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Their armies of content moderators are expanding
EVERY other Tuesday at Facebook, and every Friday at YouTube, executives
convene to debate the latest problems with hate speech, misinformation and
other disturbing content on their platforms, and decide what should be removed
or left alone. In San Bruno, Susan Wojcicki, YouTube s boss, personally
oversees the exercise. In Menlo Park, lower-level execs run Facebook s Content
Standards Forum .
The forum has become a frequent stop on the company s publicity circuit for
journalists. Its working groups recommend new guidelines on what to do about,
say, a photo showing Hindu women being beaten in Bangladesh that may be
inciting violence offline (take it down), a video of police brutality when race
riots are taking place (leave it up), or a photo alleging that Donald Trump
wore a Ku Klux Klan uniform in the 1990s (leave it up but reduce distribution
of it, and inform users it s a fake). Decisions made at these meetings
eventually filter down into instructions for thousands of content reviewers
around the world.
Seeing how each company moderates content is encouraging. The two firms no
longer regard making such decisions as a peripheral activity but as core to
their business. Each employs executives who are thoughtful about the task of
making their platforms less toxic while protecting freedom of speech. But that
they do this at all is also cause for concern; they are well on their way to
becoming ministries of truth for a global audience. Never before has such a
small number of firms been able to control what billions can say and see.
Politicians are paying ever more attention to the content these platforms
carry, and to the policies they use to evaluate it. On September 5th Sheryl
Sandberg, Facebook s number two, and Jack Dorsey, the boss of Twitter,
testified before the Senate Select Intelligence Committee on what may be the
companies most notorious foul-up, allowing their platforms to be manipulated
by Russian operatives seeking to influence the 2016 presidential election. Mr
Dorsey later answered pointed questions from a House committee about content
moderation. (In the first set of hearings Alphabet, the parent of Google, which
also owns YouTube, was represented by an empty chair after refusing to make
Larry Page, its co-founder, available.)
Scrutiny of Facebook, Twitter, YouTube et al has intensified recently. All
three faced calls to ban Alex Jones of Infowars, a conspiracy theorist;
Facebook and YouTube eventually did so. At the same time the tech platforms
have faced accusations of anti-conservative bias for suppressing certain news.
Their loudest critic is President Donald Trump, who has threatened (via
Twitter) to regulate them. Straight after the hearings, Jeff Sessions, his
attorney-general, said that he would discuss with states attorneys-general the
growing concern that the platforms are hurting competition and stifling the
free exchange of ideas.
Protected species
This turn of events signals the ebbing of a longstanding special legal
protection for the companies. Internet firms in America are shielded from legal
responsibility for content posted on their services. Section 230 of the
Communications Decency Act of 1996 treats them as intermediaries, not
publishers to protect them from legal jeopardy.
When the online industry was limited to young, vulnerable startups this
approach was reasonable. A decade ago content moderation was a straightforward
job. Only 100m people used Facebook and its community standards fitted on two
pages. But today there are 2.2bn monthly users of Facebook and 1.9bn monthly
logged-on users of YouTube. They have become central venues for social
interaction and for all manner of expression, from lucid debate and cat videos
to conspiracy theories and hate speech.
At first social-media platforms failed to adjust to the magnitude and
complexity of the problems their growth and power were creating, saying that
they did not want to be the arbiters of truth . Yet repeatedly in recent years
the two companies, as well as Twitter, have been caught flat-footed by reports
of abuse and manipulation of their platforms by trolls, hate groups, conspiracy
theorists, misinformation peddlers, election meddlers and propagandists. In
Myanmar journalists and human-rights experts found that misinformation on
Facebook was inciting violence against Muslim Rohyinga. In the aftermath of a
mass shooting at a school in Parkland, Florida, searches about the shooting on
YouTube surfaced conspiracy videos alleging it was a hoax involving crisis
actors .
In reaction, Facebook and YouTube have sharply increased the resources, both
human and technological, dedicated to policing their platforms. By the end of
this year Facebook will have doubled the number of employees and contractors
dedicated to the safety and security of the site, to 20,000, including 10,000
content reviewers. YouTube will have 10,000 people working on content
moderation in some form. They take down millions of posts every month from each
platform, guided by thick instruction manuals the guidelines for search
quality evaluators at Google, for example, run to 164 pages.
Although most of the moderators work for third-party firms, the growth in their
numbers has already had an impact on the firms finances. When Facebook posted
disappointing quarterly results in July, causing its market capitalisation to
drop by over $100bn, higher costs for moderation were partly implicated. Mark
Zuckerberg, the firm s chief executive, has said that in the long run the
problem of content moderation will have to be solved with artificial
intelligence (AI). In the first three months of 2018 Facebook took some form of
action on 7.8m pieces of content that included graphic violence, hate speech or
terrorist propaganda, twice as many as in the previous three months (see
chart), mostly owing to improvements in automated detection. But moderating
content requires wisdom, and an algorithm is only as judicious as the
principles with which it is programmed.
At Facebook s headquarters in Menlo Park, executives instinctively resist
making new rules restricting content on free-speech grounds. Many kinds of
hateful, racist comments are allowed, because they are phrased in such a way as
to not specifically target a race, religion or other protected group. Or
perhaps they are jokes.
Fake news poses different questions. We don t remove content just for being
false, says Monika Bickert, the firm s head of product policy and
counterterrorism. What Facebook can do, instead of removing material, she says,
is down-rank fake news flagged by external fact-checkers, meaning it would be
viewed by fewer people, and show real information next to it. In hot spots like
Myanmar and Sri Lanka, where misinformation has inflamed violence, posts may be
taken down.
YouTube s moderation system is similar to Facebook s, with published guidelines
for what is acceptable and detailed instructions for human reviewers. Human
monitors decide quickly what to do with content that has been flagged, and most
such flagging is done via automated detection. Twitter also uses AI to sniff
out fake accounts and some inappropriate content, but it relies more heavily on
user reports of harassment and bullying.
As social-media platforms police themselves, they will change. They used to be,
and still see themselves as, lean and mean, keeping employees to a minimum. But
Facebook, which has about 25,000 people on its payroll, is likely soon to keep
more moderators busy than it has engineers. It and Google may be rich enough to
absorb the extra costs and still prosper. Twitter, which is financially weaker,
will suffer more.
More profound change is also possible. If misinformation, hate speech and
offensive content are so pervasive, critics say, it is because of the firms
business model: advertising. To sell more and more ads, Facebook s algorithms,
for instance, have favoured engaging content, which can often be the bad
kind. YouTube keeps users on its site by offering them ever more interesting
videos, which can also be ever more extreme ones. In other words, to really
solve the challenge of content moderation, the big social-media platforms may
have to say goodbye to the business model which made them so successful.
This article appeared in the Business section of the print edition under the
headline "The deciders"