đŸ’Ÿ Archived View for library.inu.red â€ș file â€ș filippo-argenti-nights-of-rage.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 09:52:08. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content

View Raw

More Information

âžĄïž Next capture (2024-06-20)

-=-=-=-=-=-=-

Title: Nights of Rage
Author: Filippo Argenti
Date: 2007
Language: en
Topics: france, Elephant Editions
Source: https://archive.elephanteditions.net/library/filippo-argenti-nights-of-rage
Notes: Original title: Le notti della collera  Sulle recenti sommosse di Francia  Translated by Barbara Stefanelli  tempo di ora / Italy / 2006  Elephant Editions / London / 2007

Filippo Argenti

Nights of Rage

There is something knocking and knocking impatiently at our door. Sooner

or later we will have to open... Many stay hidden, not only the cowards,

but also those who are too calm or too refined. They do not want to get

involved. But they are involved as the stream continuously drags them

and their blinkers are useless. Even language fails miserably, language

inherited from the old world, with its old sacrifices, its old images,

and its embellishment of another era. Nothing is as it was before; old

words fall on one another because they can cling to nothing new. There

are heights that no joke, no witticism and no wisdom can reach. The

bourgeois era is coming to an end. No one knows what is coming. Many

have a dark premonition and so they are mocked. The masses also have a

dark sensation about it but they are unable to express themselves and

are (still) suppressed. The Old and the New, the insoluble opposition

between what is and what will be, are gently fighting each other, and

armed to the teeth they throw themselves against each other. A seaquake

is hitting the earth. It is not just economics; it is not just a

question of eating, drinking and making money. It is not just a matter

of how wealth will be distributed, of who will work and who will be

exploited. No, what is at stake is different: it is everything.

Kurt Tucholsky, WeltbĂŒhne, March 11 1920.

Introduction

This booklet is a modest contribution to understanding the recent

revolts in France. Needless to say, it is not sociological or, in a

nobler sense, theoretical insight. Revolts can only be understood by

those who have the same needs as the rebels, that is to say by those who

feel they are part of the revolt. After a brief chronology, in fact, the

pages that follow pose the question of how the events of November in

France concern all of us, and also try to give a possible answer.

We would like to highlight a few points in this short introduction.

If we take a quick look at the various revolutionary theories circulated

in France, Italy and in the USA in recent years, we can see how these

revolts were not at all unexpected or unpredictable. Some comrades are

talking of civil war, of explosions that are difficult to identify with

the places where capital concentrates and controls the exploited and of

their total exposition to merchandise. Not by chance have the nineteenth

century theses on the barbarians, on the collapse of any common logos of

the exploited, and the ambivalence of the concept of nihilism, etc.,

been revised. Certain concepts express, even if in an embryonic and

confused way, needs that go beyond the individual. In this sense, there

exits a direct relation between these revolts and revolutionary theory.

It is a kind of dialogue from a distance. According to French comrades,

any attempt at a direct encounter has so far failed. Common hostility to

the police or practical solidarity to the arrested has not been enough.

Evidently these revolts are in themselves a theoretical suggestion, a

reflection on the world. But what do they tell us? Certainly not that

the insurgents want to manage this world, control production and

technology from below. They do not tell us about hard-working multitudes

nor of ‘Zapatista marches’ carried out by intellectual labourers for a

democratic Europe. The flames in France have destroyed all social

democratic illusions of integrating the poor into the society of

capital.

Walter Benjamin asked himself how in 1830 the Paris rioters shot at town

clocks, in different parts of the city and without coordinating the

action; for our part we cannot fail to reflect on why wild youths of

today are burning cars. In fact, what does the car represent in

contemporary society? We leave the question unanswered.

If the claim of putting forward great revolutionary analyses that

explain everything and that the proletarians only have to apply

diligently has now disappeared, it is time that revolutionary action

itself was conceived in a totally different way. Instead of the mission

of taking the flag to where the first fire breaks out and the first

barricade is erected, there is now the chance to put up barricades or

start fires elsewhere, as an extension of the revolt, not as its

political direction. In fact, the lamentations of those on the side of

the insurgents who complain about the lack of any political programme

are quite pathetic.

To extend the revolt, however, does not mean to put oneself at the level

of existing practises and multiply them (cars are burning, so we are

going to burn them too), but it means deciding what must be struck, and

how, to uphold the universal significance of the revolt.

At the same time, to transform the angry youths of the suburbs into the

new revolutionary subjects would be equally pathetic. It would be great

to think that the students in struggle against precarity had taken the

baton from the insurgents of November. It is not quite like that. Even

if there were lots of slogans for freedom for the rebels held in jail

since November (most of them underage) in the demos and meetings of

March and April, actual encounters have been very few. And there have

been not a few problems. During the demo in Paris on March 23, for

example, a few hundred ‘youths of the suburbs’ attacked students, stole

money and mobile phones, beat them and insulted them. Moreover they also

attacked those fleeing from police in the middle of fighting and police

attacks. These facts cannot be ignored. Territorial identities,

attachment to commodities, contempt for ‘privileged’ students, etc. are

effects of the problems that new social conflicts will carry with them

as inheritance of a rotten society. No ideology of revolt will erase

them.

In order to examine the relation between the riots of November and the

movements that appeared all over France against the CPE (contract of

first employment) it is necessary to intertwine tales, testimonies and

texts. That is why we decided to prepare two different pamphlets. If we

want to avoid journalistic simplification and ambivalent rhetoric we

have to grasp the living element of the experiences of struggle. For the

time being we are simply offering an outline of the facts.

First of all we want to clarify one banal point: the expression ‘people

of the suburbs’ does not mean a thing. First, because the Paris suburbs

alone have over 9 million inhabitants (and the day millions of

inhabitants revolt, it will be quite another story!). Then, the cités

(roughly: whole housing estates with their yards and squares) within the

boundaries of the big cities were also involved in the riots. Many

‘youths of the suburbs’ study in the cities (both in the lycĂ©es, which

are secondary schools, and the universities, which are much more

attended in France than they are in Italy). In this sense, a great

number of young and not so young people who took part in the demos,

blockades and fighting in March and April were the same as those who set

the French nights on fire during the autumn. According to reliable

assessments, the insurgents in November were 50,000, whereas a few

million people participated in the movement ‘against the CPE’. Many

‘youths of the suburbs’ in fact had a pacific attitude, while other

‘more privileged’ young people resolutely raised the level of the

fighting. Statistics that explain revolts on the basis of income are a

matter for sociologists. In some provincial towns (Rennes for example)

the encounter between students and the so-called casseurs was quite

effective from a strategic point of view, which caused Sarkozy and his

men to be extremely concerned. In Paris a lot less. Obviously there are

precise reasons for that. Many ‘youths of the suburbs’ find it hard to

reach the demos in the capital: if they are not stopped before boarding

the trains of the hinterland (Rer), they are beaten by anti-riot cops as

soon as they get out of the tube. If they manage to reach the demos they

are kept out by the security services of the unions, cheered by many of

the students. It is petrol on the fire. Furthermore, the ones belonging

to the younger groups, who are not so expert as regards direct fighting

with the police, are isolated during looting and fires, and consequently

they are easily arrested. Of course this does not justify their

indiscriminate hatred towards the other demonstrators, but it is

evidence of different social situations and ways of life. Those who

experience suffocating controls by the anticrime brigade, which often

end up in beatings in the streets or at police stations, find it quite

strange to see marches going on with police escorting them everywhere...

In other words, without ourselves falling into simplification and

bearing in mind some remarkable exceptions, we can say that at present

in France certain wild youths are facing practically alone a kind of

struggle never seen before (since November, as well as the arson, a

number of violent thefts have occurred, with gangs of youths attacking

security vans with baseball clubs, ...). For the revolutionaries who

publicly stand on the side of revolt against the side of the State it is

not so easy to be up to the situation, even in a movement of struggle

that proves as radical as that of the latest months.

An example will clarify this. At first the struggle was centred on the

CPE, but it soon became aware that precarity does not depend on a

specific contract; on the contrary it is the product of a whole social

system, and cannot be reformed. Even if the movement were to finally win

its specific objective (as everybody knows the government retracted the

bill in question), it knew that it was still on the defensive. The step

beyond was not so easy. The main slogan of the movement, which was

proposed first timidly and then almost officially (that is through

motions voted at the students’ meetings) became: let’s block everything.

So was it. Stations, roads, universities, bus garages, and motorways:

the flow of men and goods was massively interrupted, amid an atmosphere

of popular complicity. Those who were not ready for fighting the police

found their mode of action in the barricades, following the joyful

complementarity of actions that characterizes all real movements. The

angriest, however, those whose day to day existence is a life sentence

between police and iron gates, concrete buildings and shopping centres,

regardless of the CPE, don’t just want to block everything but also tout

niquer (destroy everything). Revolutionary rhetoric, stingy with courage

and sterile in organisational capacity, has practically abandoned them.

There need to be many more experiences, many more fires and a lot more

looting. But the road is open.

This booklet and the coming one (‘Nights of Rage’ will be followed by

‘Days of Refusal’) are a small contribution so that these experiences

are adopted, discussed, and spread in Italy. What’s happening in France

today is a sort of ‘weapon mill’ with which to sharpen our ideas and

practices, in the night as well as in the day.

May 2006

Nights of Rage

First night: October 27–28 This chronology does not intend to give

an objective account of events that occurred in France during the revolt

of the ‘scum’ between the end of October and the first weeks of November

2005; not only because of the sources that have been used (newspapers,

press agencies, police reports, websites, and ’blogs’ on the internet,

which sometimes are real collections of collective memory), but also and

mainly because the sense of a chronology lies not so much in the

presentation of past events as in the lines that such events can trace

in the present.

