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Title: Aftermath for Afghanistan Author: Terry Clancy Date: 14 March 2002 Language: en Topics: Afghanistan, imperialism, US foreign interventions Source: Retrieved on 16th December 2021 from http://struggle.ws/freeearth/war/aftermath.html Notes: Terry Clancy lives in Ireland and writes for the Free Earth website. He is a member of the Anarchist Federation.
Since the 1970âs Afghanistan has been shredded by bloody conflict
between rival gangs of rulers and the regional and global imperialisms
which subsidise them. The infrastructure of the society ruined, lives
and bodies maimed, millions forced over the border into miserable
refugee camps and hundreds of thousands of people cut down by hunger or
high explosive.
In this Afghanistan is unfortunately far from unique. The same is true
today of the Congo, the Horn of Africa, Angola, and many other places.
There were few countries not ravaged by the hand of destructive warfare
in the century just passed. No âtribal savageryâ of a âwarrior raceâ
makes Afghanistan unique.
It is quite possible that Afghanistan will soon again be held on the
rack of competing hierarchies.
It is certain that in the future other lands will be.
The most surprising thing about the fall of the Taliban was the extent
to which many people found it surprising. There was a close link between
Taliban military successes and the considerable support they received
from the ruling elite of Pakistan. Starved of that, even without
American bombing they would have crumbled albeit somewhat later.
As it was no tin pot rag bag force could withstand the mailed fist of a
superpower. Thereâs nothing novel about that either, the machine guns
and artillery of the late 19Th. Centaury Empires rarely met defeat from
the spears of the natives and this is just the modern day equivalent.
[1]
One eyewitness relates âVast craters dotted their defensive lines, while
the village of Karabah which housed their headquarters looked like it
had been blow-torched from above. Mud buildings are flattened and trees
reduced to eerie twisted stumps, the result of repeated B-52 strikes on
one day, when I saw bombers come in every five minutes to blast the same
area with their sticks of bombs.â [2]
Over the years the Afghan wars have been fuelled by the USSR on the one
hand and the U.S.A. on the other and then with Iran, India and Russia
backing up the Northern Alliance while Pakistan did the same for the
Taliban.
The conflicting interests of rival imperialisms are still at play in
Afghanistan.
This is addressed in the accompanying article(Empire in Central Asia),
but for now Iâll look at how this is affecting the internal situation in
Afghanistan.
With Marines on the ground and B52âs in the sky the American influence
is apparent and in a development without precedent the U.S. now has
bases in what was formerly territory of the âSovietâ Union, to the north
of Afghanistan.
The new Afghan government consists of two halves, one the Northern
Alliance, and the other the Rome group, which is to say formerly exiled
monarchist figures close to Zahir Shah, the deposed King.
The monarchist faction is dependant on U.S. support, being as unlike any
of the splinters forming the Northern Alliance, it doesnât have an Army
and didnât play any real role in the overthrow of the Taliban.
The King, despite, or perhaps because, he hasnât been involved in the
country for thirty years, is a genuinely popular figure.
Of late the U.S. military have been openly supporting various sides in
warlord disputes.
Herat in the east is the fiefdom of Ismael Khan, a Mujaheddin warlord
deposed by the Taliban and recently reinstalled with a considerable
Iranian subsidy.
Gulbuddin Hikmetyar another Mujaheddin warlord, who has been promising
jihad on the infidels since the September is being kept on a leash in
Iran itself. He has recently offered to leave Iran if that would help
ease tensions between itâs government and that of the U.S., but given
that his intended destination is Afghanistan perhaps the world could do
without his help.
While the Hazari militias of the Hizb-i Wahdat have long had a
relationship with Iran, this must be somewhat strained at the moment as
allegations are surfacing that Khan is supply Iranian arms to General
Dostum, their rival for control of Mazar-e-Sharif.
On the 18^(th) of January Associated Press reported that:
âU.S. special envoy Zalmay Khalilzad stopped short of directly accusing
Iran of interference but cited unspecified reports that Afghan fighters
and money were being sent from Iran into the extremely volatile country
to build opposition to Prime Minister Hamid Karzai.â
And that:
<quote âSince the Taliban collapsed last month, Iran, Pakistan, India
and other countries in the region have been competing for influence
among the various Afghan factions.â </quote
Recently allegations have surfaced that Khanâs forces have been the
victims of American cruise missile strikes and a lot of the American
military effort in the country at the moment would seem to have more of
a purpose if itâs intent was reminding the various other factions what
happens to people who displease the global cop.
