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Title: Roses and Nightingales
Author: Peter Lamborn Wilson
Date: 2003
Language: en
Topics: Iran, tradition, Fifth Estate, Islam
Source: Retrieved on 6th October 2021 from https://www.fifthestate.org/archive/363-winter-20032004/roses-and-nightingales/
Notes: Published in Fifth Estate #363, Winter, 2003/2004

Peter Lamborn Wilson

Roses and Nightingales

Introduction

The military dictator Reza’ Shah Pahlavi changed the name of Persia to

Iran in 1935. This move was part of a broader effort to craft a nation

through the celebration of a largely imaginary Indo-Aryan past at a time

the territory was dealing with a century’s worth of British and Russian

imperialist interference, as well as the increasing power of foreign oil

companies.

Today, Iran is on the “Axis of Evil” shortlist, meaning that its people

have been continually threatened by the Bush-Cheney regime’s mass murder

fantasies and neo-colonialist ambitions. With an eye to current events,

then, we present Peter Lamborn Wilson’s “Roses and Nightingales,” an

appreciation of the heretical, Islamic mysticism that he encountered

while traveling in southwest Asia in the early 1970s.

Wilson associates the fringe elements of sufism with a cultural tendency

that has tenaciously survived despite nationalist modernization,

deepening levels of European imperialist penetration, and escalating

governmental repression. In the course of Wilson’s investigations, he

believes that he has found vestiges of pre-Iranian Persia and a rich

variety of unorthodox Islamic (and pre-Islamic) practices. Both then and

now, the sufi exploration of emotive extremes of asceticism and

debauchery in pursuit of ecstasy rattle those who adhere to strict

Islamic doctrine and other rigid institutions of law and order.

Many of you already appreciate Wilson as an informed observer of offbeat

arcana, and his efforts to tease out those strands in the history of

Islamic society that cherish freedom and imagination are perceptive. In

general, the sufis are a community of Muslims whose practices run

counter to the oppressive use of that religion by the ayatollah

oligarchy, the House of Saud aristocrats, and the murderously prudish

swine of the Hezbollah and al-Qaeda.

When cynical neoconservatives and hateful, right-wing Christian/Zionist

neo-crusaders are exaggerating the tyrannical characteristics of Islamic

society in order to demonize and disparage anything remotely Arabic and

Muslim, any positive evaluation of that culture that defies the National

Security State’s use of racism, prejudice, and provincialism is welcome.

Still, there will be those who will be irritated by Wilson’s embrace of

mysticism and tolerance of misogyny within these subcultures. Some

readers (together with some members of FE’s editorial collective,

including myself) find it impossible to reconcile any aspect of any form

of theism—no matter how lawlessly exhilarating or ecstatic—with freedom,

mutual aid, and solidarity.

But I am reminded of a conversation that I had a few nights ago on the

subject of sufism and political dissent with my friend Sayeedeh.

Following a bloody cycle of mass anti-government demonstrations and

police riots in September 1978, she, like many of her Marxist comrades

at Tehran University, had her life threatened by both the thugs loyal to

the Shah and by those who supported Khomeini. When she eventually had to

escape the city, she did so along night-darkened railway lines with the

help of some indigent sufis. When I asked her why sufi ascetics would

help a Marxist feminist escape police dogs and fundamentalist Shi’ite

vigilantes, Sayeedeh brought up the subject of the medieval Christian

heretic and radical primitivist Jan Hus.

Was everyone in the anti-feudal peasant and artisan rebel movement

following Hus really Christian? Or, were some using Christian language

and symbols simply as means for articulating the realities of the deep

social crisis that they were experiencing? Perhaps Wilson appreciates

Sufism in the same light.

— Doug Graves

It was 1971. After two years on the Hippie Trail in India and Pakistan,

a winter of poverty in Afghanistan, months of opium smoking in Quetta

(capital of Pakistani Baluchistan) followed by a severe and

hallucinatory bout of intestinal malaria, I must not have looked very

respectable to the Iranian Consul.

