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Title: Insurrection and Utopia Author: Dr. Bones Date: 2015 Language: en Topics: Insurrection, Insurrectionary, utopia, ideology, slavery, wage slavery, the state, resistance Source: Retrieved on 2017-02-11 from https://web.archive.org/web/20170211073930/https://godsandradicals.org/2015/11/09/insurrection-and-utopia-part-1-we-are-eating-from-a-trashcan-this-trashcan-is-ideology/
It all started innocently enough. A friend asked me a question on
facebook:
âHow can you advocate anarchic revolution when your political vision is
so far in the minority?â
The underlying premise was a good one: In a country of 300+ million, how
can you call for the upheaval of society, the breaking of societal and
political bonds, when so few would readily identify as
Anarchists/Socialists/Communists/Leftists/Anti-Capitalists/What-have-you?
Itâs a question often thrown at the Left and unfortunately many havenât
fully wrapped their heads around it.
In a way itâs a watermark. For an ideology or political vision to go
from outright dismissal and laughter to being asked to provide real
world examples of what would be done if it came to pass is a sign of
growth; it is a signal, an omen, that the winds are beginning to blow in
our favor and many want to know what might lie ahead. Itâs one thing to
talk about âfrom each according to their ability, to each according to
their needâ but itâs quite another to discuss how restaurants would be
run democratically and without profit or what exactly people might âdoâ
on a day to day level in a classless, stateless society.
Still, the question is not an easy one. We could argue that it is the
one question that has always plagued and nagged the Left: âWell thatâs
all good and well, but how do you plan to achieve this? How does such a
world become born?â Staunch Marxists rely on a religious belief in the
inevitable procession of history, Syndicalists will rail about the need
for increased unionization, firebrand Neo-Bolsheviks plot to simply take
power and liquidate class enemies, while the newly minted faux-left
âDemocratic Socialistsâ will hem-and-haw about passing enough laws to
magically change the balance of power.
All of these options present difficult problems. History has been shown
to be anything but inevitable (every year since 1914 has been âLate
Capitalismâ), a worker-owned McDonalds is still a site of exploitation,
nobody ever bothers to explain just where all these people ready to kill
for the Revolution are to come from, and the ludicrous doctrine of the
Sandernistas that the wealthy and powerful will simply submit to higher
taxes and the rule of law is so preposterous itâs only response should
be derisive laughter.
So, where are we? Where do we go from here? How are we to change the
world?
I start first with a question: Whose world?
Society, technology, language, and culture all bear the birth marks and
forms of the ideological underpinnings of the system they emerged from.
Marx notes:
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e.
the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same
time its ruling intellectual force. The class which has the means of
material production at its disposal, has control at the same time over
the means of mental production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the
ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to
it. The ruling ideas are nothing more than the ideal expression of the
dominant material relationships, the dominant material relationships
grasped as ideas; hence of the relationships which make the one class
the ruling one, therefore, the ideas of its dominance.
The Ruling Class, whether Capitalist or State Socialist, informs and
projects its will and vision onto the rest of society by the sheer
nature of being the dominant force in that society. Of course we can see
this politically, but Marx notes this extends also into ideas, culture,
anything that could be identified as a byproduct of human interaction
and thinking.
The iron steel resolve and blatant disregard of human life so typical of
the fearsome Bolshevik Commissar was not so much traits born as traits
cultivated; ideals taken within the individual and digested. These
cultivated traits came directly from the ideological call for early
revolutionary Bolsheviks to identify themselves as âhards,â to be tough,
to be ruthless and uncompromising in their goals; when they took state
power it become propagated on a cultural level. This meme, this
political trait, spiraled out and became a creature, a position, a
symbolic figure to be adored/feared all onto its own. It transcended its
existence as a mere âideaâ or feeling about how party members should
behave.
Uber, the trendy internet-based taxi service, could have just as easily
manifested into the world as a collectively owned, worker-managed co-op.
