering one’s head with an
organic fig leaf against a downpour of acid rain.. The proposals of the
various social forums, reasonable in terms of political and economic
rationality, are simply crazy from a concrete and social point of view.
It is not a question of denouncing a world in ruins, but rather of
taking space in which to resist and time in order to attack. It is not
just a question of how radical one is in the streets. The point is what
sort of life one desires, how much one has submitted her or himself
materially and spiritually to an increasingly inhuman and artificial
social order or, on the other hand, what relationships one is ready to
fight for.
There is no need to go to Riva to oppose the water racket. Those who are
directly responsible for this ultimate commodification (for example the
big companies that bottle mineral water) are just a few steps away from
us at all times. If the civilized can’t even defend the water they drink
— or at least understand that others do so in a clear and direct way —
we can all just go to bed. In this case too, it is a long chain of
dependence and oppression that is now presenting us an exorbitant bill.
Only through autonomy in the face of industrial mass society and open
revolt against the State that defends it will anything different come to
exist.
The same is valid, for example for the question of patents, including
those on the genetic code. It is simply idiotic to demand protective
laws in the face of the entry of capital into the human body.
Techno-scientific delirium, which consists of wanting to transform
nature and human beings into a sort of variable of the computer, passed
the point of no return some time ago. Any illusion of reforming a
science that is entirely in the service of power is simply a dismal
hoax. The actions that have happened in most countries against
transgenic cultivation or against private and state laboratories that
experiment on the human genome have shown quite well that the critique
of mercantile reason has no need of spectacular dates.
More generally, what is euphemistically described as globalisation would
be unthinkable without the material basis supplied by the technological
apparatus. Just consider the things that are presented as principle
factors in development and economic and military conflict: energy and
information. What seems like an unassailable Moloch is in reality a
gigantic web formed by cables, antenna, substations, trellises and
transformers that can easily be attacked.
The CGIL will organize the security service during the counter-summit in
Riva. The outgoing police chief of Trento has rightly pointed out that
the more demonstrators turn themselves into agents of police, the less
need there will be of the latter.
After long negotiations between the social forum and the police force
(managed obviously by national leaders), it seems that the Council will
be making a villa outside Riva available to the Disobbediente and their
associates, granting them the right to demonstrate (always out of town,
in deserted streets) through Sunday. Riva will be closed, which means
that the cops will simply block three access roads. The government
commissioners’ office has passed an order which prohibits and suspends
exhibitions and demonstrations (including sports and cultural
exhibitions) in more than twenty councils in the Trentino region. The
police want empty streets, the people must understand that Big Brother
is not just a television program. And we?
Let’s take up a thread from far away again. Günther Anders wrote in the
1950’s, “Hiroshima is everywhere”, and in the 1980’s, “ Chernobyl is
everywhere”. Some rebels against the technologised world in the 1990’s
said, “Mururoa is everywhere” ( when the French government subjected
that island in the Pacific to murderous nuclear tests). Two years ago,
some comrades claimed, “Genoa is everywhere”. As revolt explodes without
limits and against every spectacle, as the Apparatus expects an enemy
that is not there and reveals its totalitarian character still more, we
say Riva is everywhere. We will not be in the streets against the summit
of the European Union, because in the struggles of our time and those in
the future, we wanted, and still want, to strike other paths. One does
not escape the circle by following the logic that “This time it is close
to my home”, since summits will always occur close to someone’s home.
And because the real conflict is elsewhere. There are other ways to
oppose the arming of the cities and valleys in which we live, ways that
are within everyone’s reach. We want to free ourselves from the
dictatorship of the number and from its worshipers. We know this is a
perspective that may only give few results in the immediate sense, but
it is by deciding for ourselves how, where and when to strike and
tenaciously defending our reasons for it that we will cause individual
and social insubordination to advance.
