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Title: Political Parenting Author: Solidarity Federation Date: Autumn 1998 Language: en Topics: parenting, family, Direct Action Magazine Source: Retrieved on June 20, 2005 from https://web.archive.org/web/20050620082329/http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/archive/da8-features.htm Notes: Published in Direct Action #8 â Autumn 1998.
A womanâs right to choose? New Labour plays happy families...The nuclear
family is in decline. Social change is rapid throughout the âdevelopedâ
world. The signs are clear; rising divorce rates, falling birth rates,
more women entering the workplace, more lone parents, gay couples living
open lives, and so on. While many people have good reason for huge sighs
of relief at the passing of the nuclear family, New Labour is planning
the next move...
The post-war ideal of the family in which the father goes out to work
while the dependent mother stays at home to mind the children no longer
matches social reality.
In America, this social change has led to a right wing backlash, with
the steady growth of a highly-organised pro-family movement which is
socially conservative, overtly anti-feminist and anti-homosexual. To get
their reactionary message over, this pro-family movement has focused in
on the growing number of fatherless families, claiming that they are the
cause of much of societyâs woes, from rising crime to lower educational
aspirations, to increasing incidents of child abuse. They see the
âsolutionâ in a host of regressive legislation, including stricter
divorce laws and savage welfare cuts. They even advocate laws to make
sperm banks and fertility services strictly only available to
heterosexual married couples. Mothers attempting to raise children
without the presence of a man are the cause of the downfall of
civilisation as the conservative right knows it.
In Britain, the pro-family lobby remains in its infancy compared to the
US. The strongest indication of its influence occurred in the early
1990âs, when an ideological onslaught by the Tories was launched against
lone parents. This reached a peak in 1993, with Tory ministers lining up
to castigate lone parent mothers as welfare scroungers, the cause of
moral decline, rising crime and Britainâs growing âdependency culture.â
The âpopularâ press supported these attacks, with numerous articles
attacking lone mothers â the headlines âSingle Parents Cripple Livesâ,
in the Telegraph, and âWedded to Welfareâ and âDo They Want to Marry a
Man or the Stateâ, in the Express, are typical examples.
Unfortunately for the Tories, these attacks did not go down too well
with voters in general and women in particular. As the election
approached, with their support among women plunging alarmingly, the
Tories panicked and began to stress their commitment to lone parents and
working mothers. However, this dramatic policy shift came too late, only
serving to portray the Tories as confused on the issue of the family.
New Labour sought to cash in on the Toryâs lone parent fiasco,
portraying the Tories as a sexist, backward-looking and male-dominated
party, while portraying themselves as the party of womenâs equality and
cultural diversity. Central to this theme was the idea that work
empowered women, so it must be encouraged by the Labour Party, through
the introduction of greater state provision of child care. Great play
was also made of the fact that they had acted to ensure a greater number
of women MPs entered Parliament. These new women MPs were going to end
the culture of confrontation that had characterised the male-dominated
British political scene for so long. New Labour would govern based on
âwomenâsâ values of care and co-operation.
Behind all this gloss, New Labourâs commitment to the two-parent family
was little different to that of the Tories. They too saw lone parent
families, not as a different yet equally valid way of raising children,
but as a problem to be solved. A pre-election document produced by
Labour on parenting is full of the same bigoted stereotypes that had
typified the Tory attacks on lone parents. The section entitled
âChildren living with lone parentsâ demonstrated its contempt with such
âpositiveâ sections as âParenting Problem Areasâ, âChildren in Public
Careâ and âChildren with âAttention-Deficitâ Disordersâ.
One real difference between New Labour and the old Toriesâ approach, was
that they recognised that lone mothers could not be driven into
marriage. They accepted that lone-parent families were a social reality,
and they have now brought forward policies designed to mitigate the
âproblemsâ that lone parenting supposedly created.
