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Title: Anarchism in Australia
Author: Bob James
Date: 2009
Language: en
Topics: history, Australia
Source: James, Bob. “Anarchism, Australia.” In The International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest: 1500 to the Present, edited by Immanuel Ness, 105–108. Vol. 1. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. Gale eBooks (accessed June 22, 2021).

Bob James

Anarchism in Australia

At least as early as the 1840s (“Australia” having only been settled by

white Europeans in 1788), the term “anarchist” was used as a slander by

conservatives against their political opponents; for example, by W. C.

Wentworth against Henry Parkes and J. D. Lang for speaking in favor of

Australian independence from Britain. This opportunistic blackening of

reputations has continued to the present day. What has also continued is

that Australian attempts to express the philosophy positively have

reflected other countries’ concerns or global rather than local issues.

For example, the first positive public expression of the philosophy was

the Melbourne Anarchist Club (MAC) which, established in 1886,

consciously reflected the Boston Anarchist Club’s approach to strategy

and philosophy, having a secretary, a chairperson, speakers’ rules, and

prepared papers which the public were invited to hear. The club was also

a response to the 1884 call by the Federation of Organized Trades and

Labor Unions of the US and Canada for a celebration of May 1, 1886 as an

expression of working-class solidarity. The first MAC meeting was held

on that day at the instigation of Fred Upham from Rhode Island, the two

Australian-born Andrade brothers, David and William, and three other

discontented members of the Australasian Secular Association (ASA) based

in Melbourne.

Australian labor activists had been involved in Eight Hour Day

agitations since 1871 and in deliberately associating themselves with

the overseas movement for May Day the MAC organizers exposed their lack

of involvement in local labor politics and their vulnerability to the

rise or fall of distant agendas. Their first meeting, of course, almost

coincided with the Haymarket explosion in Chicago, and the longer and

more colorfully that tragedy and its aftermath held world attention, the

more difficult it was for less sensational views to be put.

In the absence of more detailed and considered research, it also seems

reasonable to argue that the infamous arrests, mistrial, and execution

of self-proclaimed anarchists for the explosion set the scene for the

next century. Not only did short-term conflict between supporters of

local Eight Hour Days and those in favor of the more international May

Day approach bedevil labor politics for some years, but, in the long

term, libertarianism of all forms has been greatly handicapped and on

the defensive ever since. This comment can probably be made about much

anarchist endeavor around the world, but the close identification of the

MAC with “the Haymarket” has possibly had a longer-lasting and deeper

negative impact. This is despite the fact that it was, during our own

“Reign of Terror,” a focal point for local agitators: “With one possible

exception, the trial of the eight Chicago anarchists is the most

dramatic in all labour history” (Lane 1939: 16).

In what was a period of great social upheaval, many well-known union

leaders and labor spokespeople actually declared their support in the

decade, 1886–96. But they had to do so from behind pseudonyms or in

private. Years later they could publically acknowledge having being

influenced by propagandists from the MAC, in particular by Jack Andrews,

a major figure, who, among other things, believed he was the first

anywhere to articulate a theory of communist-anarchism.

One of the earliest members of the MAC, Andrews had to overcome a severe

stutter and depression brought on by a tormented childhood, an

above-average intelligence, and a fragmented cultural background. He

developed skills as an inventor, a poet, and a linguist, and was

prepared to push his beliefs to the extremes of sleeping rough, refusing

payment for work, and living off the land. Renouncing respectability,

such as the yoke of collar and tie, and devoting himself entirely to

“the cause,” he impressed his comrades with his learning and sincerity,

but was easily picked off by the authorities on trumped up charges when

the police failed to involve him in sham dynamite plots. He gave up mass

agitational work in 1895, but continued writing, including for overseas

journals such as Freedom and Revolt, and moving in labor circles,

becoming editor of Tocsin in 1901. He died of consumption in 1903.

Under internal and external pressures, the MAC had by 1890 already

fractured into “voluntary-communist,” communist-anarchist, and

individualist anarchist factions, the last specifically following

Benjamin Tucker and other US writers.

Writer and publicist David Andrade, who wrote the club’s constitution,

developed what would be later called lifestyle anarchism. In the 1890s

this meant vegetarianism and hydrotherapy and agitation against

organized religion and medical interventions such as vaccination and

fluoride. He left Melbourne for Gippsland, where he attempted

self-sufficiency along the lines of a scheme he’d set out in his book

The Melbourne Riots (1892). In 1895 his family lost everything in a

bushfire. Andrade succumbed to the loss and was institutionalized, where

he died in 1929.

Perhaps the best known of all labor organizers in the period when the

Australian Labor Party was born, 1890–5, William Lane, brother of Ernie,

came to Australia from England in the 1880s. He quickly established

himself as a journalist, and as editor of the Brisbane Worker, “John

Miller,” he espoused libertarian communism under the guise of “mateship”

and “cooperation.” Disillusioned with labor politics and convinced

useful gains could not be made, he left the paper in 1892. After

producing a documentary novel Working Man’s Paradise, he helped

galvanize a mass emigration of hundreds of labor stalwarts in 1893 to

Paraguay. “New Australia” foundered on a lack of preparation and over

his leadership, which was veering to the authoritarian. In the early

twentieth century he edited a conservative newspaper in New Zealand in

which he opposed all labor-based initiatives.