Two teenagers, Ziad, 17 years old, and Bouna, 15 years old, are

electrocuted and die after taking shelter in a power station while

fleeing police in Clichy-sous-Bois (Seine-Saint-Denise). Another youth,

Metin, is seriously wounded. At first police, the prefect and the home

secretary deny that the youths were being chased. A second official

version released later states that the youths were probably committing a

theft in a yard and were therefore escaping. This version is not

confirmed by the surviving boy who, according to the investigators,

‘does not remember anything’. The local investigating magistrate claims

that the youths ‘were not criminals’ as their police records were clean.

Later he also confirms that they were running away from a routine

identification and therefore they were not committing any theft. The

escape, which also involved other boys, was due to the fact that some of

them did not have identity documents, including Metin (who was waiting

for his status to be recognized).

As the news spreads, ‘uncontrolled gangs of dozens of youths’ (to quote

the words of fire brigade officials) give vent to their rage. They pelt

firemen, who have come in aid of the electrocuted youths, with stones;

then they destroy a few bus stops, set fire to 23 cars (including police

cars and council vehicles) and skips, attack a commercial store, a

school, a post office and the city hall. 300 police officers try to deal

with the youths’ rage for a few hours.

Second night: October 28–29

About 400 youths fight with police by throwing Molotovs and stones in

ChĂȘne-Pointu (where Ziad and Bouna lived). Shots are fired at a CRS

vehicle (French anti-riot brigade). During the night a dozen policemen

and a journalist are wounded and about thirty cars and many skips are

burnt. 19 people are stopped, 14 of whom are held in custody. The police

union ask for more power, on the pretext of shots fired at police.

Sarkozy announces that all police cars will be equipped with video

cameras.

Third night: October 29–30

On Saturday October 29 500 inhabitants of Clichy-sous-Bois organise a

silent march in memory of the two electrocuted teenagers. Some

demonstrators wear white t-shirts with the names of the two victims and

the words ‘dead for nothing’. In the night skips and cars are set fire

to but no fights with the police occur. A dozen youths carrying hammers

and petrol cans are stopped.

Fourth night: October 29–30

Objects are thrown against police in the ForestiĂšre area. The CRS shoot

a teargas cannister inside a mosque where a group of women are praying.

As they leave the mosque, the latter are abused by the policemen: ‘Go

home bitches and look after your children’. A Muslim resident in Clichy

claims: ‘If this had happened in a synagogue they would have said it was

a scandal’. As a result of the fighting, 6 policemen are wounded and 11

people are stopped.

Fifth night: October 31 — November 1

On October 31 the two dead boys’ parents refuse to meet home secretary

Sarkozy, who had called the youths of the suburbs ‘scum’. The same day

three youths (one French, a Moroccan without documents and a refugee

from Cote d’Ivoire), who had been stopped the previous days in

Clichy-sous-Bois, face summary trial and are sentenced to 8 months, two

of which to be spent in jail, on charges of assaulting police. Another 5

youths are arrested and awaiting trial. ‘You are locking us up without

any evidence’, they scream as they hear the news of their arrest. Groups

of adults organise rigorously Muslim (Le monde) social service units, in

order to try to avert further violence. The rebels have no intention of

following their suggestions as they trick them and manage to attack

police with stones and Molotovs. More cars are set on fire and skips set

alight: the fire brigade and police are punctually welcomed with stones

from the surrounding streets and estates when they turn up. Police then

shoot teargas and flash-balls (rubber bullets). The metropolitan police

garage in Montfermeil, close to Clichy-sous-Bois, is also set fire to

and more fires occur in other parts of the region resulting in a total

of one hundred burnt out cars.

Sixth night: November 1–2

The revolt spreads all over France. 228 cars are set on fire throughout

the country, most of which in the Seine-Saint-Denis area where many

police cars and fire engines are also burnt. According to the

government, this is the result of ‘a normal day’s urban violence’. In

other departments involved in the revolt direct battles with police are

quite rare. The strategy of the rebels, in fact, consists in forming

small groups that move rapidly and light fires, avoiding frontal battles

with police.

Home secretary Sarkozy claims: ‘We won’t be soft with those who disobey

the law so that we can better help all the others’ (Le Parisien).

Seventh night: November 2–3

Roughly 400 vehicles are set on fire all over France. In the suburbs of

Paris not only are cars set alight but there are fights with police and

attacks on a police station, a commercial store and a prĂȘte-a-porter

shop. A few cars are burnt just outside the palace of the prefecture in

Bobigny. In other departments (Hauts-de-Seine and Aulnay-sous-Bois, both

in the north) Molotovs are hurled at police stations. Three journalists

of France 2, the State television, have to abandon their car in flames

in front of dozens of rebels: soon it is only a burnt out wreck. A few

police officers are wounded; a fireman suffers second-degree burns as he

is hit in the face by a Molotov bottle. A Renault car showroom, a few

schools and a bank (in Sevran) are also set fire to. Gunshots are fired

at the CRS and the police in La Courneuve and Saint-Denis. Furthermore

in La Courneuve Molotov bottles are launched against the site of

Eurocopter, whereas in Clichy-sous-Bois a fire station is attacked. A

regional railway line (Rer) is disrupted owing to continuous hurling of

stones at the train.

Sarkozy declares that this violence ‘is not at all spontaneous’, on the

contrary ‘it is perfectly planned. We are trying to understand who is

behind it’.

Eighth night: November 3–4

Roughly 900 vehicles are set on fire all over France, 519 of which in

Ile-de-France (an area in Paris) and 250 in the department of

Seine-Saint-Denis alone. Five policemen are wounded by hurled objects.

Seven cars are also burnt in the centre of Paris. All in all direct

fights with police do not occur. Le Nouvel Observateur states that owing

to fights and arrests that occurred the previous days the ‘scum’ have

chosen to act outside their territory. The same paper acknowledges that

symbols of authority are mainly hit, along with some private interests.

In fact many buildings of public authority are hit, especially schools,

council buildings and police stations (with Molotovs in various areas).

In Val d’Oise, where 105 cars are burnt, a supermarket is also looted.

In Seine-Saint-Denis a sports shop is looted. Public transport is

suspended in many areas for security reasons. A massive fire broke out

in a carpet depot in Aulnay-sous-Bois. Other depots are set on fire in a

number of areas. A few Molotovs are hurled at the court building in

Bobigny. Gunshots are fired at vehicles of the CRS in Neuilly-sur-Marne.

The communist mayor of Stains witnesses his car being set on fire while

talking to a group of youths. Many buses are also set on fire: in

Trappes (Yvelines) 27 buses are destroyed in a fire that is started in a

bus garage. In the night about 250 people are stopped by police all over

France. In Sevran a disabled woman is injured during an attack on a RATP

bus.

Prefect Cordet claims: ‘Large gangs are disappearing as violence is now

being perpetrated by a great number of small groups that move very

quickly’. Home secretary Sarkozy declares that the government is

determined to adopt a tough attitude. Marine Le Pen, Jean Marie Le Pen’s

daughter and vice-president of the neo fascist party Front National,

asks the government to adopt emergency measures. Philippe De Villiers

asks the premier ‘to strengthen the reaction of the government towards

what appears to be an ethnic civil war’.

Ninth night: November 4–5

754 vehicles are set on fire during the night and 203 people are stopped

by police all over France. During the afternoon a great number of cars

are burnt in an underground parking area in Bobigny: many of these cars

belonged to the court situated in the area. A bus garage is set on fire

in Aisne: two vehicles are completely destroyed and another two are

seriously damaged. Other attacks against Renault car shops occur. A

Molotov is hurled at a police station in Paris (in Place des FĂȘtes, XIX

arrondissement). A court is ransacked and set on fire in Ile-de-France.

A great number of schools are also destroyed and set fire to. A massive

fire -flares up in a textile depot in Aubervilliers; a car shop and a

supermarket are burned in Montreuil; a nursery school is set on fire in

La Courneuve. In Seine-Maritime unknown people stop a bus and set it on

fire after letting all the passengers out.

A few hundred citizens organise demos for the end of violence. During

the night the Paris area is controlled by a helicopter equipped with

spotlight and video camera; a further 2,300 officers are mobilized

besides those already on duty. Attorney magistrate of Paris Ives Bot

declares to Europe 1 that the ‘violence is organised’. Romano Prodi

claims that similar explosions of violence will also soon occur in

Italy.

Tenth night: November 5–6

1,295 vehicles are set on fire, 741 of which in Ile-de-France, and 312

people are stopped by police. Objects (stones, bike wheels and trolleys)

are hurled at police from buildings in Yvelines. There is an attempt to

set fire to a council oil depot. The windows of a McDonald’s store are

destroyed by a car used as battering ram in Corbeil-Essonne. The store

is eventually set on fire. In Grigny, south of Paris, about 200 rioters

engage in fights with police and a few pump-gun shots are fired against

officers: dozens of policemen are injured, 2 quite seriously. In Evreux,

Normandy, about 60 vehicles are burnt in the night as well as a

commercial store, a post office, the council hall and two schools;

officers are injured during the fight. Still in Grigny two schools are

set on fire. In Noisy-le-Grand (Seine-Saint-Denis) a big school and many

cars are also burnt. Sabotage and fire occur in electrical plants

belonging to EDF in Grand Vallauris (Maritime Alps department). A Korean

journalist of TV Kbs is assaulted in Aubervilliers. 13 cars are also set

on fire in the III, XIII, XIX and XX arrondissement in Paris; 30 people

are stopped, 11 of whom are ‘caught in the act of making incendiary

devices’. Fires also break out in areas of France that have so far been

relatively calm (Bretagne, Alsace, Lorraine, Auvergne, Limousin and Cote

d’Azur): it is mainly burning of cars caused by launching of Molotov

bottles by small fast groups that act in spite of the presence of

numerous helicopters. Bus garages are burned in various areas. Even if

direct fighting with police does not often occur, the latter are

punctually targeted with stones when they pass. Incendiary bottles are

also hurled at police and the fire brigade in Loire. Two policemen are

injured following the explosion of a skip hit by a gas cannister in

Grenoble. About 150 Molotov bottles are found in a depot in Evry.