Some Roveretan anarchists
Genoa
On March 2, 2004, the trial against twenty-five demonstrators accused of
“devastation and looting” for the rebellion against the G8 in July 2001
opened in Genoa. And it is just the beginning; a testing ground aimed at
perhaps even wider judiciary operations. It is an exemplary trial in
every sense: for the type of charge (which has very few precedents in
Italian history and which anticipates several years in prison), for the
way in which power has prepared the terrain for the plays and vendettas
of the court, for how the whole business illustrates the obstacles that
every collective movement of individual liberation has to face in the
courthouses and in the streets.
Anticipated by twenty arrests ordered by the attorney’s office of
Cosenza in November 2002, and by twenty-three more arranged a little
later by the attorney’s office in Genoa, this trial wants to send
everyone a clear message: the uprising of Genoa will have its
scapegoats. It is quite obvious that what is at stake goes beyond the
July revolt itself to project its dire shadow over the future. As an
example, one can take the initiative, promoted by the attorney of Genoa,
to acquire a space on the Ligurian newspaper Il Secolo XIX to publish
the photographs — taken by a surveillance camera placed on the street —
of two demonstrators with the aim of identifying them. On that occasion,
the crime of “psychic participation” made its public appearance again:
in substance the state affirms that it is not necessary to directly
participate in acts of revolt in order to incur the favours of
repression, rather it is enough to be present where they happened
without preventing others from carrying them out; in short, without
turning into police agents. We add that those arrested in Cosenza were
explicitly made an indecent offer with some success, which in
consequence would become a constant: the “renunciation of violence” in
exchange for release from prison — and we will have an even more precise
picture. What is on trial now is not this or that action, this or that
act of sabotage, but rather the attitude toward the institutions and,
more generally, the refusal itself of the social order and life as
subjects that it imposes. Collaborators or enemies: this is the
ultimatum that the state launches at everyone.
This is also the sense in which the continuous propaganda that the
various Ministries of Fear are orchestrating around the concept of
“terrorism” can be understood. Especially since the attack on the Twin
Towers, the demonstrator who breaks windows is equated with the
revolutionary who shoots down a man of state, and the latter is equated
with the kamikaze who blows up a crowded bus. Thanks to this
self-interested confusion power has tried to hide the meaning of the
days in Genoa: on one side, a social uprising that involved thousands of
individuals willing to bring down the order of money and truncheons; on
the other side, the state that threw off its mask, thus revealing its
true assassin’s face. For anyone who did not want to draw any lessons
from that July, what more could we add that power has not amply shown by
beating and killing in the streets and by humiliating and torturing in
the enclosure of its barracks? What could we add about the inanity of
anyone who asks the courts for Truth and Justice, as if a single truth
and justice could exist on both sides of the barricades? Haven’t the
government, the rulers and the judges been explicit in absolving and
promoting the murderers and torturers in uniforms, like always?
In the same way that the machinery of control cuts up neighbourhoods and
cities with its barriers and check-points, its surveillance cameras and
squadrons, the inquisitors cut up events with their inquiries and legal
codes. Public ministers Canepa and Canciani — two neospecialists in the
hunt for rebels — are merely refining the work started with the
militarisation of Genoa and continued through the attacks, the murderous
bullet of Alimonda plaza, the raid against Diaz, the tortures in
Bolzaneto and other barracks, the arrests and expulsions in the
following days and months. In relation to the investigations, public
minister Silvio Franz, well known for covering up state scandals, has
carried out a leading role thanks to the aid of a collection of experts
notoriously linked to the sphere of the carabinieri and of neo-fascists.
It is up to those who have not forgotten that contagious rebellion which
conquered the streets; to those who don’t want to let the blood shed by
the hand of the state’s cops dry up in their mind, to furnish all the
weapons needed for solidarity toward the demonstrators on trial. This is
the meaning of the modest notes that follow. In defiance of numberless
counter-investigations that have ended up complicating what was so very
evident through the totalitarianism of the fragment; in defiance of the
chattering with which the specialists have covered up this uprising and
the slander with which the political pack of hounds has besmirched it,
we want to retrace a threatening history in order to put it back in
play.
A mysterious appointment exists between the generations that have been
and our own.