The internet platform itself is not that revolutionary, the people and
tools to create the business were there all along and yetâŠ.it did not.
Instead Uber emerged and was formed through an ideological lens that
made sense to the Ruling Class and by a CEO whoâs practically a poster
boy for modern capitalism:
âLetâs consider how Kalanick treated his Uber taxi drivers in New York.
When he was trying to convince them to break the law to boost Uberâs
footprint in the city, Kalanick offered yellow cab drivers free iPhones
and promised to âtake care ofâ any legal problems they encountered with
the TLC. A few short months later, when the service was forced to close,
those same drivers received a message to come to Uber HQ. Reports the
Verge âMultiple drivers said Uber called them into headquarters,
claiming they needed to come by in order to get paid and would get a
cash bonus for showing up. When the cabbies came in, Uber surprised them
by asking for the device back, informing them that taxi service was no
longer available in New York.ââ
This is how Uber is evolving, this is how the entire concept other
companies will build off is evolving: through actions committed under
the dictate and logic of a particular ideology. Taken as gospel or
rejected as too harsh new companies will only differ themselves in
shades from this first âbusiness planâ and mold their own social and
economic arrangements within this ideological parameter. Even the
technologies, once thought to be âpureâ of politics develop along
political lines.
âIn an even stronger sense, many technologies can be said to possess
inherent political qualities, whereby a given technical system by itself
requires or at least strongly encourages specific patterns of human
relationships. Winner (1985, 29â37) suggests that a nuclear weapon by
its very existence demands the introduction of a centralized, rigidly
hierarchical chain of command to regulate who may come anywhere near it,
under what conditions, and for what purposes. It would simply be insane
to do otherwise. More mundanely, in the daily infrastructures of our
large-scale economies â from railroads and oil refineries to cash crops
and microchips â centralization and hierarchical management are vastly
more efficient for operation, production, and maintenance. Thus the
creation and maintenance of certain social conditions can happen in the
technological systemâs immediate operating environment as well as in
society at large.â
Whatâs interesting is the feedback loop this creates: technology is
warped and shaped by the society(and thus dominant ideology), while at
the same time the society becomes molded by the technology.
âAs technologies are being built and put into use, significant
alterations in patterns of human activity and human institutions are
already taking place ⊠the construction of a technical system that
involves human beings as operating parts brings a reconstruction of
social roles and relationships. Often this is a result of the new
systemâs own operating requirements: it simply will not work unless
human behavior changes to suit its form and process. Hence, the very act
of using the kinds of machines, techniques and systems available to us
generates patterns of activities and expectations that soon become
âsecond nature.ââŠ
Winner gives several examples of technologies employed with intention to
dominate, including post-1848 Parisian thoroughfares built to disable
urban guerrillas, pneumatic iron molders introduced to break skilled
workersâ unions in Chicago, and a segregationist policy of low highway
overpasses in 1950s Long Island, which deliberately made rich, white
Jones Beach inaccessible by bus, effectively closing it off to the poor.
In all these cases, although the design was politically intentional, we
can see that the technical arrangements determine social results in a
way that logically and temporally precedes their actual deployment.
