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Title: Anarchy, Power, and Poststructuralism
Author: Allan Antliff
Language: en
Topics: Max Stirner, post-anarchism, post-structuralist
Source: Retrieved on 19 October 2010 from http://libcom.org/forums/theory/post-anarchism-06042010

Allan Antliff

Anarchy, Power, and Poststructuralism

“Finally came Stirner, the prophet of contemporary anarchism.”

— Frederick Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German

Philosophy (1886)

In 1994 Todd May initiated a new turn in contemporary theory —

poststructuralist anarchism, commonly abbreviated to “post-anarchism.”

May’s seminal study, The Political Philosophy of Poststructuralist

Anarchism called attention to ways in which the political philosophy of

anarchism echoes the concerns of poststructuralist thought, notably in

its critique of oppression. Taking aim at Marxism, he (rightly) argued

that anarchism has a more sophisticated grasp of how oppression

disperses across the social field. According to May, Marxists did not

address the hierarchical relations sustaining this state of affairs.

Instead, they called for the seizure of the reigns of power by a

benighted proletariat that would subordinate society to its will by

restructuring economic relations in the image of socialism (49). [1]

Historically, anarchists opposed this, because they were suspicious of

any social formation, however well intentioned, exercising power over

others. Anarchism interrogated relations of domination with the goal of

destroying all representational forms of power, precisely because such

politics are always already at one remove from the represented (May,

50).

However, as a corollary to his praise for this thorough-going attack on

domination in all its forms, May argued that anarchism (theoretically)

was not up to the task of realizing its political potential. Referencing

“classical” figures from the nineteenth-century European wing of the

movement, May suggested that anarchists had yet to come to terms with

power as a positive ground for action. The anarchist project, he argued,

is based on a fallacious “humanist” notion that “the human essence is a

good essence, which relations of power suppress and deny.” This

impoverished notion of power as ever oppressive, never productive, was

the Achilles heel of anarchist political philosophy (ibid., 62). Hence

May’s call for a new and improved “poststructuralist anarchism.” The

poststructuralist anarchist would not shy away from power: she would

shed the husk of humanism the better to exercise power “tactically”

within an ethical practice guided by Habermas’s universalist theory of

communicative action (ibid., 146).

My purpose is not to further May’s positioning of anarchism as

poststructuralist. Rather, I am interested in the claim that “classical”

anarchism — and by extension, contemporary anarchism — founds its

politics on a flawed conception of power and its relationship to

society. Based on this premise, May has urged anarchist-oriented

theorists to press on without looking back — and some, notably Lewis

Call and Saul Newman, have done just that. [2] But surely, if one claims

to be fundamentally revising a political tradition, then one has an

obligation to familiarize oneself with that tradition’s theoretical

foundations. This is my modest aim: to provide a brief corrective

meditation on “classical” anarchism and power.

Let us begin with Emma Goldman’s (1869–1940) closing summary of

anarchist principles, circa 1900, from her essay, “Anarchism: What it

Really Stands For”:

Anarchism, then, really stands for the liberation of the human mind from

the domination of religion; the liberation of the human body from the

domination of property; liberation from the shackles and restraint of

government. Anarchism stands for a social order based on the free

grouping of individuals for the purpose of producing real social wealth,

an order that will guarantee to every human being free access to the

earth and full enjoyment of the necessities of life, according to

individual desires, tastes, and inclinations. (62)

Goldman’s statement certainly confirms May’s point concerning how

anarchism widens the political field (May, 50). Goldman critiques

religion for oppressing us psychologically, capitalist economics for

endangering our corporal well-being, and government for shutting down

our freedoms. She also asserts that the purpose of anarchism is to

liberate humanity from these tyrannies. That said, one searches in vain

for any suggestion that Goldman’s liberated individuals are, as May

would have it, a priori good. Rather, she posits a situated politics in

which individuality differentiates endlessly, according to each

subject’s “desires, tastes and inclinations.”