Walter Benjamin
A few days before the G8, some Genoans went to a carpenter in the
historical centre of the Ligurian capital with the request that he
prepare pieces of wood to be assembled as poles. The old craftsman
immediately grasped the intentions of these unusual clients and told
them what they, those of his generation, used in conflicts with the
police. The memory goes back to the revolt of July 1960, to the young
people in striped t-shirts, in the working class neighbourhoods of
Genoa. The old man explained that, in order to face the charges of the
riot cops, the insurgents made use of the stockfish left to dry outside
of the numerous fish shops of the alleys. The vendors passed them to the
rebels, but not before having immersed them in the water tank to make
them sturdy and effective. The paths of the historical centre are no
longer the same, so our friends left there with their collapsible poles.
But a few days later, these pieces of wood will be a sort of baton
between two generations of uncontrollables and rowdies.
Friday, July 20, 2001, after hundreds on rebels have liberated some
neighbourhoods from the capitalist normality that is the coldest of icy
monsters, a supermarket is transformed into a collective, free banquet.
For a few hours, rebels and residents of the area freely help
themselves, eating and joking and discussing. Even a journalist, paid to
serve with his telescopic lens as others serve with their cudgels, is
photographed by one of his colleagues as he comes out with two packages
of mozzarella.
In order for this mozzarella to meet those stockfish in a “tiger’s
pounce into the past”, a social uprising was need that could replace
historical time with the time of revolt. An uprising that has upset both
the plans of the Earth’s Rulers and their guard dogs and those of the
mediated and media opposition.
What has happened now will be quickly forgotten. In the air, only an
empty, horrible memory. Who was protected? The lazy, the miserable, the
usurers. Those who were young had to fall... but the unworthy sit
unscathed in the warmth of their living rooms.
Ernst Bloch
The G8 summit in Genoa was the occasion for a huge experiment in control
and militarization without precedent in Italy: streets closed and
armoured with gratings over fifteen feet tall, the complete
restructuring of traffic circulation, manhole covers preventatively
welded... and more comical provisions were not lacking (underpants and
socks removed from the balconies!). Many exasperated citizens left the
city, which assumed the grim appearance of an enormous concentration
camp. Twenty thousand men from all the armed corps of the state came
together in the Ligurian capital in order to patrol it. Roadblocks were
set up, body bags in which to put the possible dead ordered, selected
snipers positioned on the roofs and frogmen stationed in the water. An
authentic torture chamber was prepared for prisoners at Bolzaneto, the
management of which was assigned to the gentlemen of the special prison
anti-riot squad (the GOM). While the task of maintaining public order
was entrusted mainly to the carabinieri[6], which formed the CCIR
(carabinieri contingent for decisive intervention) for the occasion,
constituted of soldiers commanded by officers of the elite Tuscania
corps, active earlier in Somalia, Bosnia and Albania.
For its part, the state did not prepare to control a protest, but to
deal with a war. It’s not a matter of controlling demonstrators, but
rather of clearing the board of enemies. In Genoa for the first time,
the state experimented in such a systematic, explicit and widespread
manner with the military logic that presides over international missions
against its own people. In a demonstration of how the line of
demarcation between external and internal enemies is disappearing in a
world unified by the religion of money. In a demonstration of how power
must test out in small scenarios what might be general in the future.
After all, if war is considered a police operation, a police operation
could well be considered a war.
The outcome showed one of the constants of military and technological
expansion: everything that is prepared merely waits to be used.
The anticipated battlefield was the one that stretched around the “red
zone”. Here, in front of the gates and fences protecting the summit
centre, is where assaults of the demonstrators were expected. This is
where the petty leaders of the mediated, media protest gathered their
troops. This is also where the guard dogs of power were concentrated in
order to repel the pressure of the discontented subjects who came to beg
for their illusory rights. Everything seemed ready. A multitude of
respectful citizens who cry out their reasons, the forces of order hired
to repel them, the skirmish agreed to in negotiation in order to evoke
and exorcise the spectre of conflict, the journalists who hurried there
from around the world, the final applause since, in the end, everything
had to develop peacefully, summit and counter-summit. None of this came
about. From their side, the institutions had no real intention of
avoiding conflict, due to their clear desire to teach an unforgettable
lesson to the ungrateful consumers of Western well being. From the side
of the movement, or at least one part of it, there were those who
preferred to be protagonists of an explicit rebellion against the
so-called Masters of the Earth rather than become a spectator or play a
walk-on part in an agitated TV series to the profit of the mass media.