There are predictable social consequences to deploying a given
technology or set of technologies.â
In effect we our trapped in a web: We exist in a world not only molded
and shaped by a Hierarchical and Capitalist mentality, but the very
tools we use including our social selves maintain and reinforce this
artifice. The ideology molds the world which molds the people which
molds the technology which molds the world which molds the people, etc,
etc, etc. As Slajov Zizek points out even those who wish to rebel
against the system seem doomed(as if by design?) to remain within it:
âIf, today, one follows a direct call to act, this act will not be
performed in an empty space â it will be an act WITHIN the hegemonic
ideological coordinates: those who âreally want to do something to help
peopleâ get involved in (undoubtedly honorable) exploits like Medecins
sans frontiere, Greenpeace, feminist and anti-racist campaigns, which
are all not only tolerated, but even supported by the media, even if
they seemingly enter the economic territory (say, denouncing and
boycotting companies which do not respect ecological conditions or which
use child labor) â they are tolerated and supported as long as they do
not get too close to a certain limit. This kind of activity provides the
perfect example of interpassivity: of doing things not to achieve
something, but to PREVENT from something really happening, really
changing.â
Even if State power is seized, if the old masters are cast out, the very
throne itself acts like a cursed object and corrupts those that sought
to destroy it. People who fought for the workerâs emancipation end up
crushing strikes, Greens end up debating just how much depleted uranium
to bury underground and how much to fire out of tanks, anti-austerity
Leftists end up dispatching riot police to break up protests, the list
goes on and on throughout history. The simple truth is you can take the
most noble pauper and make him a king, and he may be a great king, but
he must still maintain certain conditions(however unjust) by simply
being king. The more he becomes attached to this position the more
âpragmatismâ takes over, excusing acts once thought unthinkable in the
name keeping the current conditions going if only to âcontinue to do
good things.â Hugo Chavez and Castro can speak all day of âpeopleâs
liberationâ but the fact is people arenât liberated if simply holding a
different opinion is so threatening to your revolution they have to be
jailed. And thus the throne lives on. While the Kings may change shape
or party color the throne of the State and Capital continue to exist,
continue to propagate exploitative and domineering cultural memes,
social conditions, and technological apparatus.
But there is hope, even on the hinterlands of the oh-so-popular activism
of today, in that seemingly bizarre behavior the State displays when
people, protests, and organizations are met with overwhelming force. Why
can millions march up and down streets freely âas long as they do not
get close to a certain limitâ of behavior? What is this Hedge, this
boundary we must cross? What is this line so jealously guarded?
Remember the Cuban Missile crises? Where the big bad Soviet Union
brought us within an inch to war, ready to point nuclear warheads
stationed in Cuba right at us? And how it was only through tough
diplomacy and American bravado that we got them to turn around? No?
Good, because it didnât happen like that at all. The Soviets, arming an
ally after a recent American-backed invasion, made the deal, not us:
Remove the missiles stationed in Turkey(a country that shared a border
with the USSR) pointed at Moscow and they would do the same. Kennedy
liked the deal and took it. This brought horror to the
Military-Industrial establishment; they saw it as backing down to the
Soviets. Remember that ideology bit? They didnât see it as two
individuals avoiding nuclear war; their ideological lens would not
permit them to. They instead saw it in a hierarchical, dominating
dialectic: we had been submissive towards another power. But the Soviets
didnât see it that way, and neither did much of the world, and therein
lay the true danger: a new way of thinking, a shift in vision had been
displayed and put into practice. And this would not stand.
Others have covered just how against the grain Kennedy went, and how
often those who went against him howled for war. I leave the fact that
one of those two combatants is dead under your feet for you to play with
and ponder. I could mention that right when Nobel Laureate Martin Luther
King started talking about âeconomic justiceâ and planned on occupying
DC until the Vietnam war was ended he too ended up dead. Interestingly
enough his family won a wrongful death suit(full court transcripts
available) alleging the government killed him. But Iâll instead stick
with âacceptedâ facts like the long history of COINTELPRO, an FBI
program specializing in infiltrating, discrediting, and disrupting
domestic political organizations. And this wasnât a kids games either.
âInfiltration: Agents and informers did not merely spy on political
activists. Their main purpose was to discredit and disrupt. Their very
presence served to undermine trust and scare off potential supporters.
The FBI and police exploited this fear to smear genuine activists as
agents.
Psychological warfare: The FBI and police used myriad âdirty tricksâ to
undermine progressive movements. They planted false media stories and
published bogus leaflets and other publications in the name of targeted
groups. They forged correspondence, sent anonymous letters, and made
anonymous telephone calls. They spread misinformation about meetings and
events, set up pseudo movement groups run by government agents, and
manipulated or strong-armed parents, employers, landlords, school
officials and others to cause trouble for activists. They used
bad-jacketing to create suspicion about targeted activists, sometimes
with lethal consequences.
