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Title: Aristophanic pacifism
Author: Wilbur Burton
Date: Autumn 1951
Language: en
Topics: pacifism, Ancient Greece, philosophy
Source: Retrieved on 22nd September 2020 from https://libcom.org/library/aristophanic-pacifism

Wilbur Burton

Aristophanic pacifism

THE GREEKS DIDN’T HAVE A WORD FOR PACIFISM. The term, according to Funk

& Wagnalls, is of recent coinage, although of obvious derivation, and a

“pacifist” is defined as “one who opposes military ideals, war, or

military preparedness and proposes that all international disputes be

settled by arbitration.” Under this definition there may be several

varieties of pacifism; ranging from an absolutist conviction that it is

better to be killed than to kill, to active acceptance of war under

certain circumstances—for example, in genuine self-defence when all

efforts for arbitration have failed.

The absolutist conviction that it is better to be killed than to kill is

so utterly alien to me that I would not argue about it; I can recognise

it only as a unique individual attitude, thoroughly justifiable for

those who sincerely feel that way, but as far removed from actual

politics as a Hindu mystic on his bed of spikes.

Pacifism as a political proposition—or pretension—is another matter.

Although I have never regarded myself as a pacifist, I could—if pacifism

were viewed as an inevitably limited part of a philosophy of life

instead of a whole philosophy, and were activated by anthropocentric

actualities instead of mystical romanticism; and this is the burden of

my essay.

The Greeks didn’t have a word for pacifism, but they produced in

Aristophanes—best, bawdiest and boldest of their dramatists—the

profoundest pacifist, and the only politically sound one, of all time.

He was no peacetime pacifist, instead all three of his greatest anti-war

plays—The Acharnians, Peace and Lysistrata—were written and publicly

produced during the prolonged Peloponnesian War; and the first and

greatest of these, The Acharnians, was presented in the early part of

the war, when “patriotism” was still at fever pitch. Indeed, The

Acharnians is an outstanding landmark of history, for it was the first

time in the annals of mankind that a pacifistic protest against a war

was made publicly during the war. It is as significant as it is

astonishing that Aristophanes was able to get away with it, even winning

the highest prize of the dramatic festival in which it was entered; but

this aspect of the matter has been admirably dealt with by that last

great classicist of Western culture, Gilbert Murray, and is no part of

my present thesis.

Also, for the first time in history, The Acharnians contained an

implicit call for mass civil disobedience—as the only means of ending

the war. The concept of civil disobedience may be found as far back as

Aeschylus, and is explicit in the Antigone of Sophocles: but here it is

only individual defiance of authority on moral and idealistic grounds.

In The Acharnians, it becomes a political proposition, which is not

philosophised about but simply avowed through the dramatic course of

action.

Aristophanes, of course, was no absolute pacifist, for the concept that

it is better to be killed than to kill, was unknown to all basic Western

culture: it is an importation from Asia, where one way of living has

immemorially been in negation of life. Absolutism of any kind is in the

Asiatic rather than the Western tradition, though this fact may be—as

Spengler would see it—merely a matter of phase. In any event, our

Western tradition—even up to now—is too empirical and eclectic for real

faith in any absolutism, pacifistic or otherwise: and by virtue of this

fact, it is to Aristophanic pacifism that pacifists should turn.

It cannot be said, to be sure, that Aristophanes was a successful

pacifist. Certainly he did not succeed in halting the Peloponnesian War,

and it could hardly have lasted longer than it did. History is silent on

public reaction to his plays, beyond the fact that he won first prize

with The Acharnians, and second prize with Peace. But it is a fair

surmise that the attitude manifested by Aristophanes had a mitigating,

salubrious effect on the public attitude: for even in defeat Athens

still continued for a long time to be the most civilised city in the

Western world, and was able to pass on much of the best of her heritage

to Rome. We can also assume that the attitude of Aristophanes was not

without effect on Euripides, who changed during the war from the patriot

of The Heracleidae and The Suppliants—with their vaunting of Athenian

“democracy”, piety and concern for the oppressed—to the anti-war pleader

of The Trojan Women, which, however, dealt with contemporary events only

by covert analogy. An Aristophanic influence is also indicated in

Thucydides—albeit ex post facto.

All this is something, even much, though far short of absolute success.

But only an absolutist would expect absolute success. For a pioneer in

the field of pacifism, Aristophanes did quite well.

Certainly Aristophanes could not be followed today in slavish

discipleship, such as some pacifists accord to Gandhi and others to

Christ—although the Peloponnesian War offers in microcosm what World War

II has presented and World War III will present, in microcosm. Even so,

The Acharnians and Peace were of their time “fantastic in detail but

realistic in essence,” as Oates and O’Neill put it. Lysistrata is still

more fantastic, if taken literally, but—as I will later show—in all its

psycho-sociological implications, it is thoroughly down to earth.