Thus, the rebels were not seen around the “red zone”. They preferred to
desert the virtual conflict agreed to by the institutions in order to go
and find the real conflict, the one without mediation. Despite showing
up in the city and on the date set by the institutional agenda, several
hundred enemies of this world, quite different from one another, without
leaders or followers, without head or tail, would go where they weren’t
expected. Instead of launching themselves headlong against a supposed
heart of domination, they preferred to go elsewhere, knowing well that
domination has no heart since it is found everywhere. The physical
spaces where the cult of money is practiced, where the stink of the
commodity lingers in the air, where the lies of commerce are heard — and
not the mere “symbols” of capitalism, as the leftist vulgate of the
adorers of the existent claimed — would come to know the practical
critique of action: banks would be attacked, supermarkets looted,
dealerships set on fire.
A city can be beloved, its houses and streets can be recognized in our
deepest and dearest memories, but only in the hour of revolt is the city
truly experienced as our city: [...] ours, because it is a circumscribed
space in which historical time is suspended and every act has value in
itself, in its absolutely immediate consequences. The city is taken over
in the escaping and advancing with the back and forth of the charges,
much more than playing in its streets as children or passing there later
with a girlfriend. In the hour of revolt one is no longer alone in the
city.
After the passing of the rebels, who curious people and youth of the
neighbourhoods would frequently join, nothing was any longer as before.
Cars, as mobile boxes that transport workers to their daily
condemnation, became toys with which to amuse oneself and barricades
with which to stop the police. The siren song of advertising that
poisons the spirit and commodifies bodies was silenced. Electronic eyes
were blinded. Journalists were driven away. Looting transformed
commodities to pay for into free goods to share. Through colourful
writing, the walls were freed from their dismal greyness. Streets, docks
and buildings were used as arsenals. The city plan, modelled on the
needs of the economy and refined by the imperatives of social control,
broke down under the fire of the uprising. Quite quickly, the impossible
became possible: the prison of Marassi, mostly emptied in order to leave
space for eventual arrests, was attacked. The same fate struck a
carabinieri barracks. For their part, the men in uniform spread all the
violence that they could. Those who have accused the black-clad rebels
of having provoked the repression would do better to take note that the
police and military operations were already planned and organized as a
preventative form of deterrence in the face of it all. In fact, it was
not the result of an excess of zeal, of too much tension or of
inexperience, but was rather the true face of state terrorism that raged
unfettered, launching its armoured vehicles at breakneck speed against
defenceless demonstrators. This is what really determined the
generalized spread of revolt. The very thing that was supposed to stop
it, the police intervention, ended up feeding it. In the course of a
short time, thousands of demonstrators who were peaceful up to then
joined the rebels and began to fight against the cops, leaping into a
desperate guerrilla battle. Even among the militants of the political
rackets whose leaders called for calm, moderation and non-violence,
there was much insubordination.
The ideology of disobedience[7] itself would experience its first
disobedients. A little more than an hour after their demonstration
started, the good intentions of the Tute Bianche were shattered. When
the leaders of the white overalls again exhorted journalists in their
train not to confuse them with the violent after coming across the first
shell of a burnt car, when the smoke that rose in the distance was still
distant enough that it could be ignored, the charge of the carabinieri
in via Tolemaide put an end to the simulation. Despite the negotiations
beforehand, this time there’d be no spectacle: the cops attacked in
earnest! Deaf to the appeals of their petty leaders who called them to
give up, to not react, many Disobbedienti began to fight against the men
in uniform, with the help of other demonstrators who rushed to confront
those who were attacking them. For a few hours, there were no longer
violent or non-violent, men or women, social democrats or anarchists,
militants or common people, building surveyors or unemployed, but only
individuals in revolt against the guard dogs of the existent and the
life that is imposed. It was during these conflicts that Carlo Giuliani
was killed. He was not a “block bloc” person. He was not an anarchist.