The Consulate, a concrete box in a dreary new suburb of Quetta, appeared

to be empty except for me and the Consul, a small sour man in a suit,

who seemed to have nothing to do except make life difficult for me

personally. He was quizzing me about why he shouldn’t simply issue me a

14-day transit visa rather than the standard Tourist Three Month visa I

wanted. He seemed to suspect me of something. Recently, I’d been sort of

thrown out of India and also Afghanistan. Clearly the Consul took me for

a wealthless vagabond, which was rather perspicacious of him.

“Why do you want to visit my country?” he kept asking.

I felt too tired to make anything up so I said, “Well, you see, I’m

interested in sufism…”

“Sufism!? Do you know what is sufism?”

“I know enough to want to know more. Some sufis I met in India told me

to go to Iran. So…”

The Consul metamorphized before my eyes into a different person: all at

once he became a cultivated and poetic soul unfairly and inexplicably

consigned to this empty concrete box in Baluchistan. He unbent. He

beamed, “This is fantastic! You must let me give you the maximum

possible visa,” he began fumbling for seals and stamps, “One Year With

Extensions, Yes?”

“Well…but…”

“You must remain in my country until you have learned everything.

Please, promise me!”

Although I never learned “everything” about the Consul’s country or even

about sufism, I did spend the next seven years there, more or less, so

my problem now is one of choice; what to leave out of this little memoir

and what to put in. I follow a loose thread suggested by the theme of

the Consul’s unbending, his strange transformation from bureaucrat to

human being. My motive for this arises from the probability that over

the next few years no one in the US is going to be discussing these

aspects of Persian culture. Iran will be consigned to the evil

pseudo-discourse and vacant imaginary of the “News”. Persian humanism

(as Iqbal called it) will be forgotten, denied, and even

betrayed—precisely because it belongs not to the realm of ideology and

the “clash of cultures”, but to “everyday life” and the ordinary and

even unrepresentable beauties of the soul.

Music, tea, and glass-eating

By a strange coincidence possible only in a “developing nation”, the

strongest force for traditional and creative preservation of classical

music was then the Iranian National Television. Radio Tehran, by

contrast represented a lovely but impure neo-traditionalism, which even

ran to experiments with violin and piano—I love Persian piano music,

which always reminds me of the mirror-mosaic architecture of Shiite

tomb-shrines and other late 19^(th) century public buildings. Like

pianos (mostly uprights), European mirrors were shipped to Iran by

caravan and naturally many of them broke en route.

Tile-mosaic craftsmen bought up shards by the camel-load and created a

vulgar but scintillating hybrid form in which whole domes and iwans are

transformed into glittering ice-diamond bursts of illumination. Purists

hate this stuff. The pianos were re-tuned to Persian modes and played

like dulcimers, unpedaled, using only four fingers. Another comparison:

all over Asia traditional embroidery techniques were given a creative

burst by the introduction of foot-pedaled Singer sewing machines. Sooner

or later modern technology (inextricably linked with Capital) will

suffocate and destroy traditional crafts, but the initial contact is

often a stimulus, and gives birth to vigorous hybrids.

Be that as it may, the TV musicians were all rigorous but creative

purists, and the 1970s witnessed a mini-renaissance of excellent Persian

music: played by very young enthusiasts and very old virtuosi who’d been

rescued from oblivion by the new wave and the TV budget. The Shiraz

Festival was one of its epicenters. I spent a lot of time talking with

Dr. Dariush Safvat, TV’s director of “The Centre for the Preservation

and Propagation of Traditional Iranian Music.” One night in Shiraz, Dr.