Eleventh night: November 6–7

It is the climax of the revolt: 1,408 cars are set on fire, 395 people

are stopped by police (83 have been arrested since the beginning of the

riots), and a great number of officers are injured. ‘It is a new kind of

urban guerrilla, which moves very rapidly and sets fire, destroys,

attacks, avoiding direct fighting with police and able to use all modern

means of communication’ (LibĂ©ration). The first fights occur in a ‘hot

area’ in Toulouse, where rioters fight against police. A Molotov bottle

is hurled at the electoral site of MP Pierre Lellouche in Paris. A great

number of cars are burnt in Rouen where a car is also used as battering

ram against a police station; the same method is used against a police

station in Perpignan. A nursery school is set fire to in Saint-Etienne

where public transport is interrupted owing to the numerous attacks. The

site of a TV station in AsniĂšre-sur-Seine (Haute-de-Seine) is destroyed

by fire in the night. Fires also break out in Lyon (where three nights

of fighting had occurred before the revolt started as an Arab youth was

beaten by police), Lille, Orléans, Nice, Bordeaux, Strasburg, etc. A 13

month old child is injured in the head in Colombes following an attack

on a bus. In Rosny-sous-Bois a juvenile recreation centre is attacked; a

motorbike shop is also attacked in Aubervilliers, as well as a nursery

school in Saint-Maurice, a treasury office in Trappes and a

pharmaceutical depot in Sur. Molotov bottles are hurled at a church in

SĂšte, without causing serious damage. A 61-year-old man dies after being

assaulted as he attempts to secure his car.

The French Committee of Islamic Organisations launches a ‘fatwa’ that

condemns the violence under way. The major of Raincy (Seine-Saint-Denis)

organises civilian security units to patrol the town. Justice secretary

Pascal Clement declares: ‘It was just urban violence until last weekend.

Now it is a real uprising’. The home secretary announces that majors and

attorneys will be allowed to impose curfews and that an emergency law

that was applied in Algeria on April 3 1955 (when the country was a

French colony) will be restored. Sarkozy also announces that massive

searches will be carried out wherever the presence of weapons is

suspected. De Villiers claims that the army should intervene and that

all immigrants should be arrested. Meantime three ‘bloggers’ are

arrested (two from Paris and a minor from Aix-en-Provence) accused of

instigating attacks against the police through the internet.

Twelfth night: November 7–8

1,173 cars are set on fire, 12 policemen are injured, 330 people are

stopped by police and 226 French towns are involved in riots. Again

public buildings, schools and buses set fire to; two Italian journalists

are attacked in Clichy-sous-Bois. Rioters stop a bus in Toulouse, let

all the passengers out and set fire to the vehicle. The paper Hal

reporter del popolo spreads the news that a boy is seriously injured in

one hand after attempting to throw back a tear gas cannister. All in all

riots are diminishing in the Paris area but continue in the provinces.

Muslim organisations vent their anger against violence once again. In a

few areas it is forbidden to sell petrol and gas bottles to minors. A

bus explodes in Bordeaux after being targeted with Molotovs. In Lyon the

underground night traffic is interrupted owing to various incidents and

the continuous launching of molotovs on to the tracks, whereas nine

buses parked in a depot are destroyed. A 53 year old man is injured

after being hit by a handle thrown from a building. Michel Gaudin,

general director of the national police, declares that rioters are

animated by a true ‘anti-institutional will’.

Small episodes of urban guerrilla actions occur in Brussels (where some

cars are set on fire) and Luxemburg. In the night between November 7 and

November 8 three cars are set on fire and the window of a shop is

destroyed in the Cagliari area (Sardinia, Italy), where a few cars had

already been set on fire a few days before.

Thirteenth night: November 8–9

During a parliamentary question time Sarkozy declares that he demands of

all attorneys that ‘any foreigner, no matter if regular or irregular,

who has been sentenced be deported, including those with stay permits.

When one has the honour of having a stay permit the minimum one might do

is not be arrested for provoking urban violence’. The same day a bill

imposing a state of emergency in France ‘starting from November 9 2005’

is made known. It establishes that:

certain times;

controlled;

In the evening home secretary Sarkozy sends a telegram to the attorneys

asking them to deport all foreigners who have been stopped during the

episodes of urban violence, including those with stay permits. 120

youths are involved in the measure, almost all of them with regular

papers. Various human rights associations, the Communist party and the

Green party unanimously denounce this sort of double condemnation

(deportation of regular foreigners owing to other charges). The home

secretary replies that it is not double condemnation, but simple

deportation, that is to say direct deportation of people without them

being sentenced(!). In 1994 first a high court then the State council

had refused the measure taken by former home secretary Pasqua against

two Algerians involved in riots in Lyon. The home secretary mobilises

11,500 policemen (1,000 more than the previous night).

As a result, attacks diminish considerably: only 617 cars set on fire

and 280 people stopped by police (about 1,830 people have been arrested

since the beginning of the riots, and about one hundred have been tried

summarily). Schools are devastated by fire in La Courneuve and in

Villeneuve-d’Ascq (in the north). Two shops are looted then set on fire

in Arras, where a business and a recreational centre are also set on

fire. The site of a local paper is attacked and set on fire in Grasse. A

few Russian journalists are assaulted in Lyon, where the tube transport

is still interrupted owing to an incendiary attack occurred in the

previous nights. Night traffic is also still interrupted in other towns,

including Grenoble. In the suburbs of Toulouse molotov bottles and

stones are hurled at police. In Lille the town council hall is attacked.

An attempt to loot a superstore in Marseille fails.

Rapper Magyd Cherfi depicts the rebels as ‘desperate youths who believe

in nothing’.

17 cars are set on fire in various towns in Belgium. 11 cars are also

burnt in Germany (Berlin and Cologne), whereas molotovs are hurled at a

school in Altenburg. Cars are also set on fire in Lisbon.

In Montréal (Canada) dozens of anarchists organise a demo outside the

French consulate in solidarity to the French rioters.

Fourteenth night: November 9–10

Magistrates launch an investigation for ‘attempted murder’ following the

hurling of rubber bullets at police in Grigny. A great number of summary

court procedures are carried out on November 9. 482 cars are set on fire

in 152 different towns and 203 people are stopped by police (the total

arises at 2,033 since the beginning of the riots). In Sens a police

officer and a fireman are injured after being hit by stones. A police

station, three schools and a council hall are targeted with incendiary

attacks. Only 6 departments apply the curfew. A few incidents occur in

Paris. The interruption of the night underground transport is

reconfirmed in Lyon until Sunday. Magistrates forbid the selling and

transportation of petrol cans in Bordeaux. Similar measures are taken in

Loiret (Orléans) and Marseille. Toulouse, Lille, Marseille and

Strasbourg are the towns most involved in incidents. The French national

police impose the ban on any public demonstration in Paris from 10am on

Saturday November 10 to 10pm the following day. It is feared that

violence might occur in the city centre during the weekend.

Riots also occur in the suburbs of Brussels and other Belgian towns,

still without direct fighting against police.

Fifteenth night: November 10–11

As incidents continue to diminish in number, 463 cars are set on fire

(111 of which in Ile-de-France) and 201 people are stopped by police. A

few police cars parked inside the fences of the court are set on fire in

Bordeaux. A policeman is arrested and another 4 are investigated and

charged with abuse of violence towards a man in La Courneuve. 8

policemen in total are put under investigation following some

documentaries on France 2. On Thursday November 10 another man (the

fourth) is arrested for inciting violence through the internet: he risks

from 1 to 7 year’s imprisonment. Transportation and selling of petrol

cans is also forbidden in Paris.

On Thursday Jean-Marie Le Pen, president of the Front National,

ironically thanks premier Villepin and home secretary Sarkozy for

proposing the same slogans and measures he himself put forward.

Intervening in a TV program on France 2, Sarkozy declares that

distinction must be made between the unfortunate youths of the suburbs

and the ‘scum’ that are responsible for the incidents (and therefore he

once again repeats his controversial statement). He also claims that

‘children of African immigrants pose more problems that those of

Swedish, Danish or Hungarian immigrants because their culture, social

origins and polygamy create more difficulties’.

About 400 anarchists attack the French Institute in Athens (Greece) in

solidarity to the rebels of the French banlieues: the windows of the

building are smashed to pieces and a slogan is left on the walls: ‘Those

who sow armies reap social war in Paris, Athens and everywhere’. The

windows of the local French Institute are also destroyed by stones in

Saloniki, and leaflets are left on the spot, which say that ‘the

insurgents are right’. 6 cars are set on fire in Belgium where other

‘isolated incidents’ occur, including attempts to set fire to schools.

Sixteenth night: November 11–12

502 cars are set on fire (86 of which in Ile-de-France) and 206 people

are held by police (2,440 in total since the beginning of the riots).