Goldman counted anarchist-communist Peter Kropotkin (1842–1921) among

her most important influences, so it is appropriate we turn to him for

further insight regarding the anarchist subject. In his 1896 essay,

“Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Ideal” (Kropotkin, 143), Kropotkin wrote

that anarchism was synonymous with “variety, conflict.” In an anarchist

society “anti-social” behavior would inevitably arise, as it does at

present; the difference being that this behavior, if judged

reprehensible, would be dealt with according to anarchist principles, as

he argued in his 1891 “Anarchist Morality” (Kropotkin, 106). More

positively, the libertarian refusal to “model individuals according to

an abstract idea” or “mutilate them by religion, law or government”

allowed for a specifically anarchist type of morality to flourish

(ibid., 113). This morality entailed the unceasing interrogation of

existing social norms, in recognition that morals are social constructs,

and that there are no absolutes guiding ethical behavior. Quoting “the

unconsciously anarchist” Jean-Marie Guyau (1824–1882), Kropotkin

characterized anarchist morality as “a superabundance of life, which

demands to be exercised, to give itself ... the consciousness of power”

(ibid., 108). He continued: “Be strong. Overflow with emotional and

intellectual energy, and you will spread your intelligence, your love,

your energy of action broadcast among others! This is what all moral

teaching comes to” (ibid., 109). Shades of Friedrich Nietzsche?

Kropotkin is citing a passage from Guyau’s Esquisse d’une morale sans

obligation, ni sanction (1884), a book that also influenced Nietzsche’s

“overman” concept and the related idea of going “beyond good and evil” —

an interesting confluence, to say the least, given poststructuralism’s

indebtedness to the German philosopher. [3] More to the point,

Kropotkin’s subject, who exercises power by shaping her own values to

accord with a “superabundance” of life, is antithetical to May’s claim

regarding “classic” anarchism: “human essence is a good essence, which

relations of power suppress and deny.” Kropotkin, contra May, embeds

power in the subject and configures the unleashing of that power on

morality as the marker of social liberation, predicting that it will

generate both “anti-social” (fostering debate) and “social” (socially

accepted) behavior in the process.

Indeed, it is worth underlining that the anarchist subject’s power,

situated socially, it is not reactive; it is generative. Kropotkin wants

power to “overflow”; it has to if a free social order is to be realized.

We find the same perspective articulated by Michael Bakunin (1846–1881),

the anarchist who most famously declared “the destructive urge is also a

creative urge” in his reflections on freedom and equality:

I am free only when all human beings surrounding me — men and women

alike — are equally free. The freedom of others, far from limiting or

negating my liberty, is on the contrary its necessary condition and

confirmation. I become free in the true sense only by virtue of the

liberty of others, so much so that the greater the number of free people

surrounding me the deeper and greater and more extensive their liberty,

the deeper and larger becomes my liberty. (267)

Anarchist social theory develops out of this perspective. Bakunin goes

on to theorize the necessity of socializing property in the name of

individual liberty. Rejecting both state-adjudicated socialism and

capitalism, he declares, “We are convinced that freedom without

socialism is privilege and injustice, and that socialism without freedom

is slavery and brutality” (ibid., 269). Kropotkin similarly argued for

the necessity of socializing property, while Pierre Joseph Proudhon

(1809–1864), upheld the institution of private ownership on a small

scale on the condition that it never become an instrument of domination.

[4]

Again, theory mitigates against the characterizations of the

poststructuralist anarchists. In “Anarchism and the Politics of

Resentment,” Saul Newman asserts that “classical” anarchism assumes

“society and our everyday actions, although oppressed by power, are

ontologically separate from it” (120). But if power is separate from

society, why has so much theorizing been devoted to the social

conditions through which libertarian power can be realized? The

poststructuralist anarchists have yet to acknowledge, let alone address,

this issue.

How do we account for the “classical” blind spot in their field of

vision? I would conjecture that it arises from a particular genealogy.

As Jonathan Purkis relates, in the 1960s the key theorists of

poststructuralism emerged from and were reacting to the radical wing of

a structuralist movement dominated by Marxism. Having adopted the

structuralist critique of the Enlightenment subject as unitary and

absolute, they then rejected the Marxist hierarchy of social forces that

determined, in the last instance, the subject’s formation (Purkis,

50).[5] Seeking to develop a more dynamic notion of the decentered

subject while deepening their critique of authoritarianism in all its

guises, poststructuralists drew, in the first instance, on Nietzsche as

the understudied alternative to Marx (see Purkis, 51–52). Anarchism, it

appears, never showed itself on the political horizon. Perhaps this can

be attributed to a lingering misreading of the anarchist subject as just

another variation of the humanist individual, autonomous from the social

forces, which structuralism attacked. [6] This, after all, was the

accusation leveled by Marx and Engels in their polemics against the

anarchists of their day — notably Bakunin and Max Stirner (1806–1856).

