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Title: The trouble with Islam Author: Andrew Flood Date: 2003 Language: en Topics: Islam, religion, Red & Black Revolution Source: Retrieved on 17th May 2021 from http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=943 Notes: First published in Red & Black Revolution (no 7, Winter 2003)
The September 11 attacks, the Afghan war that followed from it and the
ongoing war in Israel/Palestine have once again raised the issue of
Islam in the minds of many anarchists in Ireland and Britain. Not just
because of the role Islam has in shaping those conflicts but also
because militant Islam has become a far more noticeable presence on
solidarity demonstrations.
In Ireland we have seen the Hezbollah flag flown on demonstrations in
Dublin and chants of âGod is Greatâ raised. On some London
demonstrations it has been reported that chants of âSlay the Jewsâ and
âDeath to the socialistsâ have been raised. Another report on the same
demonstration revealed that âultrareactionaries of such organisations as
Al Muhajiroun, ... held placards reading, âPalestine is Muslimâ. They
chanted, âSkud, Skud Israelâ and âGas, gas Tel Avivâ .. In Trafalgar
Square they hurled abuse (and a few missiles) at Tirza Waisel of the
Israeli group, Just Peace.â[1]
The left in general has not responded to this. Some groups like the
British SWP have gone so far as to describe left criticism of the
Islamic religion as âIslamophobiaâ echoing the official line of their
government which insists âThe real Islam is a religion of peace,
tolerance and understanding.â While there is a real need for the left to
defend people who are Muslims from state and non-state victimisation in
the aftermath of 9â11 this should not at any time imply a defence of the
Islamic religion. Freedom of religion must also allow freedom from
religion! At a SWP organised anti-war meeting in Birmingham, England it
was reported that Islamic fundamentalists there âsegregated the meeting,
guiding/intimidating Muslim women into a womenâs only section,
apprehended a Muslim looking woman because she had allegedly been
drinking, prevented the critics of Muslim fundamentalists from entering
the meeting and used violence against them.â[2]
The left in Ireland has been unsure how to rise to this challenge,
although on the Palestine solidarity march in Dublin on April 27^(th)
2002 anarchists did march with placards reading âEnd the occupation:
Support Israeli refuseniksâ in English, Hebrew and Arabic and chanted
âNo Gods, no Masters, no States, no Warsâ. But otherwise fundamentalist
chants have remained unchallenged.
Over 130 years ago the anarchist Micheal Bakunin wrote âI reverse the
phrase of Voltaire, and say that, if God really existed, it would be
necessary to abolish him.â Writing of the Christian churches in Europe,
he said âIn talking to us of God they propose, they desire, to elevate
us, emancipate us, ennoble us, and, on the contrary, they crush and
degrade us. With the name of God they imagine that they can establish
fraternity among men, and, on the contrary, they create pride, contempt;
they sow discord, hatred, war; they establish slavery.â These words
today are applicable to Islam.
This hostility to organised religion and the promotion of a material
rather than spiritual understanding of the world is common to most of
the anarchist movement, although there are exceptions. It was developed
in the face of Christian state-church systems that often bore
similarities to the Islamic State rule found today. Anarchist hostility
to religion tended to be strongest in those countries where the church
and state were almost inseparable, in particular in Spain.
Islam in general believes that no âdivision between matters social,
political and religious should exist.â The idea of Islamic government
and Islamic law is not something confined to what is called âIslamic
fundamentalismâ but is an expected belief of all Muslims. Under Shariâa
(Islamic) law the penalty for Apostasy (Muslims who reject Islam, for
instance they âmight state that the universe has always existed from
eternityâ), is execution for men and life imprisonment for women. So, if
anything, Islam today attempts to maintain a much tighter control of the
thoughts in peopleâs heads than Christianity has done since the time of
Galileo.