Furthermore there have been low level guerrilla attacks on American and
British forces. Who is responsible for them? (this included attacks in
Kabul &endash; not a Taliban stronghold)
Whatever the case is there is certainly the potential for further
conflict, not just because of imperialist rivalries but because:
<quote âthese sold-out warlords will have no scruples in once again
putting themselves up for sale at a cheap price to old and new
proxy-seeking powers, and consequently will once again invite the
interference of their foreign masters if their sordid parochial and
personal ambitions and interests are fundamentally compromisedâ [3]
</quote
At the moment âNorthern Allianceâ rule is taking a form along similar
lines to the situation between â92 and â96 â prior to the Taliban, when
the country was last in the hands of the factions which now make up the
Alliance.
A pattern of endemic banditry, persecutions, and barons shaping up for
turf wars. A change from one despotism to a hundred despotisms. But thus
far with nothing like the extent of the bloody carnage inflicted in the
four years of in fighting before the rise of the monolithic and
uncompromising Taliban forced the rival mini kingdoms to unite.
In other words with out the Taliban to unite them and the war to occupy
them they seem to be returning to their old ways.
One of Kabulâs policemen fell victim to the roaming gangs of soldiery
and outlined his feelings to a British reporter:
âthese people are looting and plundering the city,â he said. âThey are
all bad people. They have no human sentiment and no mercy â from the
highest commander to the very lowest ranks.ââ [4]
They are particularly singling out as victims, Pashtuns, the ethnic
group from which the Taliban come.
Barely one Month after the establishment of the power sharing executive
and in an article headed âWe felt safer under the Talibanâ the Hindustan
Times read âMurders, robberies and hijackings in the capital, factional
clashes in the north and south of the country, instability in Kandahar
and banditry on roads linking main centres are beginning to erode the
optimism that greeted the inauguration of the interim administration on
December 22.â [5]
Also in moves not suggestive of an end to armed conflict something of an
arms race is under way with rival forces drawing new recruits from
desperate refugees. The principal infighting has been around
Mazar-e-Sharif. A three way struggle with General Dostum, a former
military commander of the pre-â92 âSovietâ backed regime in one corner,
the Hizb-i Wahdat militia, formerly close to Iran in another and then
supporters of the former President Rabbani, all jostling for control.
Refugee Camps have been divided up along ethnic lines, with persecutions
and expulsions of whoever is the minority. Similar squabbles over the
division of the victorâs spoils have taken place in other cities.
So much has changed that merchants are even talking of a dramatic
increase in the sale of burkas, the total veiling enforced not just by
the Talibanâs Saudi Arabian funded religious police but also by the dead
weight of tradition.
From out side the good versus evil view presented by the propaganda of
the war party this is not surprising. Although they presented the
downfall of the Taliban as a liberation, in reality the splinter groups
making up the Northern Alliance were always much the same as the
Taliban.
It must be remembered that the âwarriors of Godâ began their rebellion
in the 1970ies, before the arrival of any Red Army tanks, over various
un-Islamic activities such as women being without veil in public and
education for girls.
In 1990 representatives of all the main Mujaheddin factions (united!)
issued to issue a fatwa banning women and girls from an education,
similar fatwas were issued enforcing the hijab or banning women from
working by different elements of the movement then characterised as
âfreedom fightersâ by the governments of the West.
Even the Talibanâs aversion to Buddha statues was no innovation &endash;
such artefacts had previously been blown up by Mujaheddin.
They had fought bloody feuds for control of the heroin trade during the
anti-Russian war, and when they finally overthrew the âcommunistsâ they
carved a bloody path of mass murder, rape and looting, turning the
entire country into a shooting gallery. Destroying the secular urban
society brick by brick.
Such is the heritage of most of the components of the Northern Alliance,
the rest were the foot soldiers of the Kremlin backed puppet regime. A
regime whose practises included burning alive entire villages.
The Taliban did not land from outer space, but were sculpted from a
stone which was one part age old authoritarian religious tradition and
one part the arming of Islamist radicals with millions of dollars worth
of weaponry by the U.S., Pakistan, etc.., with the intent that they take
over the country.
In short neither Islam nor Uncle Sam can wash their hands of the
Taliban.
As the Revolutionary Association of Afghan Women put it:
âIn our opinion, the Taliban and other jehadi fundamentalist cliques of
Rabbani, Sayyaf, Masoud, Khalili, Hekmatyar and their like are brothers
in arms. They are all of the same hue, because:
All of them have a Klashnikov in one hand and the Quran in the other to
kill, intimidate, detain and mutilate our people arbitrarily.â [6]
As no one is counting on the ground, even if such a thing were possible,
estimates of the civilian deaths vary widely. One âWashington Postâ
article, arguing that âit was worth itâ claimed that the figure could be
in the 8,000 to 12,000 range. This was after some research done on the
matter, by American academic Professor Marc W. Herold, established the
estimate of 3,767 for the first two months of the bombing.[7] As he
points out this represents in proportion to population the equivalent of
38,000 deaths in the United States. Since then the bombing has
continued, despite the ousting from power of the Taliban.