Safvat told me an interesting story. I already knew most of it because

Nasrollah Poujavady and I had written about it in Kings of Love, our

study of the history and poetry of the Ni’matollahi Sufi Order, the

spiritual progeny of Shah Ni’matollah Wali. In 1792, one of these

dervishes was martyred in Kerman; his sufi name was Mushtaq Ali Shah and

he was a niadzub, a sufi “madman” totally absorbed in divine ecstasy. He

was also a legendary musician and played the sehtar, the little

three-stringed lute of Central Asia (ancestor of the Indian sitar). One

day, in his craziness, Mushtaq played an accompaniment to the Call to

Prayer (azan) from a nearby mosque, and this blasphemy aroused the

puritanical wrath of a bigoted mullah. The mullah called on a

mosque-full of people to stone Mushtaq Ali Shah, and he was crushed to

death along with one of his disciples. Dr. Safvat told me the story over

again, but he hadn’t read it in a book. He’d heard it as a youth from an

old musician friend who heard it from his grandfather who had actually

been present in Kerman on May 19, 1792, and witnessed the death of

Mushtaq.

The Ni’matollahi Order in the 1970s was still very pro-music (although

they never used musical instruments in their actual sufi praxis).

Several times a year on happy holidays such as the Birthday of the

Prophet or Ali, the Ni’matollahi khaniqah [or “spiritual center”] in

downtown Tehran would organize a jashn, or musical fest. Dr. Javad

Nurbakhsh, the qotb or Shaykh of the Order, counted many musicians among

his disciples and friends, all glad to perform at his parties. Several

thousand people from all classes and every part of Tehran (including

women and kids) would attend, and each and every one received a free hot

meal of rice and meat and all the tea and sweets they could stomach,

along with several hours of excellent traditional music. The grand

finale was always provided by a troupe of wild-looking Qadiri dervishes

from Kurdestan, who roused the crowd to delirium with dramatic chants

and pounding drums. Dr Nurbakhsh told us that at home in Kurdestan

they’d follow the music with feats of power such as sticking knives

through their cheeks or eating light bulbs. “But I don’t allow any of

that in my khaniqah,” he said with a twinkle in his eye. “You’ll have to

go to Sanandaj if you want to see that sort of thaumaturgy.”

So, of course, we did.

The Kurds are a sight for sore eyes after the Iranians, who have all

(except the mullahs) adopted western-style clothes with generally

counter-aesthetic results. The Kurds dress Kurdish: big fringed turbans,

tight soldierly jackets, baggy trousers, riding boots—and guns, if they

can get away with it. The women dress in dozens or scores of layered

flower-patterned petticoats of dark, rich, saturated, velvety colors,

and look like black tulips; some tattoo their face with blue marks, and

go unveiled.

In Sanandaj, my friends and I—all of us American journalists working for

the rackety Tehran English daily journals and all fascinated by

sufism—met Dr. Nurbakhsh’s contact, a small 88-year-old gentleman who

lived in a small house near the Qadiri khaniqah. He invited us in for

tea, and showed us an old photo of himself in military uniform with a

really huge live snake draped over his shoulders. “You came to see us

eat glass, my young friends? Ah, that’s nothing. One need not even enter

the trance state for such tricks. I’ll show you!”

He snapped his fingers and his young grandson brought in a silver tray

upon which sat a single light bulb. The old soldier broke it up with his

fingers as he uttered an invocation, then began scooping up shards and

popping them in his mouth, crunch crunch crunch. Swallow. As we gaped at

him, he winked his eye and offered us the tray, “Like to try it

yourselves?”