Islam insists that the Quran is almost entirely a document dictated by
God to Muhammad. Like most âholy booksâ it is full of absurdities and
cruelties which are well documented on the web by Muslim apostates. For
instance in Quran 5:33 God commands âThe only reward of those who make
war upon Allah and His messenger and strive after corruption in the land
will be that they will be killed or crucified, or have their hands and
feet on alternate sides cut off, or will be expelled out of the land.â
God also dictates that women are second class citizens, in Quran 4:34 he
dictates âMen are in charge of women, because Allah has made the one of
them to excel the other, and because they spend of their property (for
the support of women). So good women are the obedient, guarding in
secret that which Allah has guarded. As for those from whom ye fear
rebellion andmonish them and banish them to beds apart, and scourge
them. Then if they obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! Allah is
ever High, Exalted, Great.â
Of course anyone who is familiar with the Old Testament of the Christian
and Jewish religions will know there is nothing in the Quran that is any
worse then what is found there. Even the Christian New Testament
contains justifications for slavery e.g. Matthew: 24:46 âBlessed is that
slave whom the master finds at work when he comes.... But if that evil
slave ... begins to beat his fellow slaves and to eat and drink with
drunkards, then the master of that slave will come on a day when he does
not expect him and at an hour he does not foresee, and will cut him in
two, and assign him a place with the hypocrites, where there will be
weeping and gnashing of teeth.â The difference is that the attempt to
impose a Christian state has been defeated almost everywhere. The
fundamentalist movements that seek to promote the idea may be
influential (as shown by their attacks in the US on the teaching of
evolution) but in general do not attempt to impose their complete
religious program.
With Islam however we see the continued existence of religious states in
Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Sudan to name three. We also see a growing
movement that seeks to create new Islamic states, even in multi-faith
countries like Lebanon, Egypt and Israel/Palestine and which actively
seeks to impose Islamic law on Muslim communities everywhere. In
Northern Nigeria this has resulted in high profile cases where Islamic
courts have sentenced women to death by stoning for âadulteryâ. About 1
in 5 of the worldâs population is Muslim.
The general label applied to this movement is Islamic fundamentalism.
Itâs not a great label for a wide range of reasons, not least because it
lumps together some very different trends and ignores the fact that many
of the most objectionable elements are part of mainstream Islam. That
said Iâm going to use it anyway because there are no better alternatives
that people will readily understand.
The rise of fundamentalism in the modern period owes much to the
struggle against colonialism and the failure of the Arab nationalist
projects to deliver a better life for the working class, including the
peasantry of the region. Frequently it is based on a revolt against
colonial control on the one hand and the westernisation of the country
on the other. The failure of successful national liberation struggles to
relieve the desperate poverty of the masses on the one hand and the
obvious growing enrichment of the westernised elites on the other leads
easily to the idea that the answer lies in a return to âtraditional
valuesâ.
The first of these movements to be successful was Wahhabism which
brought Ibn Saud to power in what was to become Saudi Arabia. In this
case, as with the early spread of Islam across North Africa, Wahhabism
was to provide essential glue to hold together a society created by
conquest in a manner similar to nationalism. Wahhabism was imposed by
force with massacres on the taking of Mecca and widespread destruction
of religious sites that were considered un-Islamic. Religious police
raided homes, beating those they suspected of smoking tobacco. Wahhabism
was also pretty much the only genuine âprimitivistâ version of Islam as
it was anti-industrial. When they rose against Ibn Saud in 1927 one
reason for their revolt was Saudâs allowing of telephones into the
country! Modern fundamentalists may talk of a return to traditional
values but the societies they seek to create include aspects of advanced
modern technology, in particular if it is of military use!
Saudi came to play a similar role in relation to the export of
fundamentalism that the USSR played in the spread of Leninism.
Particularly with the growth of the oil industry in Saudi large sums of
money were provided to finance the infrastructure of fundamentalist
groups in other countries and a huge network of religious schools in
Saudi itself. Saudi, like Moscow, became the place of training, support
and refuge for fundamentalist activists. And funds could be exported
which provided schools, meeting places and even religious based welfare
systems to the increasingly desperate working class of the cities and
countryside in the Arab world. In the conditions of desperate poverty
that exist this cre â ates the infrastructure that fundamentalism grows
out of.