The number of incendiary attacks diminishes considerably as very few

towns see more than five or six fires. The hottest points are in Lille,

Lyon. Strasbourg and Toulouse. In Saint-Quentin (Aisne) a policeman is

seriously injured (second degree burns) following the explosion of an

incendiary device that has been placed on the rear seat of a car. The

car is eventually set on fire. Six molotov bottles are thrown into the

yard of a police station in Maison-Alfort (Val-de-Marne). Two incendiary

devices are hurled at a mosque in Carpentras (Vaucluse). Two shops are

set on fire in Yvelines and a nursery school in Seine-et-Marne. A

helicopter prevents a school in Sevran from being set on fire, and 9

people are taken in. In Amiens (Somme), where the curfew is imposed, a

few electric plants of the EDF are sabotaged and eventually fighting

with police takes place. The fire brigade are welcomed with a hail of

stones in Alsace; the young perpetrators of the attack disappear as soon

as the police arrive. In the afternoon dozens of youths battle with

police in the centre of Lyon (Bellecour square): a few shops are

damaged, and 11 people are arrested. On the spot witnesses declare that

the fighting was clearly provoked by the police. In Ousse-des-Bois (Pau)

a restaurant is attacked, looted and set on fire; as usual, when the

fire brigade arrive they are welcomed with stones. In AngoulĂȘme three

people attempt to set fire to an electric plant of the EDF; police

chasing them are targeted by stones thrown from the roofs of surrounding

houses. In Lyon a scooter set on fire close to a cash machine causes

serious damage to the latter.

Sixth night of disorder in Belgium: 15 cars are set on fire, 8 of which

in Brussels, for a total of 60 cars burnt there since the beginning of

the riots. Police maintain that these are isolated episodes. In the

afternoon and during the night a dozen skips are set on fire in Bologna

(Italy) where slogans are written on the walls: ‘Bologna like Paris’ and

‘Revolt is necessity, solidarity to the casseurs from Paris’. Actions in

solidarity to the French rioters also occur in Istanbul where a demo in

support to the ‘legitimate struggle’ of the inhabitants of the French

suburbs is organised by the Federation for fundamental rights outside

the consulate. A demo outside the French consulate is also organised in

Barcelona where, even though no incident occurs, 5 people are arrested

as the demo finishes. They are accused of disturbing public order and

resisting public officials. One of the demonstrators writes on

Indymedia: ‘All this just for having expressed their solidarity in a

pacific way. It seems that the state of emergency is also being applied

on the pavements outside French consulates’.

Seventeenth night: November 12–13

‘Normality’ is slowly restored: only 374 cars are set on fire (76 of

which in Ile-de-France) and 212 people are stopped by police. In the

evening Sarkozy, who has reconfirmed that all foreigners (be they

regular or not) involved in the riot are to be deported, goes to the

Champs Elisées: he is welcome by demonstrations of protest. But he

boasts: ‘There were also people clapping their hands’. During the night

about 12,000 policemen are mobilised all over France. In La Courneuve an

officer is injured by a bowl launched from a building. A school is set

on fire and a car is used as a battering ram against a recreation centre

for the elderly in Carpentras (Vaucluse). Massive fires are started in

the suburbs of Toulouse, including one at a Hi-fi shop and its depot. A

ban on people meeting is also imposed in Lyon. A mosque is attacked with

a Molotov bottle that does not explode. Violence also occurs in Toulouse

and Strasburg. No incidents occur in Paris, where 3,000 police officers

have been mobilised. About thirty towns are still under curfew.

Seventh night of violence in Belgium: dozens of cars are set on fire. In

Brussels several streets around the centre are blocked after clashes

with police break out, barricades are erected and skips are set on fire.

Dozens of people are arrested and a number of police cars are damaged.

90 vehicles have been set on fire in Belgium over the last seven days.

Belgian authorities still maintain that these are isolated episodes. In

Rotterdam (Holland) a few cars are also destroyed and set on fire. About

one hundred anarchists demonstrate outside the French embassy in Athens

in solidarity to the French rioters. Again in the Greek capital two car

showrooms (Mercedes and Citroen) are attacked during the night with

Molotovs and twenty cars are burned.

Eighteenth night: November 13–14

The number of incidents continues to diminish: 271 cars are set on fire,

62 of which in Ile-de-France, and 112 people are stopped by police; 5

officers are injured, two of them following a well-known practice:

explosion of a gas bottle placed in a skip, which eventually catches

fire. A burning vehicle is hurled at a nursery school in Toulouse

causing damage to part of the building. In Lyon about 15 cars are set on

fire, a school is also set fire to and another is attacked with a car as

a battering ram. Incidents also occur in Strasbourg.

The French government decides to extend the state of emergency for

another 3 months. News is spread at 12.39pm about police carrying out 8

operations in different banlieus to identify and arrest the authors of

the violence. As a result 503 people are arrested (107 minors and 486

people of age). Since the beginning of the riots 2,652 people have been

stopped by police, 375 have been summarily tried and 213 have been kept

into custody awaiting trial. Another 622 people are immediately called

to court, 112 of whom must return. 120 foreigners, some with regular

documents some without, risk deportation. Magistrates open new

investigations that lead to further arrests. On a few occasions the

imams contribute to individuating those allegedly responsible for

violence and incidents.

Here are a few examples of sentences inflicted on people. In Toulouse:

5-month sentence for setting a skip on fire; 3-month sentence for

showing one’s bottom to the police; 2 months for insulting public

officials, that is to say for having been with the one who showed his

bottom. In Lyon: 2 months for sitting in a bar where two minors had

taken refuge following clashes with police; 2 months are inflicted on a

young man who had been sitting on a bench during clashes with police; 3

months for setting rubbish on fire; 2 months for throwing stones; 4

months for creating a false alarm about a bomb in the airport.

Nineteenth night: November 14–15

215 cars are set on fire (60 of which in Ile-de-France) and 42 people

are stopped by police. An officer is injured. 3 molotov devices are

hurled at a mosque in Saint- Chamond (Loire). A recreation centre is set

on fire in Bruges whereas a few cars are burnt in Paris.

Twentieth night: November 15–16

163 cars are set on fire (of which 27 in Ile-de-France) and 50 people

are stopped by police. ‘an almost normal situation’ comments Sarkozy. A

policeman is injured while attempting to intervene against a group of

youths who are hurling bottles filled with acid at the city hall in

Pont-EvĂȘque (IsĂšre). In Grenoble a school and an educational centre are

set on fire respectively in Grenoble and in Chalons-en-Champagne

(Marne). In Drome a battering ram car is hurled at a police station and

Molotovs are thrown against a church. Garages are set on fire in the

Rodano and Marna areas. An ambush is laid for police and fire brigade in

Point-a-Pitre (isle of La Reunion): after setting fire to a few cars,

behind which barricades have been erected, unknown people fire gunshots

at police, who respond by shooting in turn (no news about wounded).

In total 126 policemen are injured and 2,888 people are stopped by

police, of which 593 are arrested (107 the minors, many among the people

stopped by police and then released are to appear in the court). 8,973

vehicles are set on fire.

Twenty-first night: November 16–17

98 cars are set on fire and 33 people are stopped by police, mainly

because they were caught carrying incendiary devices or had violated the

curfew. Less than 100 vehicles set on fire all over France is considered

normal (about 90 cars are normally set on fire every night). Premier

Villepin claims that ‘there exists a real threat of terrorism against

France’ and therefore ‘surveillance must be permanent’. And this is not

another story.

A few similar explosions of rage that occurred in the Nineties

From when the death penalty was abolished in France in 1981 up until

2001 there have been 175 cases of death directly or indirectly provoked

by the State police. On a number of occasions this sort of senseless

death ignited explosions of anger against the abuse police inflict every

day. Such explosions are testimonies of the brutality of a whole social

system...

October 6–9 1990. Thomas Claudio dies after his motorbike is hit by a

police car that is chasing him. Police presents the crime as ‘an

accident’. Violent fighting against police breaks out, shops and

commercial stores are looted and set on fire.

August 31, September 3 1995. Clashes between police and youths explode

in Nanterre (cité de Fontanelle) after a 25-year-old man of North

African origin dies after being accidentally hit by a concrete mixer

while rushing to the place where his brother was being arrested.

May 25–26 1996. Dozens of youths loot commercial stores and set fire to

vehicles in Saint-Jean in ChĂąteau Roux after a youth dies of car

accident caused by a police chase.

November 1996. In Rabaterie (St Pierre des Corps, Tours) 23-year-old

Mohamed Boucetta dies after being shot in the head. As the murderer is

freed thanks to Le Pen’s personal intervention, a revolt lasting 15 days

breaks out with clashes and fires of cars, shops and public buildings.

December 12–21 1997. Clashes between police and youths occur in

Dammarie-les-Lys (banlieues of Melun, Seine-et-Marne), where a sixteen

year old boy of North African origin killed by police at a roadblock in

Fontainebleau used to live. Not one policeman is arrested following the

murder nor is any trial held.

December 13–16 1998. As 17-year-old Habib is killed by a cop while

attempting to steal a car, and violent fighting occurs between police

and youths in Mirail area (Toulouse). More than one hundred vehicles are

set on fire. Three years later the cop killer, who had been free since

then, is sentenced to 3 years on bail.

September 12–22 2000. In two areas of Essonne, in Grande Borne in Grigny

and in Tarterets in Corbeil-Essonnes clashes with police occur as a

19-year-old man is killed while attempting to go through a roadblock in

Combs-la-Ville (Seine-et-Marne) after stealing a motorbike.

