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A memo to Obama

2014-03-04 06:45:08

Want to make America less unequal? Here are some suggestions

Mar 1st 2014 | From the print edition

Memo To: Barack Obama, President of the United States

From: Your Shadow Council of Economic Advisers

Subject: Mobility

Dear Mr President,

You and John Boehner, the Republican House Speaker, don t agree on much these

days. Yet for a few sentimental seconds during your state-of-the-union message,

you were in harmony. That was when you described America as the country where

the son of a barkeeper is Speaker of the House and the son of a single mom

can be President of the greatest nation on Earth. If Democrats and Republicans

agree on one thing, it is that America is the land of opportunity, where the

humblest child can grow up to fame and fortune.

Sadly, the numbers tell a drearier story. America is not a particularly mobile

place; a child born in the poorest fifth of society has only a 9% chance of

making it to the top fifth. And because incomes have become much more unequal,

it is much worse now to be stuck at the bottom.

Inequality is driven by technology and globalisation. It is therefore hard to

fix. Your preferred solution taxing the rich more is a blunt-edged response to

inequality and in any case anathema to Republicans. Mobility and opportunity,

on the other hand, get their hearts pounding.

In your budget next week you ll have a chance to offer concrete proposals for

improving mobility. There are plenty out there; here, we highlight the best.

Caught in the safety net

Employment is essential to mobility. You know that; but while you have rightly

tried to bolster the demand for labour, you ve neglected the supply. The

Congressional Budget Office (CBO) says that, by 2024, 2.5m fewer people will

work because of the disincentives embedded in Obamacare. The fact is that all

means-tested transfers, including Obamacare, discourage work, which can worsen

mobility. Conversely, time spent on the job makes men and women more productive

and valuable to their employers, leading to higher salaries later in life.

The solution is not to do away with means-testing or transfers, but to

incentivise work in other ways. This is where the Earned Income Tax Credit

(EITC) comes in. It costs $63 billion a year, but it is one of America s most

potent anti-poverty tools. Unlike most other parts of the safety net, it is

contingent on work, and ample research shows that it boosts employment for

those who get it.

But while a family can qualify for an EITC of up to $6,143, a childless adult s

benefits stop at a paltry $496: a poor incentive to work. It needs expanding,

as you ve said yourself. Marco Rubio, a Republican senator, suggests converting

the credit to a wage subsidy, so that beneficiaries get the money regularly in

their pay-cheque instead of once a year as a tax refund. A universal wage

subsidy would be very expensive, but proponents describe it as a reverse

payroll tax that would strengthen the connection to work. Mr Rubio has also

proposed rolling all safety-net programmes into a single state-administered

grant, similar to Britain s universal credit . Simpler is usually better.

The minimally invasive wage

The centrepiece of your attack on inequality is your plan to raise the federal

minimum wage from $7.25 an hour to $10.10 in stages, and then index it to

inflation. The CBO has found that this will benefit 16.5m workers earning at or

near the minimum wage, and will lift some 900,000 out of poverty.

The impact of the minimum wage on employment is usually said to be tiny. But

the CBO says that your proposal would cost around 500,000 jobs, especially

among teenagers; and teenage joblessness can crimp mobility later in life. So

take the minimum wage out of politics and entrust it to a panel of technocrats,

as Britain has done. They would set the timing, size and differentials, and

thus reduce the risks.

Any negative effects of the minimum wage can be counteracted through the EITC.

Isabel Sawhill and Quentin Karpilow of the Brookings Institution recommend

coupling the higher minimum wage with a tripling of the childless EITC to

$1,625, while requiring recipients to work more hours to qualify. They reckon

this will reduce welfare payments and raise taxes enough to pay for the

expanded EITC.

Between the dole and a hard place

America has traditionally offered skimpy unemployment insurance because it was

quick to put the jobless back to work. No longer. At present a third of the

unemployed, 3.7m, have been without a job for six or more months. Each month a

quarter of the long-term unemployed drop out of the labour force altogether.

Much more needs to be done, especially for the hard to hire. A decade ago,

Britain experimented with a new scheme that offered intensive counselling and

training to the long-term unemployed, plus cash bonuses for those holding

steady full-time work for two years. Five years later, beneficiaries were 11%

more likely to be employed than the control group. Savings on UI and other

benefits exceeded the programme s cost by four to one.

To the best of their ability

Disability insurance (DI) was added to Social Security in 1954. Since then, it

has become more generous and its eligibility has been relaxed. The number of

beneficiaries has climbed from 1.5m in 1970 to 8.9m in 2013; the disability

trust fund is scheduled to go bust in 2016.

Since people who end up on DI seldom leave, the key is to persuade them not to

apply. Anyone who can work a bit should be classified as unemployed rather than

disabled. In Denmark, for example, only the permanently incapacitated receive a

benefit. When the Netherlands required employers to pay the first two years

benefits for disabled employees, and to pay higher premiums if they put more

workers in the programme, caseloads fell.

Training and gaining

Practical, vocational training is where America is weakest. There are plenty of

training programmes: 47 spread across nine agencies, many targeting the same

people. The real problem, though, is not duplication but lack of money and

ineffectiveness. In 2011 America spent a paltry 0.1% of GDP on active labour

measures designed to put the unemployed back to work; the OECD average was 0.6%

(see chart 1). Federal spending per head on retraining has fallen by a third in

the past 20 years (see chart 2).

We know what works: listening to what local employers want. In New York, Boston

and Milwaukee non-profit organisations did this, in some cases extracting

commitments to hire. A two-year evaluation found that participants were earning

$4,000 more in the second year than the control group. The labour department is

now offering grants to community colleges that train students for jobs

identified by local employers. You can build on this.

Moving up by moving out

Americans are usually quick to up sticks in search of a better life. But the

share of Americans who move counties each year has been declining for nearly 30

years. Blame demography (older people change jobs less often), dual-earner

couples (he wants to move; she doesn t) and, recently, inability to sell a

house.

But employment was 12 percentage points higher among people who moved than

people who didn t, according to a Hamilton Project study covering 2005 to 2008.

Michael Strain of the American Enterprise Institute recommends cash assistance

for those who move if a new job is at least a two-hour drive away.

Get em while they re young

So far we have focused on Americans of working age; but the very young need

your attention, too. Research shows that poverty can damage learning (and hence

prospects) in children as young as five. This is why everyone wants to expand

pre-school education. But the most successful interventions start very early;

are intensive, also involving home visits, health and nutrition care; and cost

a bundle. You need to rethink your proposal for universal high-quality

pre-school for four-year-olds. Better to concentrate the money on a smaller,

younger, truly disadvantaged group of children.

Coming up with ideas is easier than paying for them. But it can be done. We

spend vast sums on entitlements for the rich elderly that do nothing to help

mobility or narrow inequality. If you can persuade your fellow Democrats to

rein in entitlements, Mr Boehner may convince Republicans to relent on taxes.

America would get its grand bargain and the promise of a more mobile society.

http://www.economist.com/news/united-states/

21597925-want-make-america-less-unequal-here-are-some-suggestions-memo-obama