One Lebanese Marxist, writing of this and the failure of the somewhat
more secular Arab nationalism of Nassar, described the situation. âThen
came the October war [against Israel] with its parade of intense Islamic
propaganda, and the oil boom which enabled Libya and especially Saudi
Arabia to distribute their petrodollars to the integralist
(fundamentalist) groups everywhere in order to undermine left-wing
extremists, or pro-Soviet groups as in Syria. Even at the time when the
modernist statist bourgeois faction was still credible, Saudi Arabia was
used as the prototype by repressed or persecuted Islamic archaism; and
its emergence following the October war on the ruins of Nassarâs Egypt
as the leader of the Arab world gave the Brotherhoods of Sunni Islam not
only more subsidies, but the model of an Islam true to itself. The
propaganda pounded out by western media â depicting Saudi Arabia as the
new giant with the power of life and death over western civilisation â
stimulated, in old and young alike, the nostalgic old desire for the
return of Islam to its former strength.â[3]
The role of the west in relation to fundamentalism has been quite
complex. Up to the Iranian revolution in 1979 it was simple, promoting
fundamentalism was seen as a way of advancing the western agenda by
undermining Soviet influence and the various nationalist leaders of the
region who wanted to re-direct some of the wealth towards development.
âM. Copland, the former chief of the CIA in the Middle East, revealed in
his book The Game of Nations that from the 1950s the CIA began to
encourage the Muslim Brotherhood to counteract the communist influence
in Egypt.â Even after the Iranian revolution, âFrench president Giscard
dâEstaing, confided to members of his cabinet before taking the plane
for the Gulf in March 1980: âTo combat Communism we have to oppose it
with another ideology. In the West, we have nothing. This is why we must
support Islam.â[4]
The facts of western support for the Afghan mujheedeen and the more
limited support for the Taliban that followed have been so well
documented since S11 that I donât intend to repeat them here. But it is
important to realise that this does not mean that the fundamentalists
are simply a creation of the west that has gotten out of control. They
have their own dynamic and their own wealthy backers in Saudi Arabia.
Lack of western support would have hurt their war against the Soviet
occupation but the war would still have gone on.
Fundamentalism remains a mass movement. In almost all of North Africa
and the Middle East it is the only mass movement that threatens the
stability of the regimes there in any way. It is nakedly hostile to the
left in all its forms, Hezbollah for instance has carried out attacks on
even the tame Lebanese Communist Party, bombing its offices. The Iranian
revolution in 1979 saw a movement of workers councils (Shora) emerge
that sought to take over the management of production. âThe regime
introduced a law aimed at undermining worker self-management by banning
shora involvement in management affairs â while at the same time trying
to force class collaboration by insisting that management must be
allowed to participate in the shoras.â [5] Since then, according to the
Iranian Revolutionary Socialistsâ League, the âfollowing groups have all
been attacked throughout the reign of the mullahs:
liberal groups
For opportunistic reasons sections of the western left are happy to
build alliances with Islamic fundamentalist groups that are not only
essentially uncritical but that discourage others from raising
criticisms. This is sometimes defended by the straightforward observance
that such groups oppose âwestern imperialismâ and in countries with
large Muslim populations sometimes succeed in attracting the masses to
their organisations.
The problem with this position is that it fails to recognise the
hostility of such groups to the left â a hostility that includes
physical attacks and murder- in the countries where they are strong.
This is not terribly different from the situation with fascist groups in
the west. Of course for the western left with no basis in immigrant
Muslim communities this is easy to ignore â they are not the targets of
such activities themselves.
Anarchists have a long and proud tradition of fighting the power of
organised religion, including in countries like Spain fighting fascist
gangs formed on a religious basis. While we recognise the freedom of
people to hold a religion we also recognise that there has to be a
freedom from religion â an idea that runs against the basis of Islam.
Anarchists in the Middle East and beyond will need to determine for
themselves the most effective ways of counteracting the influence of the
fundamentalists there. In the west we can at least make sure their
attempts to impose themselves on the immigrant communities are opposed.
[1] Peter Manson, weekly worker 433, May 2002.
[2] Salman, ISF journal, November 2001,
[3] Latif Lakhdar, Khamsin: Journal of Revolutionary Socialists of the
Middle East. (1981)
[4] ibid
[5] Michael Schmidt, Religous fundamentalist regimes: a lesson from the
Iranian revolution 1978â1979. Zabalaza Journal, South Africa, Number 2,
March 2002