That night in the khaniqah (after a big dervish meal of mutton and tea

on the floor around a sofreh or dining-cloth), we indeed witnessed feats

of power, including cheek skewering, electricity eating, scorpion

handling, light bulb chomping—all performed (after a really rousing

zikr) without any trace of damage or visible scars. I later visited

Sanandaj several times, and I have to admit these tricks soon came to

seem rather ordinary (though I never tried any myself). But I never

again saw the feat our tiny old soldier friend performed. After

achieving hal or trance by dancing wildly and whirling to the zikr, he

suddenly ran at tremendous speed across the whole length of the room

(say the length of a tennis court at least); launched himself headfirst

like a rocket into the air, and crashed his skull into the far

wall—bounced off, onto his feet, and went around whirling and dancing

and singing ecstatically for the next hour. I believe it was this chap

who told us that the Grand Shaykh of the Qadiri Sufi Order in Baghdad

was able to cut off the heads of his disciples, as part of the

initiation ceremony, and then replace them, no harm done. After seeing

the old soldier himself perform, I was inclined to believe this, though

I admit that later I became skeptical again. But it’s a nice story.

Sufism: Islam’s “traditional anarchism”?

Sunni Islam is “built” upon Five Pillars: Confession of Unity, Belief in

prophets and angels, Prayer, Pilgrimage, and the Poor-tax. To these

Shiism adds a Sixth pillar: Social Justice. Shiism has usually existed

as a religion without state power and traditionally as a source of

potential revolt against Sunnism. But in the course of time, the Pillar

of Justice has been given an even wider interpretation. The late Ali

Shariati, a radical mullah assassinated by the Shah’s secret police,

converted many Iranians to the concept of Shiite Socialism. Shariati’s

tracts reveal a fascinating blend of Marxist humanism and reverence for

Ali and Husayn as rebels against State oppression. Official

revolutionary State Shiism in Iran today has taken another direction,

not socialist, and not particularly radical. But the link between social

justice Shiism and revolution is quite solidly historic and real—and

always capable of regeneration. Iran is generally depicted as 90%

orthodox Shiite, and this may be so.

But the dervishes and heretics have played a larger role than such

statistics would suggest. Inside the “fat” Iranian a “thin” dervish

often struggles for self-expression and freedom. Sufis are very pious,

certainly—but dervishism (even without the outer signs and practices)

also allows a way to cock a snoot at all dreary conformism, class

suffocation, puritanism, overly formal manners, and philistine consensus

aesthetics. In modern Persian, the adjective darvishi implies a whole

complex of such attitudes and tastes, not necessarily even connected

with any sufi praxis. It means something like “laid back,” “cool,”

informal, and relaxed (“Don’t dress for dinner; we’ll be very

darvishi”); also “hip” and bohemian. Dervishism and the strange sects

(too many even to list in this essay) seem to me to provide something

quite vital to Persian culture and even “politics” in a broad sense of

that term—something that might be called “traditional anarchism.”

In the old days (say, up to mid-19^(th) century), Iranian dervishes

adhered to an ancient way of life very similar to that of Hindu saddhus

in India: long hair (or shaved bald), patched cloak, begging bowl (made

from coco de mer shells) and ritual axes (also useful for chopping

vegetables), distinctive cap or taj (“crown”); endless aimless

wandering, music and dance, sometimes wine and hashish, an attitude of

insouciance vis-a-vis the claims of orthodoxy; yogic asceticism and

libertine excess—and a theology of ecstatic love. The Ni’matollahi Order

once occupied the vanguard of this sort of dervishism, but severe

repression and even executions for heresy (such as that of Mushtaq Ali

Shah), carried out by powerful mullahs (one of them known as Sufi-kush

or “sufi killer”) gradually drove the radical dervishes underground.

Inwardly, they retained their anti-puritanical convictions, but

outwardly, they conformed to orthodox Shiism. Some of the shaykhs even

dressed as mullahs in dark sober robes and snow white turbans.

Sufism of the wild qalandari variety may be older than Islam, harking

back to an Indo-Iranian antiquity or even a common shamanistic culture

traceable in the earliest Indian and Iranian scriptures (the Vedas and

the Yashts). Hallucinogenic plants (called Soma or Haoma) must have

played a central role in this ur-cult. First orthodox Brahminism and

Zoroastrianism, and later Islam, pushed these power-plants into the

outer darkness of “heresy,” or “forgot” them, or turned them into

metaphors like the flavorless “wine” of so many mediocre sufi poems.