[7] It is ironic indeed, then, to encounter the same claim being leveled

over 150 years after the fact by poststructuralist anarchists.

Be that as it may, “classical” anarchism offers some promising avenues

for exploration, as a brief examination of anarchist theory and practice

in Moscow during the Russian Revolution (1917–1921) reveals. From its

founding in 1917 until its untimely demise, the locus of anarchist

activity in Russia’s capital was the Moscow Federation of Anarchist

Groups. The Federation was founded in March 1917 after the Russian

Tsar’s abdication and eventually dissolved around 1919 due to repeated

attacks (raids, arrests, etc.) by the Communist government under Lenin’s

leadership. [8] During its short existence, the Federation’s secretary,

Lev Chernyi, was the organization’s leading theorist. Chernyi expounded

an “associational” anarchism based on Max Stirner’s anti-statist

manifesto, The Ego and Its Own (1848), and this brand of anarchism was

also discussed in the Federation’s newspaper, Anarkhiia. [9] Given its

importance for many in the Federation, therefore, Stirner’s The Ego and

Its Own merits close reading.

Stirner’s thesis is that anarchist liberation could only be accomplished

if all habitual subservience to metaphysical concepts and social norms

ended and each unique individual became egoistic — that is,

self-determining and value-creating. Anti-statism, Stirner argued, was

an inescapable facet of egoism because when the individual achieved

“self-realization of value from himself” he inevitably came to a

“self-consciousness against the state” and its oppressive laws and

regulations (361). The criminalization of society’s outlaws was the

state’s response to those who asserted their desires over the sanction

of morality, law, and authoritarian forms of power (314–19). Every state

formation — monarchical, democratic, socialist or communist — demanded

subservience to abstract principles in a bid to exert power over the

subject. Stirner wrote:

Political liberty means that the polis, the state, is free; freedom of

religion [means] that religion is free, as freedom of conscience

signifies that conscience is free; not, therefore, that I am free from

the state, from religion, from conscience, or that I am rid of them. It

does not mean my liberty, but the liberty of a power that rules and

subjugates me; it means that one of my despots, like state, religion,

conscience, is free. (139)

Stirner posited that an anarchist social order would be based on

voluntary associations (“unions”) of “egoists” acting co-operatively

(414–15). Regarding the Federation from this perspective, we can begin

by noting that it grew by bringing disparate groups together to

“unionize” on a foundation of shared criminality. Its headquarters, “The

House of Anarchy,” was the old civic Merchants’ Club, “confiscated” and

communalized in March, 1917. From there it expanded spontaneously as

anarchists organized themselves into clubs, joined the Federation, and

began contributing to the collective welfare. By way of furthering

mutual aid within the Federation, detachments of “Black Guards”

continued to carry out expropriations — building occupations in the main

— into the spring of 1918 (Avrich, The Russian Anarchists, 179–80;

184–85). In April, 1918, these activities would serve as the excuse for

Lenin’s Communist government to conduct a series of police raids against

the Federation. The official goal was to arrest and charge “robber

bands” in the anarchist ranks — an assertion of the power of the

Communist state over anarchist direct action — but the authorities

quickly expanded the scope of illegality, announcing that “entire

counter-revolutionary groups” had joined the Federation with the aim of

“some covert action against Soviet [government] power” (Antliff, 200).

Following this logic, smashing the organizational structure of the

state’s most determined opponents “just happened” to go hand-in-hand

with law enforcement. From an anarchist perspective, of course, the

raids were tantamount to “executing” freedom, to paraphrase the editors

of the anarchist Burevestnik (The Petrel) (ibid.) Certainly they

underlined the stark contrast between the anarchist exercise of social

power and state power in its Marxist guise. After the attack in Moscow

and similar raids in St. Petersburg, the legality of anarchist activity

was subject to the whims of the state police and the Cheka.

Criminalization effectively brought an end to anarchism as an

above-ground movement within territories controlled by the Communist

Party, and the last instance of libertarian-inspired resistance in

March, 1921 — an uprising of workers, soldiers and sailors at the Island

Fortress of Kronstadt — was destined to be put down in “an orgy of

blood-letting.“ [10]

The Ego and Its Own singled out the proletariat — the “unstable,

restless, changeable” individuals who owe nothing to the state or

capitalism — as the one segment of society capable of solidarity with

those “intellectual vagabonds” who approached the condition of

anarchistic egoism (Stirner, 148–49). Liberation for the proletariat did

not lie in their consciousness of themselves as a class, as Marx

claimed. It would only come if the workers embraced the egotistic

attitude of the “vagabond” and shook off the social and moral

conventions that yoked them to an exploitive order. Once the struggle

for a new, stateless order was underway, the vastness of the working

class ensured the bourgeoisie’s defeat. “If labor becomes free,” Stirner

concluded, “the state is lost” (152).

