💾 Archived View for library.inu.red › file › jesse-cohn-messianic-troublemakers.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 11:11:57. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content

View Raw

More Information

➡️ Next capture (2024-07-09)

-=-=-=-=-=-=-

Title: Messianic Troublemakers
Author: Jesse Cohn
Date: March 2002
Language: en
Topics: Jewish anarchism, national liberation
Source: Retrieved on 2020-04-10 from http://www.zeek.net/politics_0504.shtml
Notes: This essay is based on a lecture given in March, 2002. An earlier version appears on the Research into Anarchism Forum website.

Jesse Cohn

Messianic Troublemakers

It had an amazing scent, the anarchic flower

when I was young it flashed out of books and genealogies

and with a hand eased by the thwack of hope

I offered it to the world and you ...

Meir Wieseltier, “The Flower of Anarchy” (translated from the Hebrew by

Shirley Kaufman)

It’s a bright May Day in Paris, 1926, a quarter after two in the

afternoon. A middle-aged watchmaker named Samuel Schwartzbard, a veteran

of the French Foreign Legion and the Red Army, is waiting outside the

Chartier restaurant on Rue Racine. A man with a cane, a former foreign

dignitary now living in exile, steps out of the restaurant.

Schwartzbard approaches him and calls out in Ukrainian: “Are you Mr.

Petliura?”

The man turns.

“Defend yourself, you bandit,” shouts the watchmaker, drawing his

pistol, and as Petliura raises the cane in his right hand, Schwartzbard

shoots him three times, shouting, “This for the pogroms; this for the

massacres; this for the victims.”

Thus Samuel Schwartzbard (1866–1938) – Shalom, as he was also called –

assassinated General Simon Petliura, former leader of the independent

nation of Ukraine, who between 1919 and 1921 had ordered a wave of

pogroms which had taken the lives of sixty thousand Jews, including most

of Schwartzbard’s own family. Escaping to Romania at the age of

nineteen, Schwartzbard had since traveled, fought, written poetry,

studied, and eventually fallen in with a crowd of like-minded expatriate

Jews in Paris.

There were so many of them.

Exemplary vagrants, these Hebrews (from the Akkadian word khabiru,

“vagrant”): Alexander Berkman (1870–1936), Mollie Steimer (1897–1980),

Senya Fleshin (1894–1981), Leah Feldman (1899–1993), V. M. “Voline”

Eichenbaum (1882–1945), the notorious Emma Goldman herself (1869–1940).

Russian Jews who had fought with Nestor Makhno’s peasant rebellion in

the Ukraine; or German Jews; or American Jews of Russian-immigrant

parentage deported to Red Russia, which had no use for them either – too

dangerous, too quick to catch on, too Red to be trusted – then deported

to Germany, then ... here. Exemplars of galut, of exile as a condition

and even a vocation, they were habitual border-crossers, trespassers.

They believed in the nation but not in the State; they knew the Spirit

in their bodies but rejected the Law. Iconoclasts par excellence –

Messianic troublemakers. Their banner was empty of images, like God –

black, not blank; not a tabula rasa but as if all the words of

denunciation, rejoicing, mourning, defiance, prophecy, had somehow been

crammed together into this anti-image: the black flag. These are my

spiritual ancestors: Jewish anarchists.

Anarchists are back in the news today — not only in the ubiquitous

protests/uprisings/street festivals that spring up wherever the WTO,

IMF, World Bank, or G-8 meet, but also up and down the scar that runs

the length of the West Bank, between the Israeli magen david and the

Palestinian tricolor, a puzzling negation of all the options on offer.

But few know the rich history of Jewish anarchism, and the long

tradition of struggle that it represents.

For example, the “Anarchists Against The Wall” initiative, part of the

latest wave in post-Zionist activism, is, ironically, born of the same

world as Zionism itself. In the face-offs between young Israeli

anarchists and baffled Israeli riot cops, there is an echo of the

tsimmes between Theodor Herzl, founding father of establishment Zionism,

and fiery journalist Bernard Lazare (1865–1903), an early defender of

Alfred Dreyfus from his antisemitic persecutors:

“Anarchist!” Herzl shouted.

“Bourgeois!” replied Lazare.

One forgotten footnote of history is that, for all his success as an

organizer, Herzl’s statist/capitalist vision didn’t animate as many of

the early Jewish settlers in Palestine as did Lazare’s. “We must live

once again as a nation,” Lazare declared, “or more closely like a free

collectivity, but only on the condition that the collectivity not be

modeled after the capitalistic and oppressor states in which we live.”