He was not a provocateur. He was not an infiltrator. He was only a young
man who had reacted to state violence. Not one of the few, but one of
the many.
Let’s be clear on this point. In the days that followed, all the career
politicians that infest the movement initially took their distance from
what happened, accusing the rebels of being a handful of “provocateurs”
and “infiltrators” who had intentionally sabotaged a great peaceful date
with their actions, causing a historical occasion for being heard to be
lost. The entire pack of social democratic dogs — the same ones who had
raised so much dust and noise up to that time and who therefore believed
themselves to be the vehicle of history — spilled an ocean of slander on
them, reviving the old Stalinist tradition of the “hunt for the
plague-spreaders”. This was a way of venting their rancour against those
who decided to escape their control, revealing their presumed
authoritativeness in all its falseness. It was a way of closing one’s
eyes in the face of the end of their political project, the vainglorious
inconsistency of which came out in all its wretchedness at the end of
those days, pathetically trying to relaunch itself. Those who are so
indignant that hundreds of comrades went to Genoa with the intention of
inciting a rebellion, making a minimum of preparation in this direction
and trying to avoid the trap of direct conflict with the police, should
reflect more on who aroused the spirits for months, promising assaults
and invasions without having any intention of carrying them out, without
giving the least consideration to the possible consequences. They should
reflect more on who raised the white hands of non-violence to the skies
as a sign of surrender and not of dignity, helping to send thousands of
defenceless demonstrators to certain defeat. And perhaps to pose a few
more questions: can one be truly “non-violent” and collaborate with the
state, the greatest expression of violence? Who could denounce those who
smashed shop windows in Genoa? Maybe those who smashed bones, heads and
teeth? Maybe those who were indignant about trampled gardens and then
consider workplace deaths normal? Or even those who want to invade the
“red zone” of privilege from the “grey zone” of collaborationism? If
anyone who attacks a bank is an infiltrating provocateur, how might one
describe those who advise a government minister, discuss with a member
of parliament and make contracts with a police chief? That Friday
furnished some answers.
Saturday, July 21, political calculation and fear took the upper hand
over rage. The various militant political rackets organized themselves
to distance and purge their true enemy: all the uncontrollables who had
made their plans fail so miserably. As is well-known, that evening the
police, unbridled in their absolute certainty of impunity, carried out
the attack on the Diaz school, the temporary office of the Social Forum.
Everyone there was brutally beaten by the enraged officers. A seemingly
incomprehensible action, because along with the rest, the cops beat some
of their best allies who had distinguished themselves in their work as
informers the whole time. In reality, this episode fits perfectly into
the military logic that governed the operation of the forces of order.
The proof of the strength of the Italian government had to be shown once
and for all.
Everyone who has anything to say, come forward and shut up.
Karl Kraus
The revolt ended, and the commentary on it by journalists, specialists
and experts began. And the more the accounts and interpretations of what
happened grew, the more its crystalline clarity diminished. The revolt
in Genoa in its lived totality has been cut up and dismembered into so
many tiny particles. Everything has been ground up and reduced to powder
so that nothing can be seen anymore. Naturally this formidable work of
mystification has been carried out in the name of truth. The truth that
many expect and demand to be pushed through in the halls of the courts.
And yet, everyone knows what really happened. It is indelibly etched in
the memories and the flesh of the thousands of demonstrators who were
there. And Genoa has precisely demonstrated the absolute practical
uselessness and the frequent dangerousness of cameras and video cameras.
Apart from the police, who profited from them in identifying and
denouncing many rebels — a task made easier by the omnipresence of
carriers of telephoto lenses — , and the journalists who collected their
wages for the work carried out, of what use was all this camerawork?
What’s the use of showing the entire world that the vice-chief of the
Digos[8] in Genoa, Alessandro Perugini, kicked a boy who was stretched
out on the ground, immobilized by the cop’s colleagues, in the face? Has
he been put in a position where he can no longer repeat his endeavour,
because he was caught in the act? Has a court condemned him; has he been
kicked out of the police force and replaced with a well-educated
officer, respectful of the constitution? Not at all, quite the opposite.