This class orientation was reflected in the makeup of the Federation’s

clubs and communes, most of which were located in Moscow’s working class

districts (Avrich, 1967, 180). Indeed, the Federation’s

conceptualization of free individuality was indebted to Stirner’s theory

of class (an issue that falls by the wayside in much poststructuralist

thinking) (Callinicos, 121–162). Among Moscow’s anarchists, A.L. and

V.L. Gordin distinguished themselves in this regard. The Gordins were

arch-materialists who argued that religion and science were social

creations, not eternal truths. Manifest Pananarkhistov (Pan-anarchist

Manifesto), a collection published in 1918, opened with the following

declaration:

The rule of heaven and the rule of nature — angels, spirits, devils,

molecules, atoms, ether, the laws of God-heaven and the laws of Nature,

forces, the influence of one body on another — all this is invented,

formed, created by society. (Gordinii 5–7, cited in Avrich, 1967,

177–78)

Here the Gordins took a page from Stirner, who condemned metaphysics and

dismissed the idea of absolute truth as a chimera. Stirner argued that

the metaphysical thinking underpinning religion and the notions of

absolute truth that structured a wide range of theories laid the

foundation for the hierarchical division of society into those with

knowledge and those without. From here a whole train of economic, social

and political inequalities ensued, all of which were antithetical to

anarchist egoism. The egoist, he countered, recognized no metaphysical

realms or absolute truths separate from experience; “knowledge,”

therefore, was ever-changing and varied from individual to individual

(Stirner, 421). The Gordins agreed, arguing that the individualistic

“inventiveness” of the working class made for a sharp contrast with the

“abstract reasoning” of the bourgeoisie and its “criminal

dehumanization” of the individual (Gordinii 28, cited in Avrich, 1967,

178).[11]

Stirner also drew distinctions between insurrection and revolution,

reasoning that whereas revolutions simply changed who was in power,

insurrection signaled a refusal to be subjugated and a determination to

assert egoism over abstract power repeatedly, as an anarchic state of

being. “The insurgent,” wrote Stirner, “strives to be constitutionless,”

a formulation that the program of the Moscow Federation put into

practice (ibid.) Autonomous self-governance, voluntary federation, the

spread of power horizontally — these were the features of its

insurgency. As a result, wherever the Federation held sway, power

remained fluid, unbounded by central authority, and ever-creative in its

manifestations.

No wonder the state-enamored Communists felt compelled to stamp it out.

They saw themselves as the vanguard disciplinarians of the proletariat,

building socialism by molding the masses under the aegis of state

dictatorship. As Lenin put it during the assault on Kronstadt:

Marxism teaches ... that only the political party of the working class

i.e., the Communist Party, is capable of uniting, training, and

organizing a vanguard of the proletariat and of the whole mass of the

working people ... and of guiding all the united activities of the whole

of the proletariat, i.e., of leading it politically, and through it, the

whole mass of the working people. (Lenin 1921, 327)

Ever vigilant, “the dictatorship of the proletariat” was established to

combat the “inevitable petty-bourgeois vacillations of this mass”

towards anarchism during the initial revolutionary upheaval and to

create a socialist society in its aftermath (ibid., 326–27). The

“practical work of building new forms of economy” required a state,

Lenin reasoned (328), because whenever and wherever “petty-bourgeois

anarchy” reared its head, “iron rule government that is revolutionarily

bold, swift, and ruthless” had to repress it (Lenin 1918, 291). And

repress it, it did.

Complementing the power of social insurrectionism, Stirnerist egoism

also called for our psychological empowerment through the cultivation of

a critical consciousness that would, metaphorically, devour oppression.