But dervishism resists change. In the hierarchic world of Asia, with its

rigid sets of inherited identities, the dervish life always offers a way

out, a kind of traditional bohemianism, not exactly approved by

authority, but at least recognized as a viable identity. It’s no wonder

the hippies immediately gravitated toward the company of these “1000

year-old beatniks,” sharing the same zero-work ethic and predilection

for intoxicants and phantastica. In India, I found both dervishes and

saddhus in plenty, but in Iran they had mostly vanished, at least

outwardly. The only patched cloaks belonged to an Order called the

Khaksariyya or “Dust-Heads” (as in the image of prostrating in the dust

of the Beloved’s doorway, or throwing dust on the head in mourning). In

Shiraz, I attended zikr in one of their khaniqahs in a beautiful garden

called “Seven Bodies,” where they recited Hafez and then turned out the

lights and wept in darkness. Patch-cloaked Khaksari dervishes still

occasionally wandered about begging or selling incense against the Evil

Eye (esphand aka Syrian rue, a potent hallucinogen if ingested; also

used to make a red dye for fezzes). I knew a teahouse in Isfahan staffed

by Khaksari dervishes, where the headwaiter, their shaykh, recited from

the epic Shahnameh acting out all the parts, a one-man theater. The

Khaksari Order has initiatic links with a strange Kurdish sect called

the Ahl-i Haqq or “People of the Truth” (the same Divine Name claimed by

Hallaj, the sufi martyr). This is not a sufi order but a folk religion,

a syncresis of pre-Zoroastrian paganism, extreme Shiism, dervish sufism,

and perhaps Manichaeanism. One branch of the Ahl-i Haqq actually worship

Satan, eat pork, and drink wine; several friends of mine traveled to

their remote valleys and found them quite warm and hospitable. The

“orthodox” Ahl-i Haqq had established a jamkhaneh or meeting-house in

Tehran under a charismatic shaykh, Ustad Elahi, a famous musician and

master of the sehtar. Many Tehran musicians were drawn to him as

disciples, as were some Westerners, including my friend the French

ethnomusicologist, Jean During. Ustad Elahi’s son has written books’ in

French and English.

Some sufis are very darvishi, like the Safi Ali Shahi branch of the

Ni’matollahi Order, who owned a very nice khaniqah (with garden and

tiled dome) in Tehran. Many of them were professional musicians at Radio

Tehran, and some of them (so people said) smoked opium. I attended a

fashionable funeral in their garden once, since the dervishes rented it

out for such occasions. Other sufis criticized them for this and looked

on them as slackers. Not all sufis are darvishi by any means.

Sufism in the past has occasionally taken its “traditional anarchism” as

far as armed uprising against injustice, but in recent times, it has

transferred its energies to theological and intellectual liberation and

applied its wildness to more inward dimensions. Given a political

reading, sufism provides plenty of inspiration for resistance—think of

Hafez’s line, “Stain your prayer carpet with wine!” Given a cultural

reading, sufism has sparked off countless revivals of traditional

culture precisely by resisting tradition’s “dead weight.” The tremendous

changes in Persian Classical music in the late 19^(th) century for

example—larger ensembles, new melodic material, experiments with

European influences—were all carried out by sufis or artists steeped in

cultural sufism. “Radical tolerance” may prove impossible as a political

program at a given time and place, but it can always be internalized by

the artist and externalized as art. Since “the Orient” never really

experienced the Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution (except as

imposed by colonial imperialism), it retained many traditional forms of

Romantic resistance within the “permitted dissidence” of sufism and the

arts.