Martin Buber, echoing the sentiments of his anarchist friend Gustav

Landauer (1870–1919), agreed: if there is to be such a thing as a Jewish

nation at all, it can’t be like a goyische nation, with “cannons, flags,

and military decorations”; it would have to be a kind of horizontal

federation of little self-organizing communities, similar to the de

facto Jewish government in effect in Poland and the Pale of Settlement

during the nineteenth century. A decade or so later, these little

communities started to spring up in Palestine: they were called

“kibbutzim.” Svoboda! exulted a Russian immigrant to an interviewer at

Rishon-le-Zion in 1905: Freedom! “This is a land without order and

authority,” he declared. “Here a man can live as he pleases.” And for

the next two decades, most of the kibbutzniks agreed with him.

(Today in Israel, the language is slightly different. In the words of a

leaflet written by “the Anarchist Communist Initiative” and distributed

by “Israeli National Traitor Anarchists”: Two States for Two Nations –

Two States Too Many!)

---

The Jewish anarchists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth

centuries sometimes thought of themselves as dipping into the well of

their most ancient traditions to discover something already there. As a

girl, Emma Goldman “used to dream of becoming a Judith,” she confesses

in her epic autobiography, Living My Life, “and visioned myself in the

act cutting off Holofernes’ head to avenge the wrongs of my people.”

Others had a more complicated relationship with Jewish tradition. If you

search for Lazare’s name on the web, you’ll find it quoted with

alarming, but unsurprising frequency on the websites of antisemitic

organizations: “The general causes of antisemitism have always resided

in Israel itself, and not in those who antagonized it ... everywhere up

to our own days the Jew was an unsociable being. Why was he unsociable?

Because he was exclusive,” he wrote in the first half of his magnum

opus, Antisemitism: Its History And Its Causes (1896).

The Nazi types who gloat over this, however, are not quite as excited by

the second half of the book, written after an enlightening interregnum,

in which Lazare repudiates the false racial “science” of Jew-haters like

Edouard Drumont, and immersed himself in the words of the prophets,

those excellent malcontents. Now Lazare wrote that antisemitism was “one

of the last, though most long lived, manifestations of that old spirit

of reaction and narrow conservatism, which is vainly attempting to

arrest the onward movement of the Revolution.” Conversely, Lazare

discovers a “revolutionary spirit” in Judaism itself, a tendency

implicit in the this-worldly character of the tradition. Since, Lazare

argues, “the Jew does not believe in the Beyond,” Jews “cannot accept

unhappiness and injustice in earthly life in the name of a future

reward” and have therefore continually “sought justice” in the here and

now. (No opiate of the masses for us, thanks.) Indeed, Lazare believed,

“anarchy” was implicit in the First Commandment: if we are to have no

other master before God, “What authority can, then, prevail by the side

of the divine authority? All government, whatever it be, is evil since

it tends to take the place of the government of God; it must be fought

against.”

Still, there was a strong anti-traditional streak among Jewish

anarchists, as in the tradition of the anarchist Yom Kippur Ball. In the

late 1880s, “The Pioneers of Freedom,” a Jewish anarchist club based in

Manhattan’s Lower East Side, passed out mock Avinu Malkenus written in

Yiddish and partied through Kol Nidre. In 1889, they invited all Jewish

workers to join the party – party with a lower-case “p” – in the

Clarendon Hall, causing a “near-riot” when the proprietor tried to call

it off at the last minute. In 1890, in Brooklyn, they threw a “Grand Yom

Kippur Ball with theater” on Yom Kippur, advertising their celebration

as “Arranged with the consent of all new rabbis of Liberty ... Kol

Nidre, music, dancing, buffet; Marseillaise and other hymns.” This

spectacle, which more than once provoked actual street skirmishes

between believers and non-believers, was duplicated in London and in

Philadelphia. Some tales even tell that in the heyday of the anarchist

kibbutzim, a group held a Yom Kippur march to the Wailing Wall to eat

ham sandwiches.

