💾 Archived View for library.inu.red › file › michail-bakunin-letter-to-albert-richard.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 12:30:41. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content

View Raw

More Information

➡️ Next capture (2024-07-09)

-=-=-=-=-=-=-

Title: Letter to Albert Richard
Author: Michail Bakunin
Date: 1870
Language: en
Topics: history
Source: Retrieved on February 24th, 2009 from http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/1870/albert-richard.htm
Notes: Source: Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971.

Michail Bakunin

Letter to Albert Richard

Introduction

The ill-fated uprising in Lyons of September 5, 1870, led by Bakunin,

Richard, and other members of the secret vanguard organization the

Alliance, occurred shortly before the outbreak of the Franco-Prussian

War (July 19, 1870-January 28, 1871).

The “Letter to Albert Richard”, written shortly before the Lyons

uprising, is important primarily because it deals with the crucial

question of the relationship between the revolutionary minority and the

masses. It is also relevant because of relevance to the development of

the Russian Revolution and because it sums up Bakunin’s alternative to

what he saw as authoritarian revolutions.

Albert Richard (1846–1925) was a French anarchist from Lyons, where he

was an active member of the Alliance and a pioneer organizer of the

International. Bakunin accused him of betraying the Lyons uprising by

collaborating with the provisional government. After the fall of the

Paris Commune of May 1871 in which he fought, Richard wrote a pamphlet

urging the restoration of Napoleon III.

Whether Bakunin’s concept of “invisible collective dictatorship”

contradicts his libertarian principles is a matter of controversy. His

early non-anarchist writings favored a Blanquist-type dictatorship, but

his mature anarchist writings are clearly opposed to Blanquist

“vanguardism”. G. D. H. Cole stressed:

“Bakunin agreed with Marx in advocating a dictatorship of the

proletariat over the exploiting classes; but he held that this

dictatorship must be a spontaneous dictatorship of the entire uprisen

working class, and not by any body of leaders set in authority over

them.”

Bakunin’s well-known predilection for the establishment of tightly

organized secret hierarchical organizations, for which he worked out

elaborate statutes in the style of the Freemasons and the Carbonari, can

be attributed partly to his romantic temperament and partly to the fact

that all revolutionary and progressive groups were forced to operate

secretly. Bakunin’s secret organizations were actually quite informal

fraternities of loosely organized individuals and groups connected by

personal contact and correspondence, as preferred by his closest

associates who considered his schemes for elaborate, centralized secret

societies incompatible with libertarian principles.

Letter to Albert Richard

You keep on telling me that we both agree on fundamental points. Alas!

my friend, I am very much afraid that we find ourselves in absolute

disagreement... . I must, more than ever, consider you as a believer in

centralization, and in the revolutionary State, while I am more than

ever opposed to it, and have faith only in revolutionary anarchy, which

will everywhere be accompanied by an invisible collective power, the

only dictatorship I will accept, because it alone is compatible with the

aspirations of the people and the full dynamic thrust of the

revolutionary movement!

Your revolutionary strategy could be summed up as follows: as soon as

the revolution breaks out in Paris, Paris organizes the Provisional

Revolutionary Commune. Lyons, Marseilles, Rouen, and other large cities

revolt at the same time, immediately send their revolutionary

delegations to Paris, and set up a sort of national assembly, or

People’s Committee of Public Safety for all of France. This committee

decrees the revolution for all of France. This committee decrees the

revolution, the abolition of the old state and social liquidation of all

exploitative institutions, be they governmental, religious, or economic.

The committee also decrees, at the same time, the collectivization of

property and the organization of a new revolutionary state with

dictatorial power in order to suppress internal and external reaction:

Is this not your idea?

Our idea, our plan is exactly the opposite — there is no reason to

assume that the revolutionary uprising must necessarily begin in Paris.

It may well begin in the provinces. But let us assume that the

revolution, as usual, begins in Paris. It is our conviction that Paris

should then play only a negative role, i.e., initiate the destruction of

the old order, but not organize the new order (in the rest of France).

