đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș solidarity-federation-nationstates.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 13:59:47. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-06-20)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: NationStates Author: Solidarity Federation Date: Summer 1998 Language: en Topics: nationalism, Wales, United Kingdom, Direct Action Magazine Source: Retrieved on April 8, 2005 from https://web.archive.org/web/20050408024044/http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/archive/da7-features.htm#NationStates Notes: Published in Direct Action #7 â Summer 1998.
Nationalism, in any form, is totally incompatible with
anarcho-syndicalism.
As is often stated, national boundaries are flukes of history and
geography.
More specifically, they are the results of political machinations by
robber barons throughout the last millennium or so, who use and abuse
ordinary people in their search for glory, power and wealth.
The nation can be seen as the gangsterâs turf, an area marked by bloody
skirmishes, in which the real beneficiaries rarely take part. There are
some obvious exceptions to this, notably in those areas of the world
where the European rulers deemed it their right of conquest to divvy up
the land as they saw fit. How many boundaries between two areas? Exactly
the same as the number of people you ask to draw them. An appeal to the
nation is an appeal to an abstract idea that is used to cover up the
fact that we are expected to support one (our) ruling oppressor over
another.
The call to nationalism is a call to create an âotherâ that is not âone
of usâ based on the dictates of history and political expediency of the
leaders. Nationalism is not about a cultural identity, it is not about a
sense of place, or of a nostalgia for home â though these will all be
used in attempts to develop these âothersâ (outsiders, foreigners,
inferiors..).
If being an anarcho-syndicalist is about anything, it is about
recognising the humanity of everyone. You cannot create a libertarian
communist society in one country surrounded by other systems and accept
that as a stable situation. To have borders, to have foreigners that are
defined by their situation in another geo-political unit is to define
ourselves by what we are not and to define them by what they are not.
They are not âusâ; they are âotherâ â this denies people the right to
define themselves. Nationalism is the wholesale degradation of people by
the defining of them as âotherâ; as inferior.
On what basis is this definition of âforeignâ drawn up? I will seek to
address this through the use of an example close to home, that of Welsh
Nationalism. For many people, Welsh Nationalism is an almost benign form
of opposition to the Westminster Government and, as such, it has proved
attractive to socialists and libertarians. Now, it would be wrong to
claim that many of those who are skirting around the rim of Welsh
Nationalism are actively hostile to non-Welsh, I would just maintain
that they are mistaken in what they are doing. What does it mean to be
Welsh? How do they define what it is to be Welsh? Is someone who moves
from England to Wales, who lives there, works there and makes their life
there not as affected by decisions of the Westminster Parliament which
affect the âWelshâ? If not, what is the position of the immigrant from
the West Indies, from the Indian sub-continent? I know the answer of the
BNP. Here, I am not talking about state decisions which seek to suppress
the culture of colonised regions/states/continents. Such ethnic
cleansing, whoever advocates it and on whatever grounds or level, is
wrong.
So it follows, obviously, any attempts to suppress the speaking of the
Welsh language should be opposed, but I am not here concerned about the
long term survival of the Welsh culture and language other than its part
in an evolving and developing society. If languages and cultures
develop, it is up to those who are interested in them and who practise
them to keep them relevant and alive. As a libertarian, it would be
wrong to tell someone that in order to live in England they must speak
English, as it would for an anarcho-syndicalist in Wales to insist that
someone living in Wales speaks Welsh. Again, it is self-evident that if
you move to an area where the language is different, it makes sense to
learn the one spoken there if possible; it does greatly aid
communication.
Many of the social issues which are addressed by these groups which seek
a friendly nationalism, are not issues of nationalism at all. The issues
of holiday homes is a problem in the Lake District, in Cornwall, in
areas of the Yorkshire Dales, and I am sure elsewhere as well. It is not
the imposition of the English per se, but of a certain class of wealthy
middle-class, seeking an improvement in their already privileged
life-style at the expense of the housing possibilities of those who live
in the area. The problems of the imposition of rule from an
unaccountable Government based in Westminster is true throughout the UK.
To make it a view of English Government vs. Welsh people is to play with
very dangerous ideas. The unscrupulous politician can stir up hatred
based on semi-fabled stories from hundreds of years ago in an attempt to
grasp power â all they need is the right environment. It serves those
who would call themselves socialist and libertarians badly to contribute
to this environment.
At a slight tangent, I would like to address the issue of xenophobia.
The excuse often given for xenophobes is that evolutionary biology is
part of our basic make up. The idea is that it is common in higher apes
to be actively and pro-actively hostile to other troops of apes. It has
been shown that chimpanzees form raiding parties to attack individuals
from neighbouring groups. Similar things are known in other primates,
including baboons, and other species throughout nature. The comparison
has been drawn to with earlier human societies, where inter-group
rivalry was characterised by ongoing low level warfare, with occasional
intensifications of the fighting.
Those who have something to gain use this as an excuse for the necessity
of the nation state. This denies one important fact; that we have the
capacity to learn, to consider and to make decisions based on our
understanding, not only of our experience, but of the experience of
others; both those we know and those throughout history. We have the
ability to understand that we are no longer living in small groups,
primarily of extended families, with a large amount of common genetic
material. We have moved beyond the need for base genetic propagation. We
have developed other things which we may wish to propagate; ideas, such
as solidarity, mutual aid and compassion.
Fear of the unknown may well be part of the human make up; it would seem
sensible in this dangerous world. I have no problem with accepting this,
in fact I see it as a further reason for the importance of the ideas.
The fact that we may once have been xenophobic apes means we have to
work all the harder to develop our ideas in overcoming any lingering
tendencies in this direction.
Indeed, these xenophobic apes and early humans also practised a great
deal more in terms of co-operation. If you want to live in a society
where you are not the one on the receiving end of xenophobic aggression,
work with the part of human nature that seeks solidarity and
co-operation, the part that is still relevant today â not with the part
that seeks to form fights over patches of earth.
If nothing else, getting all heated over a patch of mud usually means
some cozy fat bastards are about to send you and your children to work
or to war for their profit.
On a final point, we do live in a world where states exist, and where
differing governments interpret their job of control in different ways.
It is sensible to take these states into account when seeking to defend
people and promote the ideas of libertarian communism. But it seems to
me not only dangerous, but patently absurd, to pretend that
nationalistic rhetoric, âhowever camouflagedâ, can ever be beneficial or
progressive. When you use the Nationalistic argument, you choose to set
out to identify and to denigrate the âforeignâ, the âotherâ. And when
that happens, it is usually the powerful who get the last say over who
the âothersâ really are.