The rabbinic establishment fought back. For example, in 1888, the

religious leaders of London’s Jewish community declared war on the

Yiddish-language anarchist newspaper, the Arbeter Fraint. According to

William J. Fishman’s exquisite history, East End Jewish Radicals,

1875–1914, “the back page of every issue carried the appeal in heavy

type: ‘Workers, do your duty. Spread the Arbeter Fraint!’” But someone

aligned with the rabbinic authorities bribed the typesetter, and issue

number 26 appeared with the wording of the ad slightly changed:

“Workers, do your duty. Destroy the Arbeter Fraint!” The typesetter

promptly disappeared, fleeing the wrath of the editors; then, after

that, they bribed the printer. Anarchists were as active in their

reaction as in their provocation. When the Arbeter Fraint started up

again, it featured a full-bore attack on orthodox Judaism, including

parodies of the Passover seder and Lamentations for good measure.

(Truces were sometimes declared, though; on at least one occasion, in

1890, the Russian-Jewish anarchists of Philadelphia actually called off

their Yom Kippur Ball – which was to feature “pork-eating” – out of

respect for the role played by the city’s orthodox rabbi, Sabato Morais,

in mediating a crucial strike of cloakmakers that year.)

In London in the 1890s, Rudolf Rocker – a German gentile who had fallen

in love with a young Jewish labor militant, taught himself Yiddish, and

eventually found himself editor of the Arbeter Fraint, the de facto

political leader of the East End Jewish working class – was asked to

comment on the habit of some Jewish anarchists of demonstrating

“provocative behaviour” in front of the Brick Lane synagogue on Shabbat.

He answered that “the place for believers was the house of worship, and

the place for non-believers was the radical meeting.” This, if you think

about it, is a peculiarly rabbinical sort of exchange – it’s just the

sort of question young men used to ask rabbis to answer: Rabbi, are the

comrades right to demonstrate in front of the synagogue on the Sabbath?

And indeed, Rocker functioned as a kind of rabbi, preaching

revolutionary ardor and connecting with individuals in the movement. If

Marxism was all about systems – economic mechanisms, stages of history,

dialectical laws – anarchism was more prophetic in nature: it came from

moral indignation, not sociological analysis. As a result, anarchism

differed from Marxism in its regard for the individual. From Marx to

Trotsky, the prescription had always been the same: assimilation into

one grand, generic working-class identity and participation in the one

grand, generic workers’ revolution. But Lazare despaired of “the ending

of ... all differences in the world.” He wrote, “I am happy about every

imponderable and ineffable thing that brings about exclusive bonds,

unities, and also differentiations within humanity.”

Anarchists also differed from Marxists on the question of ends and

means. For anarchists, the question of ethics, of how one ought to live,

was not something to be postponed until “after the revolution,” the

Marxist equivalent of the Christian afterlife; it had to be addressed

here and now, in the very process of creating a revolution. “There is no

greater fallacy than the belief that aims and purposes are one thing,

while methods and tactics are another,” wrote Goldman in the wake of her

expulsion from Russia. “To divest one’s methods of ethical concepts

means to sink into the depths of utter demoralization.”

Anarchist tactics – bombings, sabotage, assassinations — today seem

redolent of terrorism. But this is more image than substance. True, as

hot-blooded young militants, Goldman and Berkman plotted an attempt on

the life of steel magnate Henry Clay Frick on behalf of the striking

workers murdered by his Pinkerton goons at Homestead, Pennsylvania. It

didn’t work: Frick lived, and Berkman went to prison. Other anarchists

practicing “propaganda by the deed” were more successful than Berkman –

Schwartzbard’s slaying of Petliura was only one of many examples

(incredibly, the jury acquitted him out of sympathy!) – but this period

of bombings and stabbings largely exhausted itself by 1894, when

anarchists woke up and realized that all these sporadic, individual acts

of violence weren’t accomplishing anything and only made the State

stronger in the ensuing waves of judicial crackdowns and police

reprisals. In fact, a favorite tactic of the powers that be, then and

now, has been to manufacture “anarchist” bombs, bomb-plots, and even

bombers, to terrify ordinary people. (Goldman’s comrades suspected that

Leon Czolgosz, the self-proclaimed anarchist who shot President McKinley

in 1901, was a police spy.) Even Berkman, in his later years, declared

that he was no longer generally “in favor of terroristic tactics, except

under very exceptional circumstances” – Nazi Germany being one of those

circumstances.