It is the attitude of the three plays that is profoundly and soundly

meaningful—if pacifism is to be a political proposition instead of a

political pretension, or merely an individual way of life. And to be a

political proposition, pacifism must appeal to the average man in his

tradition: which for us in America is the Western tradition as modified

by American conditions. The pacifism of Christ or Gandhi, on the other

hand, can never be more than a political pretension in America (or an

individual way of life), for either source makes pacifism more

ridiculous—and even more repulsive—to the average man than militarism.

It is true that we have a Christian avowal to appeal to, which may be

interpreted as pacifistic, but to take this avowal seriously for

political purposes is considerably more fantastic than to take

Lysistrata literally.

Aristophanes was (like all Greeks before the degenerated neo-Platonist)

thoroughly anthropocentric—hence fundamental; and his appeal was to the

average Athenian, who in the main, was politically quite like the

average American of today. Aristophanic pacifism was not pacifism in any

absolute sense, but simply as common sense. War may sometimes be

necessary and/or inevitable, but common sense will make either its

necessity or inevitability very rare, and prevent any war from being

prolonged. With common sense, a crusade would be regarded as utter

madness. Further, but still strictly as common sense, Aristophanic

pacifism embraces peace as a beautiful nude goddess—about whom the

Laconian envoy in Lysistrata says, laconically: “Ah, great gods! What a

lovely bottom Peace has!” With the goddess, of course, goes a full

wine-skin and provender to match. For peace is both comestible and

callipygian.

Those interested in Aristophanic pacifism must, naturally, read the

three plays I have noted—preferably in the Random House two-volume

edition of the Complete Greek Drama, edited by Whitney J. Oates and

Eugene O’Neill Jr., for herein is a complete non-Bowlderised translation

(save in one slight instance) and comprehensive notes that explain

things which otherwise would be obscure save to a classical scholar. For

the whole of the Aristophanic attitude—of which pacifism was only a

part—all of his eleven extant plays should be read, even though a few

are lousy as drama and The Clouds is singularly inept from any

viewpoint. His three anti-war plays are his best, but at least The

Wasps, The Frogs and The Ecclesiazusae should also be read for their

penetrating commentaries on democratic politics—with much current

applicability.

Since there can be no substitute for reading the three anti-war

plays—which, incidentally, are second to none in all literature purely

as entertainment—I will deal only with some of their highlights that

bear on my thesis of their current significance: a significance partly

noted by Oates and O’Neill when they say of The Acharnians that it

lampoons “the proud gullibility of the Athenians, and the careless

inhumanity of their foreign policy.” Oates and O’Neill, not being

prophets, could not see when they wrote this circa 1937 how like Athens

modern America would shortly become!

It may be recalled that the Peloponnesian War started by the New Dealer

Pericles established a boycott of Megara, and the plot of The Acharnians

involves its hero, Dicaepolis—Honest Citizen—negotiating his own private

truce with Laconia for the noble and sufficient purpose of procuring

Copaic eels and other delicacies that came from or through Megara.

Dicaeopolis did not seek eternal or international peace, nor world

government, nor universal control of the manufacture of swords; instead

he was content with a 30 year truce—which as things now move would be

the equivalent of a century—but enraged patriots start to lynch him for

treating “with a people who know neither gods, nor truth, nor faith.”

(How familiar is that line!) He escapes lynching and eventually faces

the mob to defend himself.

“I shall not please, but I will say what is true”, he declares, and

while he avows that he detests the Lacedamonians with all his heart, he

asks why accuse them of all our woes?—nor does he prate about the

superiority of Athenian democracy over Spartan totalitarianism. He

lambasts the alien war-mongers, but puts the bulk of the blame on the

New Dealer Pericles—“aflame with ire on his Olympian height” depicts the

upset of Attica in down-to-earth manner, including “the sound of

whistles, of flutes and fifes to encourage the workers,” and comes to

the “general conclusion” that “we have no common sense.”

The mob finally won over, the chorus sings: “If you no longer allow

yourselves to be too much hoodwinked by strangers or seduced by

flattery, if in politics you are no longer the ninnies you once were, it

is thanks to him.”

In Peace, the theme is the same with merely new dramatic variations.