This figure does not include deaths caused by a disruption of food aid
supplies, and there is some evidence to suggest that this disruption may
have been deliberate, to which I will turn to later.
The killings on S11 are held up as justification of the bombing of
Afghanistan, a logic we can only agree with if we conclude the lives of
Americans are of greater value than the lives of Afghans, or perhaps a
two or three to one ratio of value.
You cannot argue that one is right and the other is wrong, either it is
wrong to slaughter people in the âwrong place at the wrong timeâ in
revenge for their rulers slaughtering other people in the âwrong place
at the wrong timeâ or it is not.
As well as the internal rule of the Taliban, and S11 a further claim was
made to support the Anglo-American war effort &endash; heroin production
in Afghanistan.
However we now have headlines like âMI5 fears flood of Afghan heroinâ.
âUN officials last month confirmed that poppy production fell in 2001 in
Afghanistan by 91% â from 82,172 hectares to 7,606 hectares, with most
of that grown in areas controlled by the Northern Alliance.â [8]
The Taliban actually suppressed opium production, and now with them out
of the way, law enforcement circles expect of bumper crop of Afghan
heroin
On November 8^(th) 2001 Associated Press reported that aid was being
prevented from entering Afghanistan by the border guards of Uzbekistan
âa key ally of the U.S.-led coalition against terrorismâ
âA planeload of food and medicine provided by UNICEF landed Thursday in
the border city of Termez intended for Afghanistan, but border guards
refused to open the bridge across the Afghan frontier until the Taliban
are forced out of Mazar-e-Sharif.â
Now why would that be? Because the aid would be possibly seized by
bandits or Taliban (and therefore not worth risking any effort to
deliver)?
Well there is a greater extent of banditry now, and we have seen on our
T.V.s the American food aid air dropped into Northern Alliance held
areas being taken by Northern Alliance troops (rather than used to
provide for hungry civilians).
More plausible is to consider that this was part of a policy of starving
the enemy into submission. As is suggested by earlier reports âPakistan
has the power to strangle the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, without
American help.
It can cut off itâs fuel, shut down itâs bank accounts, prevent the flow
of food, and clamp down on the black market trade that is the militiaâs
lifeline. These are all measures, it is reported here, that American
officials have asked the Pakistani government to take.â[9]
Total disaster was averted by the downfall of the Taliban and
consequently the restriction of American bombing to specific areas
mostly in the east plus itâs lessening in intensity.
It is impossible to gauge the amount of deaths resulting from this
apparent âsubmission by starvationâ policy (which actually had little
effect on the Taliban) as due to decades of conflict and three years of
drought malnutrition was already claiming many victims.
As it is Oxfam still report crisis conditions and their efforts are
threatened in some areas by the new wave of banditry.
As for the promised reduction in âterrorismâ, a way of dealing with the
âterrorist threatâ, we have had one kidnapping/murder of an American
journalist, one attempted bombing of an trans-Atlantic flight, one
attack on the Indian parliament, and one attack on a train in India.
Also apparently one plot to poison the Rome water supply &endash;
foiled, but the bombing of Afghanistan appears to have had no impact on
it (unsurprisingly in my opinion).
Thatâs just what I can think of off the top of my head, there were also
some incidents which were possibly âterroristâ attacks.
Remember this intervention was justified by the S11 atrocity, plus the
need to prevent further âterrorismâ, stifle heroin production and remove
the repressive rule of Islamist fanatics.
What it has done is match the New York atrocity with an Asian atrocity,
and has had no positive impact on the other problems enlisted to win
popular support to the war effort.
Rather than being a âfailed stateâ the situation in Afghanistan is the
product of two decades of successful competition between states, a
competition which continues in the region today.
Rather than being a solution to any of these problems the Imperialist
intervention is part of the problem.
[1] Of course the prospects of a guerrilla force, with outside support,
would be different entirely. But this was not the case in this conflict
and thus any analogies with say, Afghanistan in the 1980âs would not be
applicable.
[2] The Spectator 17 November 2001.
[3] Revolutionary Association of Afghan Women website
[4] The Observer , January 13, 2002
[5] Hindustan Times, January 25, 2002
[6]
[7]
[8] Guardian, (London), February 21^(st) , 2002.
[9] Independent, (London), September 16^(th) ,2001.