đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș conor-mcloughlin-stirner-the-individual-anarchism.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 08:41:14. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-07-09)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: Stirner, the individual & anarchism Author: Conor McLoughlin Date: 2002 Language: en Topics: Max Stirner, individualism, egoism, book review, Red & Black Revolution Source: Retrieved on 8th August 2021 from http://struggle.ws/rbr/rbr6/stirner.html Notes: This page is from Red & Black Revolution (no 6, Winter 2002)
Max Stirner is a relatively obscure figure in anarchist and left wing
thought. He has influenced many who regard themselves as
anarcho-individualists such as the Americans, Lysander Spooner and
Benjamin Tucker and modern polemicists such as Bob Black. He also has
some following among anarcho-communists, notably in Glasgow where a
Stirnerist tradition has persisted to this day. Stirner was an egoist
who railed against all doctrines and beliefs which demanded a
subordination of the individual will to their leadership. So you might
ask why I should be interested in trying to outline some of his ideas in
the magazine of an organisation committed to a collective
anarcho-communist vision of society? I would say for two reasons.
Firstly Stirnerâs ideas are the perfect corrective to those expounded by
authoritarian socialists. Indeed, they came to realise this very quickly
and condemned Stirner almost from day one. Marx and Engels devoted a
whole 300-page book to denouncing his ideas â âThe German Ideologyâ
published in 1846. The semi hysterical and personal nature of the
criticisms tell us just how worried they were. They condemned him as
âthe emptiest, shallowest brain among the philosophersâ whose âwhole
activity is limited to trying a few, hackneyed, casuistical tricks on
the world handed down to him by philosophical tradition.â This effort
alone such surely alert us that the fact that he might be saying
something interesting! Stirnerâs absolute contempt for those who would
be masters allowed him to clearly and accurately predict the disaster
that happened when socialist ideas were elevated to the level of a state
religion:
âSociety, from which we have everything, is a new master, a new spook, a
new âsupreme beingâ which âtakes us into it service and allegiance.ââ
Thereâs a second and deeper relevance to his thinking though. All
anarchists strive to maximise individual liberty. In the Workers
Solidarity Movement our aim is to maximise individual freedom through
collective means. But in order to do this it is important that people
are committed to the ideas of collectively organising with others. This
is an idea that is common to anarchists and many others on the left.
However much less time is devoted, even by anarchists, to thinking about
what it would actually mean to live in an anarchist society. Freedom
cannot be handed out. It is only meaningful to people who really desire
it and that means strong individuals knowing what they want. What does
it mean to be free or as Stirner puts it âself ownedâ? Unless we really
appreciate what this means and how valuable it is then we might as well
give up and let the state and the capitalists do our thinking for us!
Surely if socialism is anything it is the opposite of selfishness and
egoism. In fact opponents often argue that, while the ideas of socialism
and anarchism are attractive, human greed makes it unrealisable in
practise. We are told that itâs the ânaturalâ greedy condition of
humanity that makes socialism an impossible dream. Yet what if it was
all turned on its head? What if socialism sprung firstly from a greedy
snatching at lifeâs possibilities to turn them to personal advantage?
What if it was our own individual greed and egoism that pulled us out of
capitalism and into a new world? The great are only great because we are
on our knees; what happens if we all get up? This is the paradox
suggested by Stirner in âThe Ego and Its Ownâ
Max Stirner (real name Caspar Schmidt) was a member of a small group of
left leaning German intellectuals styling themselves âthe freeâ and
including Marx and Engels. Stirner wrote many essays, compiled and
edited âa history of reactionâ and translated works by Adam Smith.
However this book is his only completed original work. Before I launch
into some of the ideas contained in the book, it is only fair to warn
anyone who does get their hands on it that it is not an easy read. In
fact it is very badly written and I can only pity the translator.
Firstly Stirner can sarcastically quote summaries of other peopleâs
ideas as if he agreed with them and then suddenly switch to his own
views. Secondly there is a high level of abstraction in the book with
often the same word such as âmanâ being used to mean very different
things within the same paragraph. That having been said a patient
reading will give many rewards!
The book is a searing attack on all abstract belief systems, starting
and working out from religious ideas to encompass all political beliefs
as being religious in nature. The first paragraph sets the tone, with
Stirner sarcastically putting forward what he sees as the enemyâs line:
âWhat is not supposed to be my concern, first and foremost, the good
cause, then Godâs cause, the cause of mankind, of truth, of freedom, of
humanity, of justice, further, the cause of my people, my prince, my
fatherland. Finally even the cause of mind and a thousand other causes.
Only my cause is never to be my concern âshame on the egoist who thinks
only of himself.â
He starts with religion. He believes that the concept of spiritual man
first emerged among the Greeks and then was reinforced with
Christianity. The idea of spiritual man is that manâs earthly concerns
take second place. The thesis is first sold of a spiritual and ideal
person beyond the present ordinary earthly person. In contemplation of
this idealised spirit that dwells in everyone (in the sense that they
are supposed to be âGodâs imageâ) all immediate bodily concerns fall
away. The Christian aims to do away with âthe vanityâ of the present
world and ârenounceâ their immediate life in favour of a future
paradise.
He goes on to the first philosophers to question religious beliefs â
they continued to accept the spiritual world as the important one.
Descartes declares, âI think therefore I amâ not I eat therefore I am or
I have a smoke therefore I am! People are defined by their thinking
which is abstract and spiritual in the general sense (you could argue
that thinking does draw a considerable amount from real experience but
he doesnât go into this). So spiritual things outside the actual real
experienced life of the person were still elevated above and alienated
from their day to day lives.