July 4–6 2001. Incidents break out in Borny in Metz as two local youths

die following a car accident.

October 13–14 2001. Urban violence explodes in Thonon-les-Baines (Haute

Savoie) as four men die ‘accidentally’ while attempting to avoid being

identified by police.

December 26–31 2001. Clashes with police occur in Vitry-de-Seine

(Val-de-Marne) after a young man is killed while attempting to rob a

bank in Neuilly-sur-Marne (Seine-Saint-Denis).

January 3–7 2002. Dozens of cars are set on fire in Mureaux (Yvelines)

as 17-year-old Moussa dies after being shot in the head by police while

trying to avoid a roadblock.

February 25–26 2002. As a man dies of overdose inside the yard of a

police station in Evreux, groups of masked youths fight with police, set

cars on fire and devastate shop windows.

October 18–19 2001. A seventeen year old boy drowns after diving into a

river in an attempt to escape police who surprised him during an

attempted robbery. Dozens of youths armed with baseball batons attack

police in Hautepierre (Strasbourg) and set cars on fire. 25 cars are

burnt, 3 firemen are injured, a school is devastated by an explosive

device and council’s structures are also set on fire.

March 3 2003. Riots break out as a thief dies while attempting to escape

police.

January 12–14 2004. A 17-year-old boy dies after falling from a stolen

motorbike while being chased by police. Clashes between youths and

policemen break out, dozens of cars are set on fire and a battering ram

car is hurled at a police station.

Temporary results

secretary).

destroyed; a great number of police stations are attacked; a mosque, a

church and a synagogue are also attacked.

man assaulted near his house on November 7.

8 officers are under investigation, accused of committing horrendous

violence during the clashes.

maintains it will offer 50 million euros.

youngest being 10 years old) and 590 are arrested (107 of whom minors).

375 people of age are sentenced without bail. Arrests in the act of

committing crime are very rare as people are generally arrested during

police raids. Acquittals are also very rare as the lawyers’ defendants

are appointed by the court.

the days immediately following the end of the riots: about 4,500 people

in total are involved in investigations, more than a quarter of whom

after the end of the riots.

whom are foreigners.

foreigners.

The Scum

Not all revolts take you by surprise. Of course there is no Nostradamus

to predict their specific moments of explosion, but the fact that

revolts happen can only surprise those who have no idea about the dismal

world we are compelled to live in. It is not because you know that such

revolts occur frequently in France with the same practices and rituals

(hundreds of cars are set on fire all over France on the last day of the

year) [1]. Revolts are the inevitable product of the current social

system. When a revolt breaks out you can’t ask yourself ‘how could it

happen?’ but rather ‘how is it possible that it doesn’t happen

everywhere, all the time?’. But each time a revolt breaks out the first

operation that takes place is an attempt to categorise it. One wonders

who the rebels are, where they come from and what they want. The

research soon starts on names, identities, and right categories: they

are foreigners, immigrants... no! They are French... yes, French, but

second generation French, second class French, sons or nephews of

immigrants, outcasts, excluded... Some are disappointed because the

theory of Islamic fundamentalism doesn’t work: obviously these people

are not the ones who go to the mosque (in fact appeals made by imams

have proved useless). Rightwing papers (for example Le Figaro) try to

create improbable amalgams for public stigmatisation, by chance, they

write about Palestinian-style Intifada, Islamic fundamentalism,

terrorism, etc. These falsifications, however, don’t seem to work as

every struggle is capable of showing itself in its own irreducible

peculiarity.

Sociological categories are mobilised to define, identify and

circumscribe, in short, to keep the revolt within certain conceptual

limits. Once an identity is given to the rioters – the most used is that

of social outcasts, a new name for the underclass – the range of

theories for intervention can put forward: from police and emergency

measures to social and welfare-orientated actions. They are the two

faces of the security syndrome: public security and social security, in

other words the punch and the lending hand. In short, the stick and the

carrot. All this shows clearly the fact that if subversion and revolt

are direct consequences of the system of dominion, their abolition can

only happen through the abolition of dominion, that is to say through

subversion.

However to identify the ‘scum’, maybe giving it a more politically

correct definition, implies a number of things. To identify a phenomenon

with convenient categories means first of all to circumscribe it, and to

circumscribe it means to stem it. On the one hand the limits are erected

to present the revolt and its causes as incidental disorders brought

about by a system that in spite of everything (misery, war, pollution,

total commodification and progressive devastation of the whole world and

the life of each and every one) must be preserved, maybe by introducing

some providential intervention along with the announcement of the state

of emergency. But, as it is well known, this exception is now the rule,

which also involves exclusion, impoverishment, social alienation, that

this to say the generalised dispossession of life.

It is not a question of an incidental phenomenon, be it local or global.

Poverty, precariousness of life in the western society, urban structures

in the metropoli all over the world (from Los Angeles to BogotĂĄ, from

Alger to Paris), attempts at closing the borders of fortress Europe are

only a few examples of this structural fracture. The game of the stick

and the carrot, alongside police and judicial repression with the

announcement of social action in favour of the suburbs, might take in

some people, but certainly not those who experience social emargination

on their skin, or those who know that new explosions are ready to break

out just around any corner, and, most importantly, those who feel an

irrepressible potential for revolt pulsating inside them. And it is

exactly the magnetic force of rebellion that is the main target of the

process of identification.

In fact, the process of identification, besides presenting the

structural phenomenon of the present social order as if it were

incidental, aims at separating and dividing the outcasts from all the

others – at the same time separating these others from themselves and

their active potential. In other words, outcasts have an atavistic right

to revolt as anger, desperation and a feeling of injustice belong

expressly to them. But you, who are privileged in spite of everything

and who enjoy part of the welfare guaranteed by the society, what do you

want? In the ghettos in towns, the banlieues of Paris and the suburbs of

the world, life is uprooted, empty, encircled in the space of social,

material and existential alienation, and full of desperation and

metaphysical boredom. But not your life! Your life is rich and

enjoyable, full of possibilities and perspectives, wellbeing and

passion. Your life? Our life? Excuse me, what are we talking about?

As a matter of fact the line of oppression, and with it the rift of

rebellion, concerns everybody. The binary logic of opposition interprets

reality so grossly that it cannot understand the present development of

the revolts underway and the explosions that are yet to come. To

separate the youths of the suburbs from all the others, then distinguish

the violent and irreducible ones who cannot be tamed from those who must

be protected from their contamination, means to separate any potential

for rebellion from whatever might make it explode. This is the logic

behind all emergency interventions. Moreover, to accept this ideological

division means a weakening of any practical perspective. Like all

revolts, the French one also speaks to everybody. Its action inevitably

affects our potential movements. After all, it is not so important to

know who they are, but rather who we are and what we can do. As a

permanent state of exception exists whether it is officially proclaimed

or not, the first practical lesson to be learned concerns the

realization of an effective state of exception through the explosion of

destructive actions, their fast spreading and the refusal of all

delegation.

Some complain about the alleged lack of direction or revolutionary class

awareness, and so they take a distance because they cannot see any

political perspectives or results; then they talk about barbaric

phenomena without any project, which would be the result of a ‘passive

putrefaction of the oldest strata of the old society’. Some also propose

themselves as conscious organizers of revolts (those to come, of

course). But instead of giving lessons on how to behave and act there is

a lot to be learned from the French riots. There is a tactical and

practical awareness in the rebellion of the ‘scum’ that is notoriously

unknown among the most refined revolutionary consciences, often too

conscious to be practical. If the French rioters did not make a step

towards revolution (yes, but who is a revolutionary today?), at least in

their own way they put their active possibilities to the test. Without

waiting for a guide to teach what to do, on the contrary they

effectively realized their way of how to do; they made their anger

explode in an impressive series of fires without delegating it to

anyone. The explosion of a vital force that has been repressed for too

long is an angry deflagration that ignores any form of delegation and

cannot ever repent.

Phenomenology of angry nihilism

Anger is the expression of strength that has been repressed for too

long, offended and abused, the anger of those who suddenly understand

that they are ‘too young to go rotten’. Its primary manifestation opens

up a horizon characterised by universal destruction. As you are in a

blind rage you look around you searching for something to destroy, to

hurl at a wall or to break with your own hands; the body is felt to be a

damaging instrument. Anything can be destroyed! Anger, therefore,

manifests itself as a nihilist horizon. As they can desire nothing for

themselves, these second-class lives decide to desire that this nothing

be realized (as nothing).

But nihilism, this disturbing guest, presents itself in different forms.

The less evident is the most widespread, but it is also the most

popular: it is the subtle nihilism of the authoritarian management of

the existent that pervades everything. It annihilates life and takes

away its strength in order to lead it to the preformed structures of

order and discipline, production and consumerism, resignation and

cynicism. The current social system is nihilist and the citizens who

submit to it are also unconsciously nihilist as they accept various

forms of voluntary slavery and drag their lives on without passion every

day. As they have absorbed the lesson of economy and the imaginary of

the value of consumables, their life is based on calculations of costs

and benefits, on the separation between means and ends and on

resignation to the current misery in the illusory hope that it will be

better tomorrow. The nihilist operation of dominion articulates itself

in two complementary movements: on the one hand it despoils, alienates

and robs, on the other it dresses up, creates illusions and blinds

people. But the emptiness upon which this twofold operation stands and

finds its substance becomes evident when the second movement (the false

satisfaction of illusions) does not work any more: when school, work and

the institutions of the spectacular civilized society no longer grip

existences that, as a consequence, remain in the proclaimed metastasis

of their alienation.