Consequently, from 1894 on, anarchists emphasized positive, constructive

activism, organizing clubs, neighborhoods, workers’ cooperatives,

experimental schools, collective farms, mutual-aid societies, and

anarcho-syndicalist labor unions. Far from being allergic to

organization, anarchists advocated a kind of organization “from below,”

in the words of Voline. They sought to replace coercive institutions

with cooperative ones, to find ways of building a working society in a

democratic, egalitarian, and decentralized fashion, using frequent

face-to-face meetings of small groups to make decisions – rather like a

kibbutz.

---

Nonviolent resistance to evil is always hard, and in a situation where

even peaceful assemblies can be met with brutal repression – as in

Homestead or Budrus (where Gil Na’amati, an anarchist and kibbutznik,

was shot by IDF forces in 2003) – it may become all but impossible.

Still, Landauer spoke for many when he wrote in 1907: One can throw away

a chair and destroy a pane of glass; but ... [only] idle talkers ...

regard the state as such a thing or as a fetish that one can smash in

order to destroy it. The state is a condition, a certain relationship

among human beings, a mode of behavior between men; we destroy it by

contracting other relationships, by behaving differently toward one

another ... We are the state, and we shall continue to be the state

until we have created the institutions that form a real community and

society of men. We are the state. We do it to ourselves, all of us, all

the time, by obeying much and resisting little, by settling for a piece

of the pie in exchange for our dignity, by accepting subordination in

exchange for domination over the even less fortunate. If this ugly

tangle of social relationships is “the state,” then all the gaudy

regicides in the world can’t buy us our freedom. Revolution, these

anarchists argued, begins in our hearts and in the space between us.

Among the anarchist books translated into Hebrew and circulated in

Jewish Palestine by the 1920s was Peter Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid, which

argued that the dominant concept of Western politics, Thomas Hobbes’s

vision of the “state of nature” as a “war of all against all,” was a

scarecrow designed to justify the existence of the authoritarian state.

Just as “natural” as competition for survival, Kropotkin argued, was

cooperation for survival. Anarchism, in Goldman’s words, it is “the

philosophy of a new social order based on liberty unrestricted by

man-made law; the theory that all forms of government rest on violence,

and are therefore wrong and harmful, as well as unnecessary.”

Unnecessary? Hard to tell that to a Jewish mother in Haifa or a

Palestinian mother in Jenin. In the absence of a Hobbesian state with a

legal monopoly on violence, what protects us from those beasts, our

neighbors? With all the fences and checkpoints gone, what’s to keep them

from getting at us?

From an anarchist perspective, the hard truth is that aggressive forms

of Arab nationalism, like the aggressive Jewish nationalism personified

by Ariel Sharon, is rooted in an entire system of social relations that

will have to be undone and reconstructed. “Antisemitism,” (and by

extension, the anti-arabism of right-wing Jewish zealots) predicted

Voline on the eve of the Shoah,:

will disappear when the vast human masses, at the end of their

sufferings and misfortunes, and at the price of atrocious experiences,

comprehend, finally, that humanity must, on pain of death, organize its

life on the sane and natural basis of cooperation, material and moral,

fraternal and just, that is to say, on a truly human basis.

In today’s terms, take away the endless supply of recruits – young men

with no money, no security, no water, no jobs, no hope – and the suicide

bombings will eventually stop. Stop the flow of fear and money into the

politico-religio-economic machine, and the Likudniks will be out of a

job. Refocus everyone’s attention on arranging the real business of

life, the common good, and the fundamentalist zealots will see

attendance go down in mosque and synagogue alike.

Easier said than done – but it happened in the kibbutzim. Fractious,

hard-headed, kibbutznikim managed to get it together anyway. As one

sociologist of the kibbutz has noted, having done away with “any

objective foundation for the traditional hostile relations” –

dog-eat-dog marketplace competition, hierarchies of power and status,

the war of each against all – the kibbutzniks found they had lost any

need for the state. As a result, “aggressive manifestations are

restrained, and the collective conscience becomes the primary force

determining man’s way of life ... Life is conducted without the need for

formal sanctions: work is done without a supervisor, morality does not

need to be defended by priests, judges and policement. Mutual aid is

transformed into the highest law of life, and cooperation between

comrades is the only guarantee ...” These folks had indeed translated

Kropotkin’s anarchist vision into Hebrew.