Trygaeus wants peace to caress his mistress and poke the fire to invoke

Hermes, the Graces, the Horae, Aphrodite and Eros. By this time the gods

are pictured as so disgusted with all the Greeks that they have

abandoned Olympus to War and his slave Tumult, who have cast Peace into

a deep pit—and the plot involves her rescue and an Aristophanic revel in

consequent celebration. Rescued with Peace are the goddesses of harvests

and festivals

Lysistrata—Disbander of Armies—and her Feminine International are the

sheerest fantasy in plot, but sex appeal for peace is psychologically as

sound as in recruiting for war: militarists have merely been more astute

than pacifists. Indeed, as both Lucretius and Freud have observed, only

the erotic instincts are capable of overcoming, or at least mitigating,

the aggressive instincts. Further, Aristophanes in Lysistrata is saying

for all the ages that the only way women can contribute to peace or

other human well-being is by being feminine instead of feminist.

Lysistrata, contrary to some interpretations of her, is no frigid

feminist, or sexually unemployed leader of a cause; she shows an

excellent appreciation of sex, but also has foresight and a capacity for

restraint. When some of her colleagues avow they would rather go through

fire than forego sex, she holds them in line by showing them that some

immediate sacrifice for peace will bring more sex in the long run.

Lysistrata also seizes the treasury and announces “no more money, no

more war.” The magistrate asks, “then money is the cause of war?”—and

Lysistrata answers: “And of all our troubles. It was to find occasion to

steal that Pisander and all the other agitators were forever raising

revolutions.”

This, of course, is over-simplification—even Marxian! But it is not

without validity, although somewhat different in the U.S. of today than

in ancient Athens; for at one point comparison between the Athenian role

in the Peloponnesian War and the U.S. role in World Wars II and III

breaks down completely: Athens received tribute from her allies.

However, the essence of Aristophanes here, as in the economic aspect of

The Acharnians, is the fullest possible politico-economic

non-co-operation with the state for a war or in a war which we oppose

and with the usufructs of this non-co-operation garnered for our own

wellbeing.

If war comes against all the opposition common sense can muster, the

pacifist attitude should then be to avoid any suffering insofar as he

can instead of courting it: let the war-minded do the suffering, and the

more the better. Away with Quixotic pacifism and all its sophomoric

humanitarianism and do-gooding nonsense! Arise Aristophanic pacifism!

In wartime, we Americans have our well rooted tradition of civil

disobedience; and obviously, the only rational course for a pacifist

during a war is covert or overt non-co-operation with the state to the

fullest extent possible within the limits of his capacity; and capacity

includes how willing he is to take the consequences of either active or

passive opposition to the war. One should decide now on one’s capacity;

and unless we are very sure of ourselves the best decision is that we

won’t stick our necks out any more than we have to. One can with honour

always change that decision in the radically opposed direction, while to

avow the utmost in advance and then retract is craven …

If one is in opposition to war and then when it comes retreats into

complete silence on the thoroughly sound grounds that one does not want

to go to prison, there is at least no dishonour. But it is specious and

criminally misleading to trim; at the best, only the most superficial

good can thereby be accomplished; and in the main you actually play into

the hands of the state: for the half truths you can tell with impunity

are more pernicious than outright lies, and their very telling is a

tragic travesty of civil liberties.

From my individual viewpoint, prison is much more comfortable than an

army camp somewhere near the North Pole; but a good pacifist might well

prefer the army. And, indeed, an adequate leaven of pacifists in the

army would be more effective in ending a war quickly than only a few

thousand in prison. Also, ten draft-dodgers in the hills are far better

than five in prison.

All of us, I dare say, are now willing to plead mea culpa for something

we did or didn’t do in the last war. I plead mea culpa for having been

silly enough to co-operate with the authorities by telling them where

they could find me to arrest me. Whether I would actively attempt to

avoid arrest would depend on circumstances (and perhaps mood), but

certainly I would never give the least aid to the authorities in

locating me. I don’t plead mea culpa for accepting parole—when that was

the custom of practically all of those with whom I associated; but in

principle, if one goes to prison one should refuse any parole in

co-operation with the state—and it is co-operating with the state for

the war to fill posts of whatever nature that are vacant because of the

war. Let the state attend to its own dirty work at home and abroad

without the aid of publicly avowed pacifists! It would be as effective

pacifism to obtain, covertly, draft-proof jobs in munition plants and

use the usufructs therefrom to keep the Black Market flourishing! But

“no parole” is fatuous for one or just a few.

As to the guinea-pig pacifists, words fail me—I can conclude only that

their consciences bothered them for being C.O’s.

Of course there is still time enough to prevent the next war—if there is

enough Aristophanic pacifism. So in ultimate note I wilt quote again

from Aristophanes, in The Frogs:

Even now O race demented, there is time to change your ways;

Use once more what’s worth the using. If we ’scape, the more the praise

That we fought our fight with wisdom; or if all is lost for good,

Let the tree on which they hang us be, at least, of decent wood!