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Title: Review: The Russian Tragedy Author: Myles Kennedy Date: Summer 1988 Language: en Topics: USSR, book review, Alexander Berkman, Workers Solidarity Source: Retrieved on 9th October 2021 from http://struggle.ws/ws88_89/ws28_berkman.html Notes: Published in Workers Solidarity No. 28 ā Summer 1988
ALEXANDER BERKMAN was no mere theorist. All his life he was an active
anarchist militant. Born in Russia, by the age of fifteen he had been
expelled from school for membership of a group which met to read radical
books. By the age of nineteen he was in America and active in a
revolutionary anarchist group.
In 1892 during the Homestead Steel strike the industrialist H C. Frick
hired Pinkerton detectives who murdered eleven strikers, including a ten
year old child. He then declared that he would sooner see every striker
dead than accede to a single one of their demands. For his part in an
attempt to assassinate Frick, Berkman was sentenced to seventeen years
in jail.
He second American jail sentence was for work with the No Conscription
League during the First World War. Following this he went to Russia
where the revolution had begun. While initially supportive, he was soon
sickened by the Bolshevik duplicity and especially the events around the
Kronstadt revolt in 1921. Forced to leave Russia he went to France where
he remained active until his death at the age of sixty six in 1936.
This book is a must for anyone who is confused as to why the Russian
Revolution went wrong, for anyone who feels that to explain the
aberrations and atrocities perpetrated by the Bolsheviks as necessitated
by imperialist blockades or āobjective circumstancesā, when the USSR
spans half the Northern hemisphere, is a bit incredible. This book is a
must for anyone who has bought the lie that Stalin single handedly
changed the essential ideology of bolshevism.
This book is made up of a recent introduction, which places the essays
in context, and three essays written by Berkman in the immediate
aftermath of his intense disillusionment with the way in which the
Bolsheviks steadily rolled back the gains of the Revolution &emdash; on
the way making more concessions to the pressures of international
imperialism than to the Russian proletariat who had made the Revolution.
In broad sweeps, the introduction charts the period from early 1917 when
the peasants seized the land and the workers the factories to October
1917, when the Bolsheviks used the slogan āAll Power to the Sovietsā to
mobilise the masses behind them and from there to the establishment of
secret police forces under the control of the āChekaā which in turn
ruthlessly destroyed the power of the same soviets they had
opportunistically supported, culminating in the savage suppression of
the Kronstadt Revolt (1921) which made such mild demands as free
elections to the soviets.
Feeling secure in their dictatorship, they then denounced the previous
excesses of āWar Communismā and proceeded to establish the New Economic
Policy which amounted to a reinstatement of capitalism &emdash; though
this time in a Stateist rather than a Private guise. Not that this made
much difference to the organisation of work: from early 1918 on (when
they dissolved the Constituent Assembly which they had first opposed and
then supported), the Bolsheviks had been replacing the workers councils
with individual managers, often the identical managers who had run the
factories in the Tsarist period!
The Russian Tragedy is the essay in which Berkman charts his progress
from one who arrived in Russia ānot to teach but to learn; to learn and
to helpā to one who left Russia believing that āthe Revolution in Russia
had become a mirage, a dangerous deceptionā The key to Berkmanās
analysis is his understanding that revolutions are made ānot by any
political party, but by the people themselvesā This is the understanding
which enabled him to perceive the root cause of the Revolutionās decay
in Bolshevik ideology and action &emdash; rather than in the
backwardness of the Russian people or external circumstances.
One of the guises under which the Bolsheviks fooled people into
accepting their dictatorship of all-powerful secret Policeā increasingly
powerless soviets, mass executions and imprisonments etc. etc. was the
label War Communism. Yet, when the USSR was no longer threatened by
internal reaction or imperialist aggression, the long awaited fruits of
the Social Revolution proved to be the reintroduction of private
ownership and the reestablishment of free trade (10^(th) Congress,
1921). In Leninās own words, āHenceforth, the best communist is he who
can drive the best bargainā The final section of this essay looks
towards a new Revolution in Russia, which unhappily we are still
awaiting 70 years later.
The second essay. The Russian Revolution and the Communist Party, deals
in much greater depth with Bolshevik ideology and the changing
pronouncements of Lenin. Again, it puts the blame for the Revolutionās
failure firmly where it belongs. It will give the reader an
understanding of the real nature of Bolshevism which is hidden by those
Trotskyists of today who describe Russia as a ādeformed workersā stateā.
The third essay, The Kronstadt Rebellion deals with events that occurred
in that garrison town, near Leningrad (then Petrograd). Anyone who read
of how under the direct command of Trotsky, the demands of the
Revolutionary Committee (for such democratic rights as free speech, free
elections to the soviets etc.) were portrayed to the Russian working
class as White reaction and the Rebellion was crushed with brutal and
bloody force, will understand that Stalinism is not a radical break with
Leninism/Trotskyism but rather a logical continuation.