In the Ego and its Own Stirner deemed belief in a transcendent

unchanging ego to be an alienating form of self-oppression. Libertarian

“egoism,” Stirner wrote, “is not that the ego is all, but the ego

destroys all. Only the self-dissolving ego ... the — finite ego, is

really I. [The philosopher] Fichte speaks of the “absolute” ego, but I

speak of me, the transitory ego” (237). Much like Kropotkin’s moralizing

anarchist, the liberated egoist’s “free, unruly sensuality” overflowed

with ideas — “I am not a mere thought, but at the same time I am full of

thoughts” — a fecund multiplicity that defied absolutes (453). Stirner

characterized the internalization of authoritarian psychology as a mode

of self-forgetting, a desire to escape the corporeal that found ultimate

expression in the otherworldly delusions of immortality prescribed by

Christianity (451–53). The liberated ego, on the other hand, would never

subordinate itself to an abstract truth because it was conscious of its

finitude and gained power from this knowledge. Stirner argued,

‘Absolute thinking’ is that thinking which forgets that it is my

thinking, that I think, and that it exists only through me. But I, as I,

swallow up again what is mine, am its master; it is only my opinion,

which I can at any moment change, i.e.; annihilate, take back into

myself, and consume. (453)

The consuming impulses of liberated egoism left nothing sacrosanct. As

Stirner put it, “there exists not even one truth, not right, not

freedom, humanity, etc., that has stability before me, and to which I

subject myself. They are words, nothing but words” (463). He concludes:

I am the owner of my might, and I am so when I know myself as unique. In

the unique one the owner himself returns into his creative nothing, out

of which he is born. Every higher essence above me, be it God, be it

human, weakens the feeling of my uniqueness, and pales before the sun of

this consciousness. If I concern myself for myself, the unique one, then

my concern rests on its transitory, mortal creator, who consumes

himself, and I may say: I have set my affair on nothing. (490)

Russian anarchism’s engagement with the psychological dimensions of

Stirner’s theory has barely been documented, and the historical and

theoretical threads are too complex to recapitulate here. [12] For now

it will suffice to note that during the movement’s last bid for power in

March, 1921, the rebels at Kronstadt issued two statements, “What We

Fight For” and “Socialism in Quotation Marks,” protesting not only

against political and economic oppression, but also against “the moral

servitude which the Communists have inaugurated” as they “laid their

hands also on the inner world of the toilers, forcing them to think in

the Communist way.” [13] While state power grew;

The life of the citizen became hopelessly monotonous and routine. One

lived according to timetables established by the powers that be. Instead

of the free development of the individual personality and a free

labouring life, there emerged an extraordinary and unprecedented

slavery... Such is the shining kingdom of socialism to which the

dictatorship of the Communist Party has brought us. [14]

Anarchist subjectivity was a threat to the regime because freedom was,

and is, its essence.

To conclude, the history of the Russian Revolution makes abundantly

clear that “classical” anarchism does have a positive theory of power.

Not only that, it offers an alternative ground for theorizing the social

conditions of freedom and a critical understanding of power and

liberation as perpetually co-mingling with and inscribed by a process of

self-interrogation and self-overcoming that is pluralistic,

individualist, materialist, and social. Finally, it has the advantage of

an historical record: this theory has been put into practice, sometimes

on a mass scale.

Arguably, then, contemporary radicals would do better marshaling

classical anarchism to interrogate poststructuralism, rather than the

other way around. As it stands, the continual rehashing of May’s

spurious characterizations in a bid to theorize “beyond” anarchism has

merely set up a false God adjective, poststructuralism, at the price of

silencing the ostensive subject.

Allan Antliff, Canada Research Chair in Art History at the University of

Victoria, is author of Anarchy and Art From the Paris Commune to the

Fall of the Berlin Wall (2007), Anarchist Modernism: Art, Politics and

the First American Avant-Garde (2001) and editor of Only a Beginning: An

Anarchist Anthology (2004).

Works Cited

American Avant-Garde. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001.

Cornell University Paperbacks, 1973.

1967.

Maximoff. New York: The Free Press, 1953.

St. Martin’s Press, 1990.

Anarcho-Syndicalism. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1972.

and Other Essays, intro by Richard Drinnon. New York: Dover Press, 1969.

Avrich, The Russian Anarchists, 177–78.

Writings, ed. Roger N. Baldwin. New York: Dover, 1970.

(Pravda, April 28, 1918), in Engels, Marx and Lenin, Anarchism and

Anarcho-Syndicalism.

the Syndicalist and Anarchist Deviation in Our Party” (1921) in Engels,

Marx and Lenin, Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism.

University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994.

Nietzsche and the Anarchist Tradition. New York: Autonomedia, 2005.

Sunshine.

