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Title: Reflections from Little Rock Author: Peter Little Date: July 1, 2007 Language: en Topics: Hurricane Katrina, Bring the Ruckus Source: Retrieved on March 14, 2019 from https://web.archive.org/web/20190314161021/http://www.bringtheruckus.org/?q=node/33 Notes: Pete is a member of Bring the Ruckus. He lives in Portland.
Two weeks after Katrina hit, I went to Little Rock, Arkansas to assist
Friends and Families of Louisiana’s Incarcerated Children in organizing
evacuees with people inside the correctional system in Louisiana.
I arrived in the middle of heavy, muggy summertime heat. Some days as I
drove across the state, visiting shelters, I’d roll up the windows with
the air off and pretend it was the sauna I love to visit back in
Portland, Oregon. Some days I’d leave the windows down and pretend it
was the sauna I love to visit back in Portland.
I spent just under a week running from shelter to shelter. For the
better portion of the week I was there, no one appeared to have a
comprehensive list where people were being housed, let alone of who was
where. From the Red Cross to the Arkansas state disaster agency, no one
could offer an accurate list of where evacuees could be found. A lot of
my time was spent driving from empty camp to empty camp, following leads
from social workers or word of mouth, until I finally found camps with
people still in them.
It seems the state’s strategy in Arkansas was to move people through Ft
Chaffee in the west of the state and disperse them into smaller camps of
100s of people within 24–48 hours of arrival in the state. Most locals
remembered Ft Chaffee, a military base, as the site of riots by Muriel
boatlift detainees in the 80s.
By the time I’d arrived, most of the big centers were dismantled, and
many of the small camps were disappearing as evacuees disappeared into
local residences, got aid checks and wandered off, or were shuffled
around. BtR’s research team was essential in getting me good information
to run with once I was on the ground.
The Baptist church shelter leadership were not interested in speaking
with the Catholic church shelters (who only housed Catholics), and the
Pentecostals and Methodists each maintained the same sectarian stance.
In Arkansas, our limited work was peculiar in that beyond FEMA and a few
social workers, we were the only people communicating and reporting from
one camp to the next.
This means that there was little or no interaction between the different
camps, or between the isolated individuals or families who have begun to
make it into the community in apartments and motel rooms. Neither the
Red Cross, FEMA, nor the social service providers have a vision or
interest for uniting the evacuees around the right of return or any
broader political vision within the Diaspora.
The camps were typically summer camps owned and run for their members by
the different denominations in the region. Different camps varied in
their warmth to our project and their own apparent interest in the
desires and needs of the evacuees. The church staff/volunteers in the
camps were white, FEMA reps were white, the few social workers were
white, and the sheriffs working the gates or patrolling the grounds were
white. Being a white kid from up North, walking into the camps, where a
solid majority of the evacuees where not white, it seemed important to
be clear I was not representing the government, the social service
agencies, or the church.
A couple of very different experiences are useful to demonstrate the
real disparity in conditions and methods of managing the different
shelters.
At a Presbyterian camp outside of Little Rock, it was rumored a couple
of hundred evacuees were still sheltered. I pulled up to the camp,
greeted at the gate by armed sheriffs asking my purpose and
organization, who then directed me to the administrative office. At the
administrative office, I signed three forms, gave my name, legal
identification, and organization name, contact information, was given an
ID tag, and was then freed to enter the cafeteria. Halfway through
talking with and assisting two women in calling the Louisiana Department
of Corrections to track down their loved ones, the camp administrator
and another armed sheriff approach me in the cafeteria.
Interrupting my interview, they called me into the office. Again,
photocopies of my identification, queries about the organization I’m
assisting, and,” how do they know our organization is for real, etc????”
They had a hard time believing that the organization (headquartered in
New Orleans) didn’t have an address, letterhead, or simple contact
information for its coordinators (beyond a cell phone) two weeks after
half of the city was submerged by the broken levies.
In Sherwood, Arkansas, I rolled up to a small church building on the
edge of town. I walked across the gravel parking lot, greeted at the
back door by a group of evacuees sprawled, chatting in a circle of lawn
chairs. Hoping to be directed to the more sympathetic camp
administrators by the evacuees, I smiled, introduced my purpose, and
myself and asked who I should talk to about setting up shop. A small,
strong looking woman in her mid thirties addressed me from one end of
the group, with a touch of laughter in her voice.
“People in the correctional system? I’m the Chief of our tribe, and I’m
in charge of corrections. We don’t have anybody in the state system, and
we don’t have anybody missing. All of our members are accounted for and
safe. When we heard the storm was coming, we got organized, got all of
our people together, and got out.”
I followed another evacuee inside, where she gave me the Chief’s contact
information and took a load of FFLIC’s flyers in the event they came
across other evacuee groups who could use the information. It was only
then that I met a church administrator, a very sweet woman who was being
ushered around by another evacuee, in the middle of something that
appeared important. She introduced herself, and then was pulled away by
other community members.
Typically, after the varied approval methods from the camp
administration (ranging from multiple copies of identification and
verification phone calls to just walking in a back door and getting
comfortable), and I’d walk into the cafeteria during a mealtime, stand
in the corner and shout out that I was here to assist people in tracking
down family, children, or friends in the corrections system in
Louisiana, and then wait in the corner as people streamed over.
Clear intersections of gender, race, and class in our society became
vividly clear through conversations in the shelters. Whether looking for
boyfriends, husbands, friends, their children or other family members,
the overwhelming majority of the people seeking to track down prisoners
were women. In the 60s, people began to expand the understanding of
worker to include the entire nuclear family unit, recognizing how home
workers were essential in maintaining the productive capacities of the
worker in the factory.
Imprisonment takes in predominantly young males in the same way
production work traditionally did, leaving the women in the community to
care for the needs of not only the prisoner, but the economic and
emotional needs of the children, parents, and families left behind on
the outside.
The different perspectives, feelings, and experiences of people in the
shelter were a good reminder of the complexity of consciousness.
People’s ideas about their experience in the shelters, the Convention
Center, in the city and the storm itself, varied widely. I sat down with
a group of women, and after exchanging information on prisoners they
were looking for, we chatted for a bit. I asked them a little about what
they thought about the way things had gone down in New Orleans. The
first told me how terrified she was, how she had heard crazy stories
about crazed violence and desperation, how she was disappointed in
hearing about,” all the looting.”
The second looked at her, looked at me, her eyes lit up and she
exclaimed,“Shit, looting!? Hell yeah!! I was looting!” And they both
burst into big smiles and laughter.
My last days in town, the shelters and aid agencies began to brace
themselves for a new wave of evacuees, as Katrina’s evacuees were
shuffled north out of Texas in anticipation of Rita. The Sunday before I
left, I sat on the porch of the Women’s Project, one of the only
independent, feminist resource centers in the region, chatting
informally with one of their organizers. Just as she had arrived at the
office, heavy rain began to fall from the thick wall of dark clouds that
had passed over the city’s clear skies that morning. As Hurricane Rita’s
remnants brought storms and flooding to Arkansas, we talked about the
ways that Katrina had blown the lid off of submerged contradictions and
realities in the United States, and of our hopes for a new social
movement to be born out of it.
The struggle over New Orleans is a smaller reflection of broader
struggles being born of the dismantling of the post WWII Keynesian
pact-peace from the trade union bureaucracy in exchange for labor peace
and a welfare net for those left outside the trade union structure. As I
sit back at home in Portland, I can’t help but believe that in the
Diaspora’s story, their journey, and the struggle to retake their city
lie the seeds of a new movement.