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Title: The Occupy Movement Author: Burn Shit Date: November 5, 2011 Language: en Topics: Occupy, critique Source: Retrieved on 1st June 2021 from https://kpbsfs.wordpress.com/2011/11/05/three-problems-with-the-occupy-movement/
The New York Times quotes one occupier; âWe absolutely need demandsâŠ
power concedes nothing without a demand.â The Occupy Seattle website has
a number of policy polls for demands ranging from, âuniversal educationâ
to âend corporate personhood.â Astonishingly, many of the NYC protesters
see fit to work towards a set of ultimatums for the politicians in
Washington to consider. With unparalleled political naivety, some think
it best for their representatives in Congress to take final
responsibility for âfixingâ capitalism. It seems many protesters cannot
shake their attachment to existing power structures.
Picture it now: The mind-numbing, six-hour general assembly of earnest
campers wrangling over the pros and cons of reforming the banking
system. Searching for a consensus to draw a plan for a nice new
capitalism âwith a human faceâ, one regulated more effectively by the
state. Underlying much (not all) of the Occupy Movement is a strange
sort of American Dream narrative and the idealised notion of a pure,
moral and non-parastitic capitalism. The idea that a once-fair and
equitable meritocracy has been corrupted by a tiny few whoâve taken
things too far. Still wedded to the basic tenets of capitalism and
representative democracy, many of the Occupy protesters arenât demanding
anything thatâs particularly radical. âNOT AGAINST CAPITALISM, JUST
AGAINST GREED!â â as if the whole machine didnât thrive on an avaricious
drive to make a profit by any means, masked by useful euphemisms like
âambitionâ and âentrepreneurial spiritâ. In a Huffington Post article
entitled, âThe Occupy Movement: Not Anti-Capitalist but
Anti-Fundamentalistâ Richard Stacy writes, âThere is not a problem with
capitalism, per se, and very few protesters are claiming as such. The
problem is the variant of capitalism we have been pursuing for most of
the last 30 years.â Oh yes. How can we forget those rosy days of Wilson
and Callaghan, when the Labour Party actually meant the party of labour
and actually represented the interests of the working masses (or is that
the 99%)? Do people actually have such a misplaced fetish for that era
of big government social democracy? Do they think back to those days as
if the liberal West was the land of milk, honey and stable class
relations?
This liberal-welfarist-social-democratic sycophancy is based on a total
misreading of capitalismâs historical evolution. At the risk of talking
some Marxist dialectical bilge, the Keynesian post-war consensus was a
political-economic model that suited one particular stage of capitalist
development. New conditions (not least a long period of stagnation and
the beginning of the process of globalisation) gave rise to the
neo-liberal, monetarist model, which allowed unregulated capital to move
across borders freely and expanded credit to stimulate a stifled demand
and flat-lining real wages. All these systems are just different
variations on the same putrid and debased theme, just stages in the
evolution of a morally bankrupt system that has an unfortunate
self-adjusting mechanism guaranteeing its survival through countless
crises thus far.
We Are The 99%. All our grievances and frustrations watered down into a
vacuous, simplistic, twitter-friendly slogan. Just as vapid as âYes We
Canâ or âKeep Hope Aliveâ. Is this an attempt to quantify the class
struggle? A handy little formula to explain inequality and income
disparities? Unfortunately, our problems have surpassed, âthe 1% versus
everybody elseâ. Power is more entrenched and it cannot be delineated or
reduced into a neat little mantra or pyramid diagram of societiesâ
âpower structureâ.
During Franceâs Red Terror, Marat drew up an exact list of around 36,000
names, claiming that all the problems of the French people could be
solved virtually overnight if the 36,000 were guillotined. This claim at
least would have made more sense in his era of autocratic leviathans and
the absolute omnipotency of Church and State. At least then there was a
definite, discernable line of authority heading steeply down a feudal
pyramid, but Iâm not so sure that this is the case now (or even if it
was then). Itâs not so black and white between the powerful and
powerless; the monolithic institution/elite vs. the rest of the world.
Power is more diffuse. It manages to worm its way into all relationships
and practical endeavors, a crisscrossing web of coercive and
manipulative connections that reproduce themselves through individuals â
our job is to grasp this and minimise its hold over us. If Iâm wrong
then fuck it, lets just hang the 1% and be done with it, and enjoy the
rest of our lives without these parasites.
Looks to me like theyâre sleeping in a park or on a bit of concrete
outside a church. A protest can either be a media-spectacle that âraises
awarenessâ, or it can actually pose a real threat to the State if it
challenges it directly. Are these occupations about establishing
âTemporary Autonomous Zonesâ or âSpaces of Hopeâ, self-governing and
independent of traditional power structures and the State, that could
potentially lead to a situation of âdual powerâ that negates the Stateâs
hegemony, or begins to construct âthe new in the shell of the oldâ? Or
are they oppositional attempts to disrupt (or just question) the status
quo without establishing a positive alternative? Both would be fine, but
Iâm not sure that Occupy is doing either, or if they are, their attempts
seem a little watered-down. In fairness, Occupy Oakland has made the
most progress towards actually turning the occupation into a real Event,
and this is partly due to the wildly disproportionate repression the
(initially) peaceful encampment received from the police.
The practical/organisational forms of the occupy movement (radically
democratic, horizontally-structured) seem to be more radical than the
content (reformist âdemandsâ, social-democratic leanings). The
non-hierarchical, organic structure is laudable, with general assemblies
as the sole decision-making bodies, but to be effective, the occupations
need to become more than just political campsites.
Apologies for not being completely overjoyed at the prospect of new
generation of activists demanding (in the main) a return to some sort of
pre-cuts-pre-monetarist-pre-Thatcher-pre-Reagan-pre-deregulation-capitalism,
and imagining a kind of socially responsible, welfarist free market to
replace the rapacious capitalism of late. Perhaps Iâm jealous not being
in the place where itâs all apparently âhappeningâ, but my sympathy is
stretched with a movement that has consistently tried to appeal to both,
âleft and right, liberal and conservativeâ, de-politicising class
warfare and shouting, âForget your politics, YOU ARE THE
99%!!!!!!!!!!11!! #OWSâ