John “Chummy” Fleming was a local agitator attracted to the MAC but

never seduced by it. He initiated the first May Day procession in

Melbourne, in 1892, and in later years felt that it was his, even when

the organizers, political laborites, told him he was not wanted. With a

cow bell and his black flag he would start well ahead, slowing down

gradually until it appeared he was leading the march. Among Emma

Goldman’s correspondents, he continued to speak, rain, hail, or shine,

in public parks until his death in the 1950s.

Its international focus and the conservative, even authoritarian nature

of Australian society has meant that between that “revolutionary” period

and the 1970s “youth movements” anarchism has been kept alive only by

individuals or small scattered groups, a number of whom have been part

of the continued emigration flow from Europe. Few have been researched

in detail – a selection follows:

cutters and described as “the best anarchist newspaper produced at the

time anywhere in the world” deserves mention here, with an

Italian-language anti-fascist newspaper, Il Risveglio, produced in 1927

in Sydney.

of numerous examples of efforts for libertarian education.

movement in Sydney and elsewhere in the 1930s and 1940s and established

one of the first communes in north Queensland.

Syndicalists in 1936, and told George Orwell to pull his head in, or

he’d get shot, just before exactly that happened. He is among the group

shown on the front cover of Orwell’s Homage to Catalonia.

and 1950s, but did not live long enough to meet John Zube who

articulated a theory he called Panarchy, or anarchism for peace, in the

1960s through to the 1990s.

Olday developed a cabaret, “Immortal Clown,” for his CafĂ© La Boheme in

1959 Sydney. His LP record “Roses and Gallows” might have been picked up

by the Sydney Libertarians who made a splash from the late 1950s into

the 1960s, but they were more interested in free love, personal freedom,

and betting systems.

other European anarchists after World War II, Bulgaria being one of the

few places where an anarchist government held office for a period

between the retreating Nazis and the Soviets. Some of these were

instrumental in setting up the long-running Jura Bookshop in Sydney in

the 1970s, from which Red Fern Black Rose was a subsequent breakaway.

Again, the split was largely between syndicalist and “lifestyle”

anarchisms.

The Sydney Libertarians, or The Push as they were locally known, were

survived by Germaine Greer, Clive James, Wendy Bacon, and Frank

Moorhouse among others, who went on to establish themselves in the

“alternative” 1970s and beyond.

In the mid-1970s, Alternative Canberra, instigated by Bob James, helped

organize “Confests” (a combination of conference and festival) after

Graeme Dunstan and others ‘liberated’ Nimbin on the north coast of New

South Wales. The Anarcho-Surrealist Insurrectionary Feminists (ASIF) was

a South Australian group which developed political street theater to

insist that theoretical gender equivalence among anarchists was not good

enough; Pio and his sister Thalia were Greek-born performance poets;

Vince Ruiz was involved with Melbourne’s Free Legal Service and the Free

Store movement; Digger, Living Daylights, and Nation Review were

important magazines to emerge from the ferment.

With the major events of the 1960s and 1970s so heavily influenced by

overseas anarchists, local libertarians, in addition to those mentioned,

were able to generate sufficient strength “down under” to again attempt

broad-scale, formal organization. In particular, Andrew Giles-Peters, an

academic at La Trobe University (Melbourne) fought to have local

anarchists come to serious grips with Bakunin and Marxist politics

within a Federation of Australian Anarchists format which produced a

series of documents. Annual conferences that he, Brian Laver, Drew

Hutton, and others organized in the early 1970s were sometimes disrupted

by Spontaneists, including Peter McGregor, who went on to become a

one-man team stirring many national and international issues.

Community Radio was an important libertarian channel for numerous

grouplets and individuals as feminism and green thinking in all their

forms took hold. The not-so-green Libertarian Workers group in

Melbourne, led by medico Joe Toscano, has since been a major force. He

was instrumental in attempting exorcism of the “Haymarket effect” in May

1986 with the Australian Anarchist Centenary Celebrations. Held over

four days and nights, it brought locals and international visitors

together but failed in its long-term purposes, perhaps for the same

reasons that William Lane failed.

SEE ALSO: Anarchism ; Anarchosyndicalism ; Haymarket Tragedy

References And Suggested Readings

James, B. (Ed.) (1979) A Reader of Australian Anarchism. Canberra: Bob

James.

James, B. (Ed.) (1983) What is Communism? And Other Essays by JA

Andrews. Prahran, Victoria: Libertarian Resources/Backyard Press.

James, B. (Ed.) (1986) Anarchism in Australia – An Anthology. Prepared

for the Australian Anarchist Centennial Celebration, Melbourne, May 1–4,

in a limited edition. Melbourne: Bob James.

James, B. (1986) Anarchism and State Violence in Sydney and Melbourne,

1886–1896. Melbourne: Bob James.

Lane, E. (Jack Cade) (1939) Dawn to Dusk. N. P. William Brooks.

Lane, W. (J. Miller) (1891/1980) Working Mans’Paradise. Sydney: Sydney

University Press.