Anarchism: Anarchist Theory and Practice in a Global Age, ed. Jonathan

Purkis and James Bowen. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.

J.L. Walker. London: A.C. Fifield, 1915.

 

[1] Summarizing this argument, May cites David Wieck, “The Negativity of

Anarchism,” (1975) in Reinventing Anarchy, ed. Howard Ehrlich, Carol

Ehrkich, David DeLeon, and Glenda Morris (London: Routledge & Kegan

Paul, 1977), 41: “Basic to Marxism is the view that economic power is

the key to a liberation of which the power of a party, the power of

government, and the power of a specific class are (or are to be)

instruments. Basic to anarchism is the opposing view that the abolition

of domination and tyranny depends on their negation, in thought and when

possible action, in every form and at every step, from now on,

progressively, by every individual and group, in movements of liberation

as well as elsewhere, no matter the state of consciousness of entire

social classes.”

[2] See, for example, Lewis Call, Postmodern Anarchism (Lanham,

Maryland: Lexington Books, 2002), 15–24 and Saul Newman, “Anarchism and

the Politics of Resentment,” I am not a Man, I am Dynamite!: Nietzsche

and the Anarchist Tradition ed. John Moore with Spencer Sunshine (New

York: Autonomedia, 2005), 107–126. For a more extended variation of the

same argument, see Saul Newman, From Bakunin to Lacan:

Anti-Authoritarianism and the Dislocation of Power (Lanham, Maryland:

Lexington Books, 2001).

[3] Hans Erich Lampl, Zweistimmigkeit-Einstimmigkeit: Friedrich

Nietzsche und Jean-Marie Guyau (Esquisse d’une morale sans obligation,

ni sanction). (Cuxhaven: Junghans-Verlag, 1990), passim. For further

documentation of Nietzsche’s ownership and interest in this book, see

muse.jhu.edu

./journal_of_the_history_of_ideas/v058/58.4brobjer_append01.html.

Accessed 10/01/2006. On Nietzsche and poststructuralism see Alan D.

Schrift, Nietzsche’s French Legacy: A Genealogy of Poststructuralism

(London: Routledge, 1995), passim.

[4] On Kropotkin and Proudhon see Antliff, 3–5.

[5] Purkis is referring to Jean-François Lyotard, Jean Baudrillard,

Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Giles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, Julia

Kristeva and the later work of Roland Barthes.

[6] On the anti-humanist subject and poststructuralism see Callinicos,

62–91.

[7] The anarchist theory of the individual is critiqued at length in

chapter three of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels’s polemic, The German

Ideology, written between 1845–1846 and published posthumously. See Karl

Marx and Frederick Engels, “Saint Max,” Collected Works: Vo1. 5 (New

York: International Publishers, 1976), 117–452.

[8] On the founding of the Federation see Avrich, The Russian

Anarchists, 179. The Communists were relentless in their attacks on the

anarchists. Avrich writes that the cycle of arrests, executions, and

imprisonments of anarchists intensified in 1919, and that by 1920 the

“dragnet had swept the entire country,” effectively crushing the

anarchist movement. Paul Avrich, ed., The Anarchists in the Russian

Revolution (Ithaca: Cornell University Paperbacks, 1973), 138. Avrich,

The Russian Anarchists, 177.

[9] Chernyi’s book on “Associational Anarchism” includes two chapters

dealing with anarchist egoism and collectivism; Lev Chernyi, Novoe

Napravlenie v Anarkhizme: Asosiatsionnii Anarkhism (Moscow: 1907; 2^(nd)

ed., New York, 1923).

[10] The uprising lasted 18 days and was put down at a cost of

approximately 10,000 dead, wounded or missing on the Soviet side. No

reliable estimate of Kronstadt deaths exists, but it was substantial.

See Paul Avrich, Kronstadt 1921 (New York: Norton, 1974), 211.

[11] Stirner argued that the privileged “cultured” segments of society

distinguished themselves from the downtrodden “uncultured” on the basis

of supposed superior knowledge (94–95).

[12] I discuss the artistic dimensions of this issue in Art and Anarchy:

From the Paris Commune to the Fall of the Berlin Wall (Vancouver:

Arsenal Pulp Press, 2007).

[13] “What We Fight For” (March 8, 1921) in Avrich, Kronstadt 1921, 241.

[14] “Socialism in Quotation Marks” (March 16, 1921) in Avrich,

Kronstadt 1921, 245.