When such metastasis shows itself blindingly, when it inflicts inhuman

senseless death, it can explode in angry nihilism : as they perceive the

nullity that surrounds them and erodes their life, nameless individuals

decide to give it back to its nothing. Angry nihilism wants exactly

nothing and realizes perfectly how everything surrounding it has only to

be swallowed up in its vacuity. The explosion of angry nihilism, which

frees and explodes bad passions, can also be seen as pure fun generated

by a nausea for the existent; but that is exactly how it turns into

destructive euphoria.

Following the era of cynicism, opportunism and fear, in the present

generalised proletarianisation of the life of each and every one, what

struggles are possible? We are sorry to disappoint the indefatigable

officers of human progress, but these struggles also involve the total

destruction of what surrounds us. Once upon a time someone said:

‘Nihilists...make just one more effort to be revolutionaries’: it’s a

short step from wanting nothing to wanting everything. But we also say:

‘Revolutionaries...make just one more effort to be nihilists’ – it takes

a bit of courage to be up to one’s rage.

But where will all this take us? Did not you realise? It will take us

nowhere... And anyway, where do you think you are going, all of you?

‘S’io fossi foco arderei lo mondo’

The destructive euphoria of angry nihilism finds its main form of

expression in the element that most represents anger: fire. Molotovs and

incendiary devices are like the warriors’ arrows, with which symbols and

structures of power and of the system are targeted: police stations,

town halls, courts, banks, shops, commercial centres, schools and cars.

Some of these targets touch many people’s civil conscience deeply. Why

are schools set on fire, given that they could bring about the

emancipation and integration of the socially alienated? Is it not true

that education for everyone was an important conquest for humanity and

its progress? Maybe; but if it is also true, and how you could deny it,

that schools look more and more like prisons (both prisons and schools

being part of the generalized prison-society), we should silence our

conscience and look at a phenomenon that is beautiful like a school in

flames. After all, the school system is based on a removal of meaning –

in other words, schools are instruments for life or rather for work,

which in turn is an instrument for life – and therefore schools have no

meaning in themselves as they constantly refer to a meaning that is yet

to come. In this way, as the future is denied and consists in dragging

on between boredom and desperation, schools are losing their false

pedagogic value. When instruments are in no way useful they become

fetishes, and fetishes are only worth burning, possibly during fights

with kids screaming ‘tonight is my future’.

Civil conscience also has something to say about cars: why to set fire

to the neighbours’ cars if the latter share the same state of emergency

as the rioters? First of all, most of the burned cars belonged directly

or indirectly to institutions, secondly the ‘scum’ does not come from

nowhere, but lives in a specific territory that does not represent any

homogeneous human reality. On the one hand the rioters of the banlieues

know they can count on the support and active solidarity of many

inhabitants of the area (without such solidarity twenty nights of riots

in a row would not have been possible), on the other they also know very

well whom the cars set to fire belong to, and certainly the latter are

not those of the rioters’ direct or indirect accomplices. In the

banlieus, like everywhere else, there stand zealous supporters of orders

and dialogue, informers and profiteers, collaborators and various kinds

of vile characters, as well as those who do not share in practice the

unequivocal and clear position of the rioters. The youths of the

banlieues do not tolerate any form of neutrality, dialogue or compromise

with the institutions [which is to represent a major problem during the

anti-CPE movement in March and April 2006, especially in Paris].

In other words, neighbours are not always friends or accomplices.

Moreover revolts are not carried out at a symbolic level but at the

concrete one of the struggle and the field of battle. Cars are set on

fire not only because it is obviously a pleasure to see fires burning

but also and mainly following a strategic and territorial view, that is

to say by being in the territory through the struggle. It is only in the

perspective of real conflict (and not in its representation or

sociological translation) that the value of this practice can be

understood. Setting fire to cars is quite an effective means of building

barricades rapidly and it is also a useful way to draw police to a

specified area, where they can be hit by stones and Molotovs and from

where rioters can escape easily, only to find each other elsewhere and

start the game again (a dynamic that was largely employed in the

sabotage of public lighting power plants which opened the nights of

rage).

The fact that these considerations have not been taken into account by

many is quite astonishing. The most important point to be considered,

however, is the importance of the territory as battlefield for all of

today’s conflicts and those to come. In a society based on the

circulation of money, information, people and goods, management of the

territory is one of the most important operations carried out by power.

For example, it is the way traffic circulation is set out that is slowly

killing us with its poison, especially in metropolitan areas where urban

spaces are reduced to alienating transit and service zones. It is an

asymmetric, dehumanising and murderous reality that is killing life,

where territories are being made more and more aseptic and impenetrable

to those who, be it for needs related to the system or of out of

individual choice, cannot be reduced to merchandise (and are therefore

marginalized, locked up or deported).

At the same time, territory and traffic have become vital strategic

factors in current and future struggles, with the spreading of practices

such as road blocks and sabotage, the invention of new ways of living in

the territory and the destruction of everything that is to all effects

uninhabitable. Of course we do not know if the destroyers of cars are

aware of that. We do not know if we are overestimating their rage. What

is certain is that behind their destructive negative attitude there

stands a positive attitude relating to their way of living and making

human relations, which besides continuously reinventing language and

gestures, brings about complicity and solidarity during the riots. It is

a positive attitude that cannot be reduced to the representation set out

by the forces of the enemy field, for whom, consequently, they are

nothing but vandals, dumbness and senseless gesticulation. We are not

elaborating a tedious neo-realist embellished image of the underclass.

What we are trying to do is, once again, ask ourselves if it is possible

to live in spaces and territory in a different way so as to encounter

new accomplices and occasions of struggle to be exploded with due joy

and radicality.

March 2006

Hypotheses not to be rejected

Civil war

‘Philippe de Villiers has asked the premier Dominique de Villepin to

raise the level of the State’s response to what seems to be a real

ethnic civil war’.

(Reuter, October 29 2005)

‘Sincere and open civil war is better than a rotten peace’.

M. Bakunin

The current generalised war scenario, having gone beyond the borders

between exterior and interior, having in its own way taken the war home,

is precisely that of a civil war in act.

Civil war, therefore, is not a value to be exhorted, nor is it a myth to

serve as encouragement.. On the contrary, it is an obvious fact, a

starting point. It is something that is normally silenced (in the name

of a false unity of purpose, a slogan used as an injunction to social

order) or, when it openly explodes, it is mystified as an ethnic-racial

matter (‘clash between civilizations’, as it has recently been

labelled).. But this civil war is not an internal fight within a

homogeneous social context, nor is it a conflict between different

identities; on the contrary it is the actual proof of the fictitious

character of any unity: a fiction behind which the constant and

unilateral offensive of capital against all the exploited, alienated and

excluded (in other words against all the damned of the Earth) tries to

hide itself. When rebellion and revolt break out, we cheer with joy the

surpassing not only of all fictitious unities but also that of the

unitalerality of attack.

Those upon whom power inflicts attacks and abuse every day and can

attempt to upturn the relations of strength at any moment and with any

means necessary, do not belong to any ethnic category. It is beyond

doubt that certain peoples are most oppressed by dominion, excluded from

mythical western wellbeing and confined in the innumerable ghettos of

the planet; but, insofar as dominion affects everyone and everyone’s

life, this is only a difference in the intensity of the generalized

nature of oppression. To each his own. The misery of exploitation and

the precarity of life are not peculiar phenomena that only affect those

who do not take an active part in the economic cycle and political

representation. On the contrary it is a universal situation that affects

everybody: submission to economic and political dictatorship.

Consequently, every revolt unleashes a universal potential of rebellion

that only the transversality of contagion will be able to realise, so

that this civil war becomes a social war against capital.

Neutrality is impossible in a context of civil war. If you claim to be

neutral you are choosing one side while giving the impression you are

not, you are collaborating under the mask of ‘not having any other

choice’. But neutrality is simply the most common self-justification in

the grey zone and it is also the mother of every form of voluntary

slavery. In a context of civil war any form of neutrality is potentially

hostile to rioters.

Widespread power, widespread attack

A nihilist fire does not save its arsonists. It is their areas that

burn, their neighbours and parents’ cars; they loot their brothers and

sisters’ nurseries and schools. They make a clean sweep of anything that

makes life better and easier, that allows them to amuse themselves,

communicate or find a job.

Philosopher A. Glucksman, Le monde, November 21 2005.

The town planners always get it wrong: they consider cars (and their

sub-products such as scooters) essentially as means of transport. It is

a materialisation of an idea of happiness, which developed capitalism is

trying to expand to the whole of society. Cars as the pinnacle of the

wellbeing of alienated life, and inseparably as essential products of

the capitalist market, are at the centre of the same global propaganda.

G. Debord.

Power does not reside in any Winter Palace that can be attacked by

revolutionaries, nor does it articulate throughout the various centres

of production that workers can occupy. It does not only include

political, police and judicial operations but is also a capillary system

of relations that, as they expand over the whole of society, affect

individual and collective deeds. Basically power produces and ratifies

forms of life that, in their ways of feeding themselves, consuming,

moving, communicating and thinking, are easily adapted to the

requirements of dominion. Power seems to be invincible everywhere, but

for the same reason it can also be hit anywhere (obviously with

different levels of strategic attack). This is quite a banal question

that could be studied at the CollĂšge de France not long ago. But if all

that is true, it is also clear that any complaints about the damage

caused by rioters towards third persons is absolutely ridiculous. Be it

owners of cars set on fire by the French autoclasts, disturbed customers

of a sabotaged bank or commuters disturbed by a roadblock, any claim to

be a third party is always equivalent to that of being neutral: an

hypothesis to be rejected.

