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INTERNATIONAL TELETIMES
What's News to You?
? Vol. 2 No. 10 December 1993 ?
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CONTENTS
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-- Features --
American in Denial, by Jon Gould
Canada: Post-Election Commentary, by Dr. Euan Taylor
Canada: A New Batter in the Box, by Ryan Crocker
News from Vienna, by Dr. Michael Schreiber
News from Manitoba, by Dr. Euan Taylor
Street Kids in Guatemala City, by Brian Quinby
-- Departments --
The Keepers of Light, by Kent Barrett
Deja Vu, by Johnn Tan
The Quill, by Marc A. Volovic
The Wine Enthusiast, by Tom Davis
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EDITOR'S NOTE
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-- Changes, Changes... --
This issue is full of changes and new announcements, it's
hard to decide where to begin. How about the beginning: the
Macintosh users should have noticed by now the lovely new
cover image designed by Kent Barrett, our faithful
photography columnist. Starting last month, each month will
have an original full colour.
There have also been some changes to our staff. I'd like to
welcome our newest batch of writers: Ryan Crocker, Jon
Gould, Brian Quinby, Johnn Tan and Marc A. Volvic. Each of
them have contributed to this issue and I hope you enjoy
their writing. There are several more new writers who will
be showing off their creative abilities in the months ahead.
This issue also debuts our new column "The Quill". This
departments will house creative writing. This month, Marc A.
Volvic has written a short story entitled "Flotsam, Jetsam".
Now for some really interesting news: Teletimes will soon be
available on the World-Wide Web. For those of you who don't
know what it is, I'll explain. WWW is a sort of user
interface for the Internet, using graphics, sounds,
animation and hypertext links. To use the Web, you need
special software to connect to WWW servers. NCSA Mosiac is
one free software package which is available for Mac,
Windows, X Windows. This will be of special interest for
those deprived readers who are stuck with the ASCII version
of Teletimes.
In addition to the graphics which will become available to a
wider range of readers, the WWW Teletimes database will also
include lots backissues in an interactive form (hypertext).
Definitely cool stuff. At the current rate, Teletimes should
be on the Web very soon. All readers on our mailing lists
will receive an annoucement once on-line Teletimes is ready.
Teletimes is now available by Gopher at the WELL in San
Fransisco. We have also begun to distribute Teletimes on
FidoNet (a huge network of hobby BBSs). FidoNet distribution
is being handled by Ian Geldard (igeldard@sound.demon.co.uk)
who will be separating Teletimes into individual articles
for more efficient transport.
Teletimes has definately come a long way since October '92
and fortunately there is still a great deal more room to
grow.
Ian Wojtowicz
Editor-in-Chief?
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MAILBOX
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-- Reader Feedback --
Excellent e-magazine! Keep up the good work. How about
setting up a recipients mailing-list? It would be easier to
get Teletimes by e-mail rather than having to ftp it.
- Daniel Salber, Grenoble, France
ANYONE CAN RECEIVE TELETIMES BY E-MAIL BY SIMPLY SENDING
THEIR E-MAIL ADDRESS, CITY AND COUNTRY OF RESIDENCE AND
COMPUTER TYPE TO: IANW@WIMSEY.COM I WILL THEN PUT YOU ON
EITHER THE GRAPHICAL MACINTOSH MAILING LIST OR THE PLAIN
ASCII TEXT MAILING LIST.
I think the magazine is very cool! Of course, I love the
fact that you have illustrations and images in the
publication. I would like to offer some assistance in
getting you electronic images and info related to NASA if
you are at all interested. Please contact me via e-mail.
Thanks...look forward to hearing from you.
- Bill Ingalls, Arlington, USA
BILL, I AM INTERESTED IN YOUR OFFER. I WROTE BACK TO YOU
TWICE BUT HAVEN'T RECEIVED ANY REPLIES YET. HOPEFULLY YOU
WILL READ THIS AND CONTACT ME.
Keep up the good work!
- Michael Choo, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Thanks for a colourful and insightful publication. The
quality of writing could tightened in certain instances, but
some of the articles, for example Euan Taylor's "Just do
it", are excellent. I look forward to the next edition.
On financial contributions, if you could take credit cards
(say through a business colleague) soliciting donations
would be a much more fruitful exercise. The Info-Mac quest
for a new disc proved this overwhelmingly. It's easy for the
donor, and bypasses the limitations of national currencies.
On another point, have you thought of publishing your
periodical on the World Wide Web? Although you couldn't
control the view font, you could still enclose the graphics,
and with hypertext contents pages have just the same sort of
functionality. WWW is multiplatform, and there are now
clients for all the major platforms, Unix, W3.1 & Mac.
- Matthew Johnson, London, UK
I TOOK YOUR ADVICE AND LOOKED INTO WWW. IT LOOKS LIKE
TELETIMES WILL BE ON-LINE BY JANUARY. PLEASE READ THE
EDITOR'S NOTE FOR MORE ON THIS.?