If Paris itself stages a successful uprising, it would then have the

obligation and the right to call for solidarity in the complete

political, juridical, financial, and administrative liquidation of the

State, and of political and privately owned or controlled (but not

strictly) personal property; the demolition of all the functions,

services, and powers of the State; the public burning of all public and

private legal documents and records. Paris will immediately and to the

greatest possible extent organize itself in a revolutionary manner. The

newly formed workers’ associations would then take possession of all the

tools of production as well as all buildings and capital, arming and

organizing themselves into regional sections made up of groups based on

streets and neighborhood boundaries. The federally organized sections

would then associate themselves to form a federated commune. And it will

be the duty of the commune to declare that it has neither the right nor

the desire to organize or govern all of France. This commune, on the

contrary, will appeal to all the people, to all the communes, and to

what up till now was considered foreign territory, to follow its

example, to make its own revolution in as radical a manner as possible

and to destroy the state, juridical institutions, privileged ownership,

and so forth.

Paris will then invite these French or foreign communes to meet either

in Paris or in some other place, where their delegations will

collectively work out the necessary arrangements to lay the groundwork

for equality, the indispensable precondition for all freedom. They will

formulate an absolutely negative program which will stress what must be

abolished, organize the common defense and propaganda against the

enemies of the Revolution, and develop practical revolutionary

solidarity with its friends in all lands.

The constructive tasks of the Social Revolution, the creation of new

forms of social life, can emerge only from the living practical

experience of the grass-roots organizations which will build the new

society according to their manifold needs and aspirations.

The provinces, at least such main centers as Lyons, Marseilles,

Saint-Étiénne, Rouen, and others do not have to wait for decrees from

Paris before organizing the Revolution. They must revolt and, like

Paris, make the negative, i.e., the destructive phase of the Revolution.

They must organize themselves spontaneously, without outside

interference, so that the Revolutionary Federal Assembly or Provincial

and Communal Delegations do not attempt to govern and regulate all of

France; the Revolutionary Assembly is, on the contrary, the creation of

local and spontaneous organizations in each of the revolutionary centers

of France. In short, the Revolution emanating from all points should

not, and must not, depend on a single directing center. The center must

not be the source, but the product; not the cause, but the effect of the

revolution.

There must be anarchy, there must be — if the revolution is to become

and remain alive, real, and powerful — the greatest possible awakening

of all the local passions and aspirations; a tremendous awakening of

spontaneous life everywhere. After the initial revolutionary victory the

political revolutionaries, those advocates of brazen dictatorship, will

try to squelch the popular passions. They appeal for order, for trust

in, for submission to those who, in the course and in the name of the

Revolution, seized and legalized their own dictatorial powers; this is

how such political revolutionaries reconstitute the State. We, on the

contrary, must awaken and foment all the dynamic passions of the people.

We must bring forth anarchy, and in the midst of the popular tempest, we

must be the invisible pilots guiding the Revolution, not by any kind of

overt power but by the collective dictatorship of all our allies

[members of the anarchist vanguard organization International Alliance

of Social Democracy], a dictatorship without tricks, without official

titles, without official rights, and therefore all the more powerful, as

it does not carry the trappings of power. This is the only dictatorship

I will accept, but in order to act, it must first be created, it must be

prepared and organized in advance, for it will not come into being by

itself, neither by discussions, nor by theoretical disputations, nor by

mass propaganda meetings...

If you will build this collective and invisible power you will triumph;

the well-directed revolution will succeed. Otherwise, it will not! ! If

you will play around with welfare committees, with official

dictatorship, then the reaction which you yourself have built will

engulf you ... who are already talking yourselves into becoming the

Dantons, the Robespierres, and the Saint-Justs of revolutionary

socialism, and you are already preparing your beautiful speeches, your

brilliant “coups d’états,” which you will suddenly foist on an

astonished world...