Legal harassment: The FBI and police abused the legal system to harass
dissidents and make them appear to be criminals. Officers of the law
gave perjured testimony and presented fabricated evidence as a pretext
for false arrests and wrongful imprisonment. They discriminatorily
enforced tax laws and other government regulations and used conspicuous
surveillance, âinvestigativeâ interviews, and grand jury subpoenas in an
effort to intimidate activists and silence their supporters.
Illegal force: The FBI conspired with local police departments to
threaten dissidents; to conduct illegal break-ins in order to search
dissident homes; and to commit vandalism, assaults, beatings and
assassinations. The object was to frighten or eliminate dissidents and
disrupt their movementsâŠ.
The FBI also conspired with the police departments of many U.S. cities
(San Diego, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Philadelphia, Chicago)
to encourage repeated raids on Black Panther homesâoften with little or
no evidence of violations of federal, state, or local lawsâwhich
resulted directly in the police killing many members of the Black
Panther PartyâŠIn order to eliminate black militant leaders whom they
considered dangerous, the FBI is believed to have worked with local
police departments to target specific individuals, accuse them of crimes
they did not commit, suppress exculpatory evidence and falsely
incarcerate them.â
Anyone who thinks this has ended is sorely mistaken. Really, really
mistaken.
âParticipants were tasked to âidentify those who were âproblem-solversâ
and those who were âproblem-causers,â and the rest of the population
whom would be the target of the information operations to move their
Center of Gravity toward that set of viewpoints and values which was the
âdesired end-stateâ of the militaryâs strategy.â
Let me translate that for you: âWe are actively studying political
movements, identifying people whom might actually change things and are
using propaganda techniques to change the conversations they have as
well as they views they hold to better suit the militaryâs domestic
strategy.â Let that one sink in.
Truth be told we may never fully know how deep the rabbit hole goes. But
there is a unifying factor here: the State clamps down hard whenever the
ongoing narrative, the ideology itself is shown not to be the only one.
Theyâre afraid of ideas, because these things are what sparks action.
The greatest threat to the system isnât just learning things arenât what
they appear to be, but beginning to imagine a world where things are
different. If something is outside the âparameters of acceptanceâ for
the dominant ideology it presupposes that there are limitations to the
system; if there are limitations to the system it can become old, worn
out, made useless, and ultimately replaced.
So the Ruling Class will violently defend itâs doctrines at all costs.
Can we beat such an invincible enemy, an enemy whose literally shaped us
all our lives? How can we achieve that? Can we ever free ourselves and
stop eating out of the trashcan of Capitalist Ideology?
Follow me down a rabbit hole of our own making, letsâŠ
Find Each Other!
âMagick is the Science and Art of causing Change to occur in conformity
with Will.â Isnât that what they say?
If the entire world, from human culture to technology, is the byproduct
of the Ruling Ideology and is literally shaped and molded by it we must
do nothing less then change everything; reform is not an option because
the sheer act of of working âwithin the systemâ actually reinforces
existing ideologies. Thatâs been the key to the whole thing: each
generation fine tunes and updates the existing ideological experience,
making it bearable and palatable to them and thus preserves it. Itâs the
reason identity politics and purely social revolutions are so eagerly
supported. The people at the top donât really care if the definition of
marriage is broadened or restricted as long as we keep depending on them
to do it, they donât care if thereâs a black or female president as long
as we still keep electing presidents. But the moment we begin to dream
or to live lives outside this mental space the jackboots come crashing
down because the minute we do so we are, in effect, creating a new
mental space for ourselves and others to live in. Donât think so? Itâs
through this process that we ended up with the world we have today:
This is not an intended or natural element of human life; rather, it is
an artificial arrangement constructed by those who wish to own the
world. âOne thing, however, is clear â Nature does not produce on the
one side owners of money or commodities, and on the other men possessing
nothing but their own labour-power,â explains Marx. âThis relation has
no natural basis, neither is its social basis one that is common to all
historical periods. It is clearly the result of a past historical
development, the product of many economic revolutions, of the extinction
of a whole series of older forms of social production.