Under conditions of overwhelming oppression, the dervish becomes rendi,

that is to say, clever. A rend can drink wine under the very nose of the

Law and get away with it. The rend is a secret agent of

self-illumination, a strange combination of mystic monk and prankish

surrealist. Perhaps this is where Gurdjieff found his notion of the

“clever one” who avoids onerous paths of religion and yoga and slips

into heaven like a burglar, so to speak. In folklore, the rend becomes a

comic figure like the famous Mulla Nasroddin, outwardly a fool but in

truth a realized sage.

Iran?… or Persia?

By traveling in India and Iran rather than only reading about them I

came to appreciate and actually love certain “late decadent periods” of

the sort that are universally despised by the Orientalists for their

aesthetic impurity, despised by the new breed of Islamist bigots for

their religious impurity, and despised by modernist pro-Westerners for

their medieval impurity. Pretty much the only people who don’t despise

these late decadent periods are the people who are actually still living

in them and are too ignorant and backward to realize their own

irrelevance, outdatedness, political incorrectness—and impurity. In

India, the remnants of the late Mughal era still provide a ghostly and

melancholic but exquisitely refined matrix for the lives of many. In

Iran it’s the Qajar period (the dynasty before the Pahlevis); a past

recent enough that in the 1970s one could still touch it through stories

(like Dr. Safvat’s story about Mushtaq), through buildings, paintings,

music, crafts, poetry, and even food. The past lingered in a way

inconceivable to Americans or even Europeans; enough of it lingered that

one could almost live in it.

Late decadent periods attract me for many reasons, e.g. they’re usually

rather peaceful (too tired and blase for war); often they’re devoted to

“small happinesses”—which as Nietzsche says may be more important than

the big ones, the ones that always betray us. Maybe great original art

fails to thrive in such periods—since the kings and lords can no longer

afford it—but the “minor arts” often experience a kind of perfection;

aristocratic tastes (in cheap folkish forms) filter down even to the

lowest levels. I remember one late winter night in Tehran, as I passed

the skeleton of a half-built, pseudo-Californian office block, I saw a

lone night watchman warming himself by a barrel of burning trash; he

wore a sheepskin coat and he was entertaining himself by reciting Hafez

viva voce to the snowflakes.

“Iran” is the proper ancient name for Persia, but it wasn’t the official

name till the mid-20^(th) century, changed by decree of Reza Shah (the

last late Shah’s father) from “Persia” to “Iran”. His motive for this

was suspect, because he was a Nazi sympathizer and because “Iran” means

“land of the Aryans”—and the name-change left a bad taste in the mouths

of many Iranians. The name “Persia” was supposed to represent all that

was backward, medieval, superstitious, anti-progress, late and

decadent—every thing “Oriental” in the land and its people. But the land

and its people (or some of them) still lived in that world and loved it.

I know it’s perfectly illegitimate and indefensible for me to say that I

also loved it. I know that I was an outsider (although at times I

convinced myself otherwise); I know that I cannot “represent the Other”

and even that the whole project of representation has become suspect

amidst the “ruins” of post-modernity. I even know that the entire hippie

project of Romantic travel was largely illusory and certainly doomed to

failure. The “post-colonial discourse” has made all this perfectly and

painfully clear. Sadly, however, I’m unable to repent or to write off my

experiences as irrelevant, crypto-reactionary delusions.

“Iran” as represented in the “News”, a two-dimensional image of oil

wells and atomic reactors under the control of evil fanatics in black

robes…Is this “Iran” any more real than the “Persia” in which I tried to

travel and even to lose my self?—the Persia of roses and nightingales

that impinges so sensibly on my memory? Or, are both equally real and

unreal? The truth must certainly be more complex even than such paradox

could suggest. But since “Iran” is now being pumped up in the media as

the next spoke of the Axis of Evil, I doubt that “Persia” will get as

much airplay over the next few years. Hence this essay. “Persia” has

become a part of The World We Lost—its perfume lingers even as it

recedes into a past that’s half imaginal. It leaves behind it only

something that might be called difference. How else to define that which

we feel is leaving us?