Of course, one could object that destroying a bank, a prison or a court

is quite different to setting fire to a car in the suburbs. True, but

only up to a point. To understand this, one could carry out the

following hypothetical experiment. In order to understand, try this

experiment. Imagine that a certain practise occurs universally; in other

words imagine that the latter is imitated by everybody everywhere: for

example, that all banks are attacked and destroyed. Well, that would be

a turmoil not all that dissimilar to revolution. Now repeat the

experiment with cars: imagine that all cars are set on fire. Would the

consequences of such an event be revolutionary in the same way? Would it

mean a radical upheaval of the entire social system? An hypothesis not

to be rejected.

Ideology of citizenship

‘I want to say to all kids living in difficult areas that no matter

where they come from, they all are children of the Republic’.

J. Chirac, November 14 2005.

‘A republic is a form of government that puts itself over the people,

leads it, educates it and does whatever it wants with it. It has armies

and obliges reluctant people to submit to the law And, like all

governments, it does not find obstacles in its running but in the

resistance of the governed and in the fear of a possible insurrection’.

E. Malatesta

‘Children of the Republic’: so Chirac addresses the inhabitants of the

banlieues in order to pacify them (in his attempt to counterbalance

Sarkozy’s offensive declarations). Those who know how corrupt republican

institutions are, like prostitutes who have gone rotten with gold, would

have good reason to feel offended. Just as the State calls itself

Homeland when it gets ready to kill, so it calls its subjects ‘citizens’

in order to make them its accomplices and bring back legal servitude.

The principle of citizenship, however, was already denounced long ago as

the ideological proclamation of a fictitious equality that covers social

hierarchy: they said that citizenship is nothing but a new social

hierarchy of a bourgeois kind. For a long time now, moreover, in its

retreat the principle of citizenship has shown the bare life that it

claimed it was concealing. That was the terrible revelation of the two

world wars of the twentieth century: behind the citizen there is not

only the bourgeois form of life but also, deeper down, bare life which,

once the outer coating is removed, loses any value, right or dignity.

Today it is worse, the universalization of the citizen has resulted in

the ordinary man whose behaviour and feelings are quite consistent with

dominant models. A grey, sad conformity based on anaesthesia and

asthenia, held together by fear. The three ingredients of the

contemporary citizen are an incapacity to disdain, an impossibility to

act effectively and an affectation of weakness, all strengthened by the

horrendous mix of technology and spectacle that lavishes the surrogates

required to avoid the ever present eventuality of psychic collapse

before oneself, one’s resignation and isolation from the world. In order

to claim to lead a normal serene life in the present situation, first

you must have lost the ability to see and listen (anaesthesia); then,

when events get too much and you cannot ignore them, you lose the

creative ability to react (asthenia): hence the general resignation that

does not fall into depression because it is supported by a generalized

politic of fear (not only of others but also and mainly towards one’s

own present and future) and by the innumerable technocratic modes of

divertissement.

Different forms of life, however, grow up and spread outside

citizenship. Those who have kept the ability to be indignant about this

world and to nourish strength and imagination to invent forms of

reaction and attack against its inhuman banality – as well developing

the courage necessary to put them into action – will on principle be

without citizenship in this world. They do not have citizenship but they

do have life, they have a vitality that cannot be reduced to any form of

survival. In part undesired products of this society that continuously

return like uncomfortable dregs to disturb its sleep, in part rational

and passionate choices of rebellion, these clandestine and barbaric

forms of life will not stop obstructing, attacking and burning until the

last fragment of this injustice is eliminated. No, Monsieur le

President, the French rebels are not children of your Republic, which

bleeds blood; they are children of the same anger that will await you at

every corner of the world to present you with the bill.

State of exception

‘It is a security measure that has been taken to equip police with any

means they need to restore peace definitively’

J. Chirac

‘Modern totalitarianism can be described as the setting up of a legal

civil war through the state of exception. This allows not only the

physical elimination of political adversaries but also that of entire

categories of citizens who for whatever reason cannot be integrated into

the political system. The intentional creation of a permanent state of

emergency (even if it is not declared such) has since become an

essential practice adopted by contemporary States, including the

so-called democratic ones.

G. Agamben

The state of exception is the rule: it is hard to find a more common

expression in present theoretical-critical discussions. It is just as

hard though to find critical and practical analyses that are able to

support such a statement. The very idea is in the first place ambiguous,

as it seems to suggest that, historically or logically, behind the state

of exception there is or could be some kind of virgin power capable of

functioning properly, without abuse, violence and injustice; as a matter

of fact, on the contrary, it is power as such that is abuse, violence,

coercion and immorality, clear discrimination and arbitrary

justification of all forms of oppression. After clarifying that, it is

the force of events that brings us to consider further what there is

behind the declaration of the state of emergency.

Officially, the state of emergency is the suspension of the law (and

therefore of all the rights and freedom that the latter is supposed to

guarantee) in order to defend the law itself. This operation, which is

obviously paradoxical, is justified by any situation of danger

whatsoever. The fact that it has become the rule means that the state of

exception is constantly being applied, regardless of its official

proclamation: from the politics on immigration (which not only involve

severe limitations of people’s right of movement but is also based on

the concentration camp style system of detention centres) to the

periodic creation of red zones (where citizens’ freedom is actually

suspended), the strengthening of measures of control (which are invading

every individual’s life in spite of the democratic defence of privacy)

to the abuses committed by police every day (‘abuses’ being an

euphemism), the list of normal exceptional measures could go on for

pages and pages. It is obvious that the young people of the banlieues

are well aware of this normality as they not only live in a situation of

territorial segregation but also and mainly experience police repression

on a daily basis, with its repertoire of abuse, humiliation and violence

that accompanies searches and arrests. The declaration of the state of

emergency in France would not be regarded as a scandal were it not for

its symbolic value: the restoration of a 1955 law introduced during the

war in Algeria, unveils the idea of a colonialist management of internal

politics; in other words, a sort of confirmation by the government that

a civil war is in course.

The normality of the state of exception, therefore, inevitably reveals

the violence that the State and rights are based on: violence used to

keep the State safe (mainly in the form of the government monopoly of

legal violence: police, courts and prisons) and violence employed to

expand the State (wars, international embargoes, maximum security

prisons, etc.). But this normality also shows how power is constantly

aware of some immediate danger, the spreading of a potential for revolt

that would be quite hard to defeat and suppress if it were to explode

effectively. Hence the adoption of innumerable preventive measures,

including incessant terror propaganda, a constantly renovated crisis and

the spreading of insecurity, which transforms the fears of a drifting

power into a common perception of constant danger.

The state of exception, however, has another potential that is rarely

underlined by theoretical critique. Benjamin talked about an end of the

continuum of history: a revolutionary event coinciding with the

interruption of normality, and which, declaring that it is impossible to

carry on this way, puts its destructive capacity into action. So don’t

ask for political programmes, perspectives or outcomes of the revolt.

That would be a pitiful return to the usual ‘what can I do?’, a question

that we hoped was finally lost among the junk of past history. More

simply, just ask yourself how can I act: anything else would simply be a

placebo..

Integration

‘I want to be integrated for what I am’

Twenty-six-year-old girl of Algerian origin

‘Watch out Worker! Do not mark your brothers, the ones that they call

thieves, murderers, prostitutes, revolutionaries, prisoners with the

stain of infamy. Do not curse them, do not sling mud at them, Save them

from the fatal blow. Don’t you see that the soldier approves of you, the

judge calls you to testify, the usurer smiles at you, the priest cheers

you on, and the cop excites you?’

E. Coerderoy

It is not easy to be wrong about the cause of the riots in the French

banlieues: the fact that they depend on social alienation is so obvious

that cannot be denied. But very few are inclined to understand the

reasons for this situation. Hence the request for social intervention

aimed at integration. In this way an inevitable political lie soon

follows etiological lucidity. Those who ask for social intervention in

good faith are simply under the illusion that society can be changed,

whereas it is a question of changing societies; at least those who are

not in good faith are paradoxically more sincere: they well know what

social control is implied in such interventions.

Integration would mean first of all getting involved in work; but as

work is a product of capital and therefore synonymous with submission

and exploitation, it is more and more divided between ultra-specialised

technocracy and progressively marginalising demeaning tasks. These are

the two faces of flexibility: the rampant entrepreneur and the suffering

proletarian. No need to say which of the two is the destiny of the

banlieue youths, as is proved by the fact that the age for

apprenticeship has been lowered to 14 (following a proposal by prime

minister De Villepin on November 9, in sharp contrast with the age of

compulsory education that has been fixed at 16 since 1959) and by the

law on first employment (CPE), which establishes that workers can easily

be sacked during the first two years of employment.

After all, few realize that it is capital (and therefore work) that

created the situation that the former is now required to sort out:

during its imperialist expansion first it created the conditions of

hardship that forced millions of people to emigrate, then it knew how to

import and exploit cheap labour in the industrial areas (creating the

big council estates after the second world war, where at the time there

were networks of worker solidarity); finally, in the second half of the

Seventies, following the so called industrial reorganization, that is to

say investment in places where labour was cheaper, it has abandoned the

population of the suburbs to their current condition of lives in excess,

creating the social conditions favourable for the explosion of angry

nihilism. Will capital be asked to solve the problems that it itself

creates yet again? Will we see again the most vile acrobatic dialectics

between capital and work?

As concerns education, the other form of integration, it is soon said:

its task is to prepare for work; if it did not have such task, it would

be a useless exercise at the best and a device of special surveillance

at the worst, as it is proved by the ZEP (Priority Education Areas)

implemented in 1981 and involving 20% of the schoolchildren all over the

country today. In short, any request for integration is no more than the

latest attempt to keep the social corpse alive.