This ideological battle ground is the key. Itâs the reason they laughed
at Occupy and than brutally broke itâs back, itâs the reason Food Not
Bombs is more aggressively treated than Neo-Nazi rallies, itâs the
reason why the authority of a police officer must never be questioned,
itâs the reason homeless people are not allowed to build semi-permanent
structures and must rely on socially stigmatized âaid.â We are
confronting virtual structures, living symbols that power the entire
artifice.
Money powers everything. Not having Money is bad. Obey what we deem to
be Authority. Break these symbols and you break the spell weâve all
fallen under. Break the spell and you might start casting some yourself.
Because you see things like Capitalism, Hierarchy, these are things not
just in the world but that live within our heads. They are ideas,
constructs, âspooksâ as the Anarchist philosopher Max Stirner referred
to them. As long as we still have them there theyâll continue to exist
out here, and if they exist out here they will mold and shape our
thoughts and actions out there.
âIdeology is a process accomplished by the so-called thinker
consciously, indeed, but with a false consciousness. The real motives
impelling him remain unknown to him, otherwise it would not be an
ideological process at all. Hence he imagines false or apparent motives.
Because it is a process of thought he derives both its form and its
content from pure thought, either his own or that of his predecessors.
He works with mere thought material which he accepts without examination
as the product of thought, he does not investigate further for a more
remote process independent of thought; indeed its origin seems obvious
to him, because as all action is produced through the medium of thought
it also appears to him to be ultimately based upon thought.â-Engels
How many times have you heard âthis is as good as it gets?â Or âthis is
the only world possible?â Is this the same species that went from riding
in horse drawn carriages to landing on the moon in the space of about 70
years? To imagine that weâve hit some built-in wall in human development
is insane. This, comrades, is the Spell of Ideology. Of course this is
âas good as it getsâ if the mental structures rattling around in your
head confirm that it is indeed so. You will literally make that world,
you will live it, because your mind is convinced that is what you, in
the Nietzschean sense, Will to Create. Weâre stuck bargaining for bits
and pieces of the pie because we canât fathom ever owning it all.
Joseph McMoneagle in his book âMind Trekâ talks about how before a
Remote Viewing session the investigator would spend about an hour
talking with the subject about various psychic and paranormal topics.
The reason? It prepped the subjects mind into believing Remote Viewing
was possible. If they thought it was quite real and possible they, as if
by magic, were able to do it. Beginnerâs usually had better luck than
trained users because they lacked the mental data to disprove or doubt
the whole experience.
The witches and wizards amongst you should have bells and whistles going
off in your head.
Weâre talking about people moving their consciousness outside of space
and time to view events, places, and people, all through a tiny shift in
ideology; in believing such a thing was not only possible but probable.
If this recognition of probable possibilities can do THAT, what kind of
world can we create with it?
âSo the paradox is that itâs much easier to imagine the end of all life
on Earth than a much more modest radical change in capitalism, which
means that we should reinvent Utopia, but in what sense? There are two
false meanings of Utopia. One is this old notion of imagining an ideal
society, which we know will never be realized. The other is the
capitalist Utopia in the sense of new perverse desires that you are not
only allowed but even solicited to realize. The true Utopia is when the
situation is so without issue, without a way to resolve it within the
coordinates of the possible, that out of the pure urge of survival you
have to invent a new space. Utopia is not kind of a free imagination.
Utopia is a matter of innermost urgency. You are forced to imagine it as
the only way out, and this is what we need today.â âSlajov Zizek
Let me give you an example of how this dreaming works. Driverless cars
are being tested and developed. Uberâs costs are primarily paying the
driver. No driver and the cost goes down immensely, so low in fact it
will be cheaper to simply grab a self-driving car for a ride then
actually owning one.