Stirnerâs most original idea, to my mind, is to show how secular
liberals and socialists, in aiming to do away with God and spirituality,
just erected a new edifice onto which day to day concerns could be
sacrificed. This edifice was âmanâ (apologies but I have to stick to his
wording â presumably he meant this to mean both sexes).
According to Stirner, liberals, humanists, communists, anarchists and so
forth have just replaced God with man. So some ideal future vision is
expounded for humanity as a whole to move towards. Where you are at
present is not nearly as important as what you might one day become.
They are interested in man in the abstract not the actual lives of
individual persons. This leads to an interesting statement of what
psychologists today sometimes call âdeferred gratificationâ â you are
always trying to reach some ideal version of yourself:
âTherefore over each minute of your existence, a fresh minute of the
future beckons to you, and, developing yourself, you get away âfrom
yourself.ââ
In other words you are something to be reached. An ideal version of
yourself is held over you as a target to aim for. You never really start
from yourself because youâre always trying to reach it. You are
alienated from yourself!
OK perhaps now it is becoming apparent just how abstract some of the
ideas are! But there are immediate practical implications. If you sketch
an ideal of what we must become you can also impose restrictions on us.
If everyone obeys the law out of respect then you need very few cops.
Ideas are internalised and self-discipline turns out good citizens. Now
there is always some abstract morality, some party line that has to be
guiltily adhered to.
From an early age concepts of property, sin and guilt are drummed in to
us through family, church, school, media and politicians. These set the
limits for what you can and canât do. The ideas â or âspooksâ as Stirner
terms them of morality, respect for private property etc keep people in
line. You could live in poverty from birth but, as he puts it, âYou must
not pick up a pin unless you have got leave to do so.â
These ideas are programmed in and even respected and encouraged by those
aiming to change society. Once they are accepted and internalised people
obey the rules not because they are forced to but because they think it
is right and proper to do so: âEvery Prussian carries his gendarme in
his breastâ
Stirnerâs critique is far reaching but what does he offer as a solution
and how can it be realised given that the ideas seem to rule out getting
involved in any collective struggle towards an abstract idea of how
things should be done!
First of all he dismisses all talk of freedom. Stirner views the concept
of freedom as a dangerous âspookâ. It implies absence of want (freedom
from something) rather then confers any particular benefit. Itâs a
negative definition and easy for anyone to use as a platform from which
to sell their ideas. Instead he calls for people to become âself owned.â
This means simply to put yourself at the centre of things and then to
make as much of the world as possible your property. So you own the
ideas and belief systems rather than vice versa and everything is
analysed according to how useful it is to you. Of course, as he makes
clear, you first of all have to know who you are as separated out from
the ideas or passions which may be in charge at any given moment. In an
idea, which was later, to be pinched by Nietzsche (âBeyond Good and
Evilâ) among others he proclaims:
âAway with every concern that is not altogether my concern? Whatâs good,
whatâs bad? Why, I myself am my concern and I am neither good nor bad.
Neither has any meaning for meâ
What sort of society would this lead to? Though very much an
individualist Stirner gives us a few glimpses of what he terms his
âUnion of Egoistsâ. The union is a voluntary structure formed by its
members in their own immediate interests. This is a union of
self-confessed selfish people, which they leave as soon as their
interests are not being delivered. Stirner has more faith in this system
than in any state or political party. In the final analysis he says: âI
would rather be referred to menâs selfishness than their kindness.â Of
course he would not favour any form of collective action to realise this
society. The only route he comes up with is the rather worrying âwar of
all against allâ. He calls for an insurrection of all individuals aiming
not to overthrow existing institutions but to move beyond them in some
vague way.
Many would agree that Stirner had some interesting ideas and could see
him as something of a figure for individualists or even libertarian free
marketeers. Does Stirner have relevance to anarcho communists though? As
mentioned earlier I think he has.
Firstly, of course, he serves as a continuous warning against lefties,
nationalists, religious fanatics and anyone who lets abstract ideas run
away with them. As long as groups exist with abstract schemes to
âliberateâ or âfreeâ âsuffering and oppressedâ humanity there will be
new states, new rules:
âThe hierarchy lasts as long as the parsons, that is, theologians,
philosophers, statesmen, philistines, liberals, schoolmasters, servants,
parents, children, married couples, Proudhon, George Sand, Bluntschi and
others have the floor, the hierarchy will endureâ
Secondly he locates the urge to rebel â the need to rebel â within
peopleâs real and actual conditions of life. One of the points he
constantly hammers home is that the rich are rich because the poor do
not see clearly their own self-interests. People who voluntarily submit
to oppression lose the right to complain. Anyway if they only complain
or use abstract concepts of rights and freedoms to be handed to them by
their masters they will be ignored. People have to rise up to realise
their own self-interests â âTo what property am I entitled? To every
property to which I empower myself.â If you feel you are under valued
you must raise your price!
Finally the concept of the individual is central to anarchist beliefs.
We (unlike Stirner) wish to maximise individual freedom through
collective means. However the role of the individual in revolution is
not greatly explored. The final version of an anarchist society should,
I think, look very like Stirnerâs Union of Egoists â with people freely
associating in pursuit of their own interests (OK these might be long
term rather than immediate). Unless it is built by âself ownedâ people
then it can easily be defeated or driven in a Statist direction. People
who have really found themselves and know they are fighting for
themselves donât give in too easily. A stateless society can only be
built by people who see it as being in their own real interests. As
Stirner puts it:
âThe impudent lads will no longer let anything be whined and chattered
into them by you, and will have no sympathy for all the follies for
which you have been raving and drivelling since the memory of man
began.... If you command them, âbend before the Most Highâ they will
answer. If he wants to bend us, let him come himself and do it; we, at
least, will not bend of our own accord.â