With rather macabre humour, the state named Mr. Perugini as the Italian
representative for an international campaign against torture in the
world.
The belief that it is sufficient to expose the abuses of power in order
to force it to its knees is an ideological illusion, deserving to
disappear like all ideologies. Goodness knows they felt wretched, these
idealists who believe in the light that vanquishes the shadows, at the
news that the experts of the magistrature observing the video
established nothing less than that it could have been a stone launched
by demonstrator deflecting the bullet that killed Carlo Giuliani. A
whitish puff that appeared suddenly above his head a moment before his
death would show it. It is really true that in an image, everyone can
see what they want. And in a competition of images and chatter between
alternative and institutional media, it is useless to hide that the
latter will always win.
Just as there is no use waiting for any truth from an image, in the same
way we cannot expect any justice from a verdict. Because the courts are
institutions of the same state that ordered the bloodbath that happened
in Genoa. Why should judges ever condemn men who are habitually at their
service? Let’s get rid of the pious and reassuring commonplace that
claims that a difference exists between the state of law and the state
of deed, as if there were two entities that must be brought together in
order to have justice. The state invents its law and applies and
modifies this law as it believes best, knowing that it is just a
question of wastepaper. The torturers who ripped up the ID cards of the
arrested in Bolzaneto, shouting, “here you have no rights, you are no
one”, expressed the undisguised nature of the state, of which they are
the loyal and obedient servants.
The courage of the impossible is the light that breaks through the fog,
before which death’s terrors fall and the present becomes life.
Carlo Michelstaedter
All that is remembered of the days in Genoa is the brutality of the
cops. The joyous aspect of a subversion of daily life has been almost
completely buried. But the uprising of three years ago is still there,
threatening in its incompleteness. So threatening that in the meantime
its meaning has not only been eroded by state reason that has imposed
and endless war, but also by slander, mystification and dismissal put
into action by all those — in uniform or overalls — who were supposed to
guarantee order and security in the streets of Genoa, with the results
we know so well. So threatening that hundreds of direct actions against
power (from sabotaged ATMs to blocked trains, from attacked police
stations to damaged scientific institutes, from burnt diplomatic cars to
wrecked Italian branch offices and dealerships) have been carried out in
the weeks and months after Genoa throughout the world. So threatening,
finally, that after the fog of representation, power is preparing the
cement of imprisonment.
Against state vengeance and in spite of those who make use of the odious
division into good and bad, already realized in the streets, before the
judges (maybe justifying the conflicts with the cops as a legitimate
response to the charges, but condemning actions against the structures
of the state and capital that happened earlier...), it is the meaning of
that uprising that we must affirm, against pacifiers and investigators.
Because revolt explodes, well beyond the dates set by power, in the
place where the game is really played: in the totality of our lives.
This is where we will encounter, together with the social conflicts to
come, the desires of those who fought with courage in Genoa. The place
of a crime called freedom in which innocent and guilty do not exist.
So then no court, isolating and attacking the accused, will place its
seal on those days.
[1] The Italian General Confederation of Labour, a major trade union
organization.
[2] Casarini and Agnoletto are spokespeople of groups behind the social
forums.
[3] The “Disobbediente” are the latest incarnation of the former White
Overalls (Tute Bianche), a “radical” organization associated with the
Rifondazione Communista party in Italy that represents the practice of
the newer theories of Antonio Negri. This involves working with the
institutions to the extent not only of associating with a parliamentary
party, but also of negotiating with police and municipal governments to
organize demonstrations in such a way as to create a good media
spectacle without causing real disruptions of the functioning of social
institutions. This includes meeting with police to plan staged “direct
actions” and “confrontations”.
[4] The national electricity board in Italy
[5] Action associations similar to PACs in the US.
[6] Italian military police force that acts as national against
civilians.
[7] This is a reference to the Ya Basta!/Tute Bianche/Disobbedienti/
Social Forum milieu which negotiates spectacular acts of “disobedience”
with the authorities for media consumption.
[8] Political police.