The centrepiece of New Labourâs new policy is the idea of forcing
lone-parents, particularly women, into paid employment. This has a
number of attractions. Firstly, it will save money by cutting welfare
payments. Secondly, the plan is that lone-parent women and their
children can be weaned off their current âdependencyâ on welfare. The
main mechanism to be used is the stick of cutting benefit and
introducing a harsher welfare regime for lone parents. If there is a
carrot involved, it is in encouraging lone parents into work by
providing tax breaks and more childcare.
Accompanying the general economic blackmail of single parents, Labour
plans to introduce some form of direct state control over âwaywardâ
children and âbadâ parents. The notion of âproblem familiesâ is to be
taken seriously, and these families are to be forced into line. As yet,
they appear unsure of just how state intervention can be made to work in
this area. Watch this space.
Labourâs approach to lone parenting forms part of its wider approach to
women and the family, which is based on vague words about equality
within the household and womenâs right to paid employment. Labour argues
that, in order for the family to survive, it must become a democratic
institution, with women having an equal say and the opportunity to
pursue a career. This differs clearly with the American New Right, that
argues for the womanâs place in the home as a child raiser (and by
implication, against any other role for women).
However, the fact that Labourâs attitude is couched in feminist language
should not lull women into a false sense of security. Labourâs thinking
is completely in tune with free market orthodoxy, and modern capitalism
has no intention of driving women back into the home. On the contrary, a
modern service-based economy requires increasing numbers of women to
join the workforce. But capitalismâs requirement for more women workers
has little to do with womenâs rights and everything to do with the
greater exploitation of women.
Just how in tune the Labourâs approach is with market capitalism can be
gauged from the pages of âThe Economistâ. In a recent in-depth special
survey on working women, the magazine stressed its feminist commitment
by welcoming the growing number of women workers and rallying against
workplace inequality. In distancing themselves from new right thinking,
the authors made it clear that, even if the increased number of women
workers is undermining the âtraditional familyâ, this is no reason to
âdrive women back to the stoveâ. They also proposed avoiding the problem
of falling birth rates leading to a future shortage of (cheap) labour,
by increasing state support for working mothers and liberalising
immigration laws.
The Economistâs free market feminists went on to point out that âwomen
workers have been a godsend to the booming US economy...they usually
cost less to employ, are more prepared to be flexible and less inclined
to kick up a fuss if working conditions are poor...with far fewer of
them in unions.â Part of the survey had a section entitled âOur Flexible
Friendsâ, which dispels any illusions about the free market attitude to
women.
While the dangers of the pro-family movement in America are reviled by
many in Britain, there is little discussion of the dangers and
implications of Labourâs policies on the family and the role of women.
This is understandable, given the Labour smooth talk about empowering
women and womenâs equality. Hardly a word is mentioned of how, having
âempoweredâ women into the workplace, they intend to tackle the greater
exploitation and inequality women face when they get there. Nor do we
hear much from Labour about the social inequality women suffer, which
means many have to accept low paid temporary work in the growing service
sector. Such structural sexism can only worsen as more women are forced
into the (still) male-dominated world of paid work. Meanwhile, unpaid
work in the home is still done by women â despite talk of ânew menâ.
Research repeatedly shows that the burden of raising children and
running the household remains overwhelmingly the task of women.
The current reality is that the only way women can gain even the very
limited economic independence gained from paid employment is by finding
ways of combining housework with paid work. Little wonder then that the
only way this can be achieved is by accepting âflexibleâ hours and
part-time working.
Patriarchy and capitalism combining to exploit women is hardly new. What
is new is that this is being dressed in the language of feminism. No one
should be fooled by this ploy. Labourâs policy towards the family
differs from the Tories only in that Labour is tailoring the family to
meet capitalist needs for an increase in the number of women workers. In
this respect, as in many others, Labour is in tune with modern
capitalist thinking. Though we may find the ranting of the American new
right obnoxious, in the long term it may be Labourâs ideas that prove to
be the more dangerous