So we have two potential futures:
A) Rentable self-driving cars become the wave of the future, eliminating
vehicle ownership. You cannot get anywhere without paying a fee for it,
the companies can charge whatever they like, and the minute a big car
crash happens they will decry person-driven cars as âdangerousâ and
lobby the State to ban them on major roads âfor our safety,â thus
creating a privately-owned technological monopoly. All transit becomes
commercialized and a matter of transactions.
B) We create socially funded free transportation for all.
Both options are entirely possible, both sitting in that hazy realm of
possibility so frequently added to and pulled from by the magically
inclined. Which one will be born? The one that is summoned by the
prevailing ideology. There are literally thousands of these questions
answered everyday on the micro and macro level, questions we may not
have even thought to ask; the world is created at each second, so too
itâs future.
So we must begin to dream again, to evoke and invoke a world as yet
unborn; we must remake our utopia. We must imagine and desire a world
beyond capital and devoid of hierarchy, as impossible as it sounds,
because by dreaming it we unconsciously strive towards it. And itâs been
done successfully before. Let your forgotten history be recalled by the
great Murray Bookchin.
The Paris Commune ran an entire city based on neighborhood councils with
the communicative speed of horseback; Mahknoâs Ukraine created freely
run Anarchist communes and schools, all without police, jails, or
borders; areas of Anarchist Spain completely abolished money altogether,
actually living âfrom each according to their ability, to each according
to their need.â These are things weâve been told time and time again
were impossible, went against âhuman nature,â and yet there they stand,
only being overcome when the literal weight of the world was put against
themâŠbecause they knew, just as the Powers That Be do today, to admit
them victory would call the entirety of âwhatâs possibleâ into question.
The Zapatistas and Rojava cantons are proving the power to dream, that
the unconscious sorcerous summoning of new worlds is still as dangerous
and effective as it once was.
So we dream new worlds. Is that enough? You can burn candles all day to
get a new job, you still have to actually looking. Is revolution the
answer? Max Stirner didnât think so.
The revolution aimed at new arrangements; insurrection leads us no
longer to let ourselves be arranged, but to arrange ourselves, and sets
no glittering hopes on âinstitutionsâ. It is not a fight against the
established [âŠ] it is only a working forth of me out of the established.
What is âthe revolution?â Itâs a dream that has no legs to walk one, a
fight weâre always going to have at sometime in the future. The dream
betrays itself. By always seeing it as in the future we damn it to be
so, it will also be some hazy future off in the distance, a utopia of a
future conflict to possibly change things. Dangerous thinking lies here!
We are dreaming of a future possibility, a mere chance to change things
rather than changing them now. âHo ho, just you wait. When the
revolution comes around things are going to be different. Yessir. Now,
how may I take your order?â
And if the chance does come around, what then? We inherit a world soaked
in a conflicting ideology, a machine geared impossibly away from the
kind of lives we seek to create. And since THE revolution has occurred
we become immediate conservatives; there is no room for things to adapt,
to change, to grow, because the âEventâ in Zizekâs terms has already
happened. We become the kings, queens, and keepers of the very thing we
sought to destroy. The physical map may change but the mental
co-ordinates are still the same. From Anarchopdia:
âStirner recognises the importance of self-liberation and the way that
authority often exists purely through its acceptance by the governed. As
he argues, â⊠no thing is sacred of itself, but my declaring it sacred,
by my declaration, my judgement, my bending the knee; in short, by my
conscience.â [Ibid. p. 72] It is from this worship of what society deems
âsacredâ that individuals must liberate themselves in order to discover
their true selves. And, significantly, part of this process of
liberation involves the destruction of hierarchy. For Stirner,
âHierarchy is domination of thoughts, domination of mind!,â and this
means that we are âkept down by those who are supported by thoughtsâ
[Ibid., p. 74], i.e. by our own willingness to not question authority
and the sources of that authority, such as private property and the
state.â
We can have no change, no ârevolution,â if the old order and old systems
we seek to destroy are still acting as âspooksâ in our heads. Any