Kibbutzim are, to an extent, exercises in utopia, and so it is no

surprise that the discourse of Jewish anarchism frequently takes a

spiritual, messianic turn, as in Gershom Scholem’s

Kabbalistically-informed reading of anarchism as bringing about

messianic consciousness. Shortly after leading Jewish sweatshop workers

to victory in a 1912 strike, as Rudolf Rocker later recalled,

as I was walking along a narrow Whitechapel street, an old Jew with a

long white beard stopped me outside his house, and said: “May God bless

you! You helped my children in their need. You are not a Jew, but you

are a man!” This old man lived in a world completely different from

mine. But the memory of the gratitude that shone in those eyes has

remained with me all these years.

Most Jewish anarchists, like the gentile Rocker, were staunchly atheist;

they rejected the established religion of their fathers and mothers for

the same reason that they rejected the established institutions of power

and money – because they felt it was irrational. They believed that

rational persuasion and education could overcome the irrational reign of

force, and they had no conception of faculties that might lie beyond

reason. At the same time, as rationalists, they yearned for a great

ideal to embrace, for what even Noam Chomsky (a rationalist’s

rationalist) has called a “spiritual transformation.” They were

moralists, deeply motivated by ethical questions, incensed by

injustices. They carried a very Jewish sense of righteousness, and

rejected the idea of a life organized in pyramids of power and status,

with a few Pharoahs on the top and masses of slaves underneath.

Landauer, sometimes called a “religious atheist,” embodies this seeming

contradiction. Although he denied the existence of a God “beyond the

earth and above the world,” Landauer also defined anarchism as a

religion, a kind of spiritual mission, an earthly messianism. What

Landauer calls “spirit” is not a supernatural force, but as the shared

feelings, ideals, values, language, and beliefs that unify individuals

into a community. The State only exists, he says, because the spirit

that creates community has weakened: the community has fractured and

turned against itself. Thus, Landauer speaks of revolution in spiritual

terms, calling it redemption, using Jewish religious language to

describe the need for social and political transformation.

When the Jewish anarchists of Brooklyn defied the call to atonement,

calling themselves “the new rabbis of liberty,” they were behaving like

the prophets, who themselves were holy teachers of liberty: they were

being iconoclasts, rejecting the established religious cult as a hollow

ritual, just like the prophets did. It’s Isaiah who thunders that the

official ritual of Judaism has become an empty show, a hollow repetition

of formal gestures, empty of spirit: “To what purpose is the multitude

of your sacrifices unto me? saith the Lord ... when ye spread forth your

hands, I will hide mine eyes from you; yea, when ye make many prayers, I

will not hear; [for] your hands are full of blood.” Without justice and

compassion – the ideals and values that bound the people together in the

desert — ritual is empty. This is what a Jewish anarchist like Yanofsky

was reminding his cousins when he wrote angrily in the Arbeter Fraint of

the gross spectacle of Yom Kippur services attended by wealthier Jews

“overdressed and overfed in seats set aside for the sheine leit” while

poor Jews “pressed together by the door, hungry and ill-clad with no

prospects of a sumptious fast-breaking meal to return to.” I can hear an

echo of Isaiah: “Bring no more vain oblations ... seek judgment, relieve

the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the widow”!

So too in the lives of other Jewish anarchists – David Edelshtadt

(1866–1892), sweatshop poet; Abraham Frumkin (1873–1940), itinerant

writer and translator; Erich Mühsam (1878–1934) and Carl Einstein

(1885–1940), committed artists; Manya Shohat (1880–1961), rebel without

borders; Senna Hoy (1882–1914) and Paul Goodman (1911–1972), anti-war

activists and defenders of homosexual rights; Etta Federn, founder of

the revolutionary womens’ organization, Mujeres Libres (1883–1951); Rose

Pesotta (1896–1965), tireless labor organizer — these men and women

spent their lives fighting for civil liberties, womens’ rights, and for

the rights of working people, gay liberation, ecology, peace and

freedom; they endured terror, jail, separation from their loved ones,

exile, and hardships beyond measure. They took care of people – as

organizers, nurses, teachers, lovers, fighters, peacemakers, friends –

and never submitted to the will of arbitrarily established authorities.

For these activists, the coming of the Messiah was not something to pray

for but to embody; the day of redemption was not something to await but

to live. In heresy, in protest, they kept faith with Israel.

---

Jesse Cohn is a Green activist, a scholar of anarchy, and an Assistant

Professor of English at Purdue University. This essay is based on a

lecture given in March, 2002. An earlier version appears on the Research

into Anarchism Forum website.