The contradictions implied in the logic of integration also concern the

rioters, at least in part, or those who claim the right to speak on

their behalf. Once revolt has been welcomed with joy, it is necessary to

understand whether the latter broke out as a result of the will to

destroy the system (as happened during the revolt of Watts, according to

a situationist analysis) or just its inequalities, whose structural

character has not been grasped. A remarkable element, however, makes the

first hypothesis quite plausible: the fact that the youths of the

banlieues could easily acquire goods through other means, i.e. networks

of trafficking and delinquency. One of the tasks of theoretical

critique, however, is precisely to demonstrate that a generalized

‘integration’ is impossible and so is any unrealistic request for

political perspectives opened by the riot. In a word, oppose the

necessary disintegration of the current system of dominion to the litany

of social integration. And it is well known, the creation of the new can

only come from such disintegration.

April 2006

On riots This text can be found in its complete version on the site

teleology.org/traits/patates aigres-douces/Emuete and was first

published in 1987 in Dal 9 gennaio 1978 al 4 novembre 1979. The author

is a member of the ‘Bibliothùque des Emuetes’.

Any attempt to overturn the world by the modern poor has begun with

riots: 1789, 1848, 1871, 1917, 1968, and 1978 in Iran and Nicaragua. But

not all riots lead to revolution, i.e. a generalized conflict involving

everybody, nor do they lead to insurrection, i.e. to the public

occupation of at least one area of the town by its inhabitants against

the State that administrates it, after they have rejected or defeated

the armed forces and gained the support of inhabitants who had been

passive until that moment. If on the one hand there are riots that do

not lead to revolution or insurrection, on the other all revolutions and

insurrections begin with riots. In fact a riot is the beginning of

something and, as there is no science that can predict its explosion and

even less its consequences, every riot must be considered as the

possible beginning of the end of the world.

A riot is the beginning of a dialogue. This explosion, which could

possibly spark off others, is the first, negative, sound of the word

free, the first requirement before any qualitative change. Today,

without revolt, no public discussion is possible; there is only the

monotonous monologue of those who govern the existent. As carelessly

proved by the French word (Ă©muete), riots concern emotion in the first

place. It is not reasoned emotion insinuated in some analysis, on the

contrary it is explosive, irrational emotion that excludes all

reasoning. Since the era of positivism, reason has been considered

superior to emotion. But the former has faded into the spirit and

objectivity for a long time now. It is so alienated and falsified that

it claims it can stir up positive emotions (cinema, music, commercial

advertising, and dominant news are practically no more than laborious

factories of artificial feelings); but, instead of giving the truth of

emotion to reason, they extend to the latter the falsification and

objectivity that destroy all reasoning. The organized form of reason is

the State. Since the world has become statified the party of reason

wants to make the present eternal, wanting to get rid of history and

excommunicating its driving force: negativity.

Modern riots are the ignition of the negative. This emotion, having

become the ghetto of authenticity, is against reason, which has become

the palace of falsification. It is an historical upturning: now emotion,

the very absence of conscience and hooliganism par excellence, creates

thought, rebelling against reason, reified thought and eternal

domestication of the spirit. Revolt is the evergreen outbreak of the old

quarrel between the intransigence of subjectivity and conservatism of

objectivity.

Collective emotion is revolt whereas collective reason is the State.

Today all riots are against the State and all States are against riots.

As the State and its ideologies are being hit by the storms of spirit

the modern poor’s revolts are spreading. Such a remarkable

multiplication of radical negation, instead of reflecting the growing

distance between the immobile organization of the present society and

the movement of the humans that form it, is systematically minimised.

First of all, the frequency of revolts comes to be presented to the

enemy as if they were inevitable accidents that have no historical

importance as they have always existed and will continue to do so.

Secondly, it is the police, that is to say the State, that hold the

monopoly of information about riots: whenever possible the latter is

concealed, and when this is not possible their proportions are

intentionally declared to be smaller than they are. In general there are

three figures as regards demos against the government: those provided by

the organizers, which are always in excess; those provided by the

police, which are always smaller; and those provided by the media which,

according to the general mood, stand between the two false extremes. As

regards riots, which do not have organisers, there is only the figure

provided by police whereas the media keep silent or follow the police’s

directives. The same concerns the assessment of damage, dead and

wounded, arrests, strength and length of the clashes. Finally, when it

comes to explaining the reasons for the revolt, the servants of the

State and journalists devaluate it, putting forward trivial political or

economic pretexts and disregarding the serious question of the mood of

the moment. They finally draw sociological banalities or scream about

plots of opposing servants. These are vile excuses, which they do not

say much about, however, because the more they talk about the riot the

more they show they never took part in it and know nothing about it. On

the other hand, these ignorant people think that street clashes increase

according to their visibility on TV.

The vast majority of the modern poor have an even more vague idea about

riots. First of all they adapt their opinion to that offered by the

media: they think that riots are despicable excesses. Dialogue and

wisdom have failed. How was it possible to reach or rather to be dragged

to such a point? For every answer to this pseudo-question a

pseudo-feeling is always ready: desolation. If riots transform the

rioter’s emotions into awareness, they transform the spectator’s reason

into pseudo-emotion. The latter is therefore unable to communicate with

the rioters; even if he condemns them, he also thinks they have no

responsibilities. As the spectator is absent from the riot and from

history, he disconsolately regrets the lack of adequate measures or

reforms, as if riots were errors in management: nothing could be more

stupid.

If State servants minimize riots, the poor mystify them. In fact they

mystify their own revolt – which is considered impossible (as Ruge’s

famous letter to Marx stated in 1843) – and consequently any other too.

The modern poor take part in riots in very small proportions. Nearly all

revolts come from demonstrations. Demonstrators are a minority of the

modern poor and it is a minority of demonstrators that take part in

riots. Finally, it is a minority of rebels that really fight. So almost

all the poor of the town where riots occur learn about the latter

through the enemy’s sources, whose clumsy and embarrassing explanations

of such a terrible and close event tend, even if unintentionally, to

widen its content through representation.

That is the reason why recuperators attribute trivial reasons to riots.

They systematically reduce the revolt to the demo that it started from.

They make this methodological mistake because they left the demo before

the revolt even broke out, the latter acquiring its very essence

precisely as soon as they disappear from the scene. The discussions and

even the concessions of the recuperators are almost always related to

the pretext of the demo, which is not that of the revolt and even less

its main reason.

The modern poor that were absent the day the riots broke out are

therefore divided between the recuperators’ reasonable arguments and an

epic vision of their own revolt, projected on to the event that they

have missed yet again. They have a sensation: it must be emotion that

nobody risks feeling after a glass of beer, a party that could never be

experienced at a disco. Even if joy and sadness, anger and friendship,

credulity and desire are there to the bitter end, to prison or death,

even if passion and the will are constantly upturned by the vertiginous

alternation of lucidity and thrills, of bravery and fear to the point of

rashness and panic, the only really epic thing is the incredible

distance that a long and quiet movement of things digs between everyday

life and history, between survival and life. The spectator, who is

constantly absent from life, forgets that the rioters put their lives at

stake. As he thoughtfully stares at his slippers, he tends to be

reasonable according to the enemy’s explanations and to the detriment of

his confused dreams, which once again flow out towards more realistic

and comfortable occasions.

This abdication sharply distinguishes the modern poor from the angry

indigent. Its consequence is the discrediting of the revolt, along the

lines of the propaganda of the enemy, even the most absurd. After every

revolt, one of the two factions of servants attributes it to a

conspiracy led, if not by the other faction, by the scapegoat preferred

by its ideologues. And facing them, separated by a mountain of

abstractions there stands a crowd of half-slave, half-lucid,

half-apathetic people: the huge movement of thought they have produced

isolates and immobilizes them, preventing them from thinking and acting

all together. We have sensations, of course, but they are imitated and

have been suggested, they are contradictory and without issue, so we

will not rebel; or they are produced by intimate and sudden lacerations,

and can bring about everything, even including their being repressed by

police, and cannot be recuperated as they are spontaneous.

Spontaneity is the main feature of modern revolts. All the poor, be they

dressed up or in rags, submit equally: no one of them is able to lead

others’ emotions. Conspiracy is based on secrets and lies, one of the

big contradictions of the worker parties at the time when they wanted to

conquer the world; but nowadays, between rival factions of slaves, it

exists more in ghosts and anathemas than in fact.

Sometimes the enemy distinguishes martyrs and leaders in a revolt; but

always afterwards. While police or the army are attacking a barricade,

the most beautiful speech or the most cunning conspiracy cannot convince

someone to resist or escape. The martyrs of a revolt are the dead alone

and the leaders are simply the bravest who have no authority other than

example. And if sometimes slanderers go in search of professionals of

insurrection they will find them at home: the only ones that are paid to

go to the scene of riots are police and journalists. If you are for

pleasure you will find people enjoying themselves [si dilettano] and, if

this happens more than once, you will be with true amateurs

[dilettanti]..

[1] Following a well-established habit that is unique in Europe, on New

Year’s Eve 2005 425 vehicles are set to fire all over France, 330 in

2004, 324 in 2003 and 379 in 2002. Clichy-sous-Bois, Aulnay and La

Courneuve are the towns most involved in this phenomenon. Furthermore on

New Year’s Eve 2004 a blackout in a locality in Sevran allows rioters to

set an ambush for police, who are targeted by stones hurled from the

roofs of the surrounding buildings. We can say that the New Year is a

real celebration in France.