physical change in the balance of power must first be won in the world
of ideas: a Jungian, Alchemical, inner-revolution. Freed from the
âspooksâ of capitalism and hierarchy the newly awakened individual
recreates the world around her on the basis of a new ideology. Mahkno
writes:
âThe free man, on the other hand, has thrown away the trammels of the
past together with its lies and brutality. He has buried the rotten
corpse of slavery and the notion that the past is better. Man has
already partially liberated himself from the fog of lies and brutality,
which enslaved him from the day of his birth, from the worship of the
bayonet, money, legality, and hypocritical science. While man frees
himself from this insult he understands himself better, and once he has
understood himself, the book of his life is opened to him. In it he
immediately sees that his former life was nothing but loathsome slavery
and that this framework of slavery has conspired to stifle all his
innate good qualities. He sees that this life has turned him into a
beast of burden, a slave for some or a master over others, or into a
fool who tears down and tramples on all that is noble in man when
ordered to do so. But when freedom awakes in man, it treads all
artificialities into the dust and all that stands in the way of
independent creativity. This is how man moves in his process of
developmentâŠ
âThe man of protest, who has fully grasped his identity and who now sees
with his eyes fully open, who now thirsts for freedom and totality, now
creates groups of free men welded together by the ideal and by the
action. Whoever comes into contact with these groups will cast off his
status of lackey and will free himself from the idiot domination of
others over him. Any ordinary man who comes from the plough, the
factory, the bench of the university or from the bench of the academic
will recognize the degradation of slavery. As man uncovers his true
personality, he will throw away all artificial ideas, which go against
the rights of his personality, the Master/Slave relationship of modern
society. As soon as man brings to the fore the pure elements in his
personality through which a new, free human community is born, he will
become an anarchist and revolutionary. This is how the ideal of
anarchism is assimilated and disseminated by men; the free man
recognizes its deep truth, its clarity, and its purity, its message of
freedom and creativity.â
So, putting it all together, what is it we must do?
We must be crafters and dreamers, builders and thinkers. We must learn
to identify the prevailing ideology and how it infects and moves in us
as well as others, even objects and concepts. Then me must break those
bonds within that mental space; we must kill our Inner Fascist. And when
we do that, and the symbols of Capitalism, State, and Hierarchy have
been disenchanted we can begin to evoke our Utopia, our dreams into
reality. We can engage in conversations and do things that challenge the
prevailing ideas of what is possible; we can fight for and create
liberated spaces where this world can begin to manifest.
There are ways to do this today. Hereâs 42 of them. We can start our
Insurrection now.
Rather than dogmatically hold on to one method or tactic or we should
instead follow Stirnerâs advice to âhave no wish to become a slave to my
maxims, butâŠrather subject them to my ongoing criticismâ as the struggle
continues to evolve. We have no idea how things might change or in what
ways things might manifest, when situations might become more heated or
more cool. Rosa Luxemborg stated there were no âperfectâ or âobjectiveâ
times for any historical condition, they only appear so when viewed as
something in the past; that each âprematureâ attempt at the working
people seizing power existed to further train the people as a whole, who
could only reach the âmature conditionsâ necessary for widespread
societal change by the very education gained in these earlier,
âpremature,â struggles. We must regain that old revolutionary patience,
fighting for a world we may never get to see; but while we live, rather
than simply âreactingâ to things or trying to âfixâ the world, we need
to build our own.
Any action that moves towards a new way of thinking, by itâs sheer
existence, forces others to have an interior conversation with
themselves. This descent into Spookland causes long-held and prevailing
ideas to be questioned or thrown away altogether. Ideology informs and
molds reality. Change one and you change the other. Victor Serge in
âBirth Of Our Powerâ described the situation in a conversation between
his characters:
Rather than wait for a future conflict to bring the chance of change we
must act and fight as if the world of our dreams is but a hairâs breadth
away today.
Because if we do, one day weâll wake up in it.