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STAFF & INFO
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Editor-in-Chief:
Ian Wojtowicz
Art Director:
Anand Mani
Cover Artist:
Kent Barrett
Correspondents:
Biko Agozino, Edinburgh, Scotland
Prasad & Surekha Akella, Japan
Ryan Crocker, Vancouver, Canada
Prasad Dharmasena, Silver Spring, USA
Jon Gould, Chicago, USA
Paul Gribble, Montreal, Canada
Mike Matsunaga, Skokie, USA
Satya Prabhakar, Minneapolis, USA
Brian Quinby, Aurora, USA
Motamarri Saradhi, Singapore
Dr. Michael Schreiber, Vienna, Austria
Johnn Tann, Ogden, USA
Dr. Euan Taylor, Winnipeg, Canada
Seth Theriault, Lexington, USA
Marc A. Volovic, Jerusalem, Israel
Columnists:
Kent Barrett, Keepers of the Light
Tom Davis, The Wine Enthusiast
Andreas Seppelt, Latin American Correspondant
Shareware policy:
If you enjoy reading Teletimes on a constant basis and
would like us to continue bringing you good quality
articles, we ask that you send us between $5 and $10 in US
or Canadian funds. Checks should be made out to "Global
Village Communications Society". Money will be used to pay
contributors.
Submission policy:
Teletimes examines broad topics of interest and concern on
a global scale. The magazine strives to showcase the unique
differences and similarities in opinions and ideas which
are apparent in separate regions of the world. Readers are
encouraged to submit informative and interesting articles,
using the monthly topic as a guideline if they wish. All
articles should be submitted along with a 50 word
biography. Everyone submitting must include their real name
and the city and country where you live. A Teletimes
Writer's Guide and a Teletimes Photographer's &
Illustrator's Guide are available upon request.
Upcoming themes:
January - History Lessons
Deadline for articles:
November 15th, 1993
E-mail:
ianw@wimsey.com
Snail mail:
International Teletimes
3938 West 30th Ave.
Vancouver, B.C.
V6S 1X3
Software and hardware credits:
Section headers and other internal graphics were done in
Fractal Painter 1.2 and Photoshop 2.5 on a Macintosh Quadra
950. The layout and editing was done on a Macintosh IIci
using MS Word 5.0 and DocMaker 3.96.
Copyright notice:
International Teletimes is a publication of the Global
Village Communication Society and is copyrighted (c) 1993
by the same. All articles are copyrighted by their
respective authors however International Teletimes retains
the right to reprint all material unless otherwise
expressed by the author. This magazine is free to be copied
and distributed UNCHANGED so long as it is not sold for
profit. Editors reserve the right to alter articles.
Submitting material is a sign that the submitter agrees to
all the above terms.?
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FEATURES
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-- American In Denial --
The United States is a violent society. We own more handguns
than any other western country, and we use them. Blood flows
through the streets of our ghettos, oftentimes reaching our
more tranquil suburbs. We settle our disputes not with words
but with guns, knives and fists. We don't argue, we fight.
Perhaps it's our history. The country was born out of an
armed rebellion. Guns have always been a part of our
heritage. Back in the days when a Smith & Wesson was a man's
best friend, guns were insurance. Later, these pioneer days
served as our entertainment. Western movies, with Cowboys
and Indians, horses and guns, kept us entertained and on the
edge of our seats.
But our violent ways have caught up with us. A boy growing
up in the US today is more likely to die from a violent
confrontation than from almost any known disease. Our
favorite shows glorify violence, to the point that shootings
become the centerpiece of many movies. We live our lives to
a soundtrack of rap music, its lyrics reinforcing a culture
of violence. The National Rifle Association has even started
pitching its ads at young women, encouraging them to
purchase handguns for peace of mind.
If we're falling over the edge, some are trying to catch us.
Congress has recently made noise about regulating American
television, perhaps setting time slots in which violent
shows can be shown. It has also pushed through the Brady
Bill, requiring that handguns be sold only after a five-day
waiting period.
Both are admirable proposals, but neither is destined to
succeed alone. The problem is that each focuses on the
symptoms of our disease and not on the disease itself. Guns
do indeed kill people, but there's something else driving us
to buy them. We aren't robots. Network executives can't
produce violent shows and force us to watch them. Somewhere
out there is a market for violent entertainment -- a large
market -- and it likely includes us. Somewhere out there, we
have grown accustomed to violence, we have welcomed it.
It should seem clear that a society cannot long endure if
its citizens are prone to violent conflict. But how do you
pull back when children are shot for wearing the wrong
clothes, eyeing another's girlfriend, daring to disagree?
What do you do when drivers are threatened for changing
lanes, when disgruntled employees murder their co-workers?
The answer is that there isn't a simple answer. Violence
occurs in many forms with as many pulsepoints. Tougher
sentencing, more prisons, urban development, they all have
their place. Certainly, gun control and media monitoring are
part of the package, but the real change must come in our
psyches.
Like any other addict, we're in denial. We don't want to see
a connection between our actions and the pathology of our
culture. We cheer Rambo when he shoots up a crowd, but we
draw back in disgust when a young boy is slain for his
jacket. We won't acknowledge the relation. Yes, one is
fiction and the other reality, but if it's fun to watch a
shooting spree on the screen, why not in real life too?
We've become enablers.
I don't suggest government censorship. Government
prohibition here allows us to abdicate responsibility, a
responsibility we owe not only to ourselves but to our
families and communities as well. It's time that we re-
learned what it means to set limits. Not an easy task in a
society that encourages us each to do our own thing. Nor
when it has unpleasant overtones to the religious right.
But the fact remains, we have it in our power to stem the
rise of a more violent culture. We must be willing to
confront our own addiction, to treat it now before the
disease envelops us. We're running out of time. That tunnel
we're looking down is the barrel of a gun.
- Jon Gould, Chicago, USA
-- Canada: Post-Election Commentary --
It is only a few months ago that the then Prime Minister
Brian Mulroney - the man Canadians loved to hate, stepped
down as the leader of the incumbent Progressive Conservative
government and Kim Campbell took his place. Subsequently on
October 25th Canadian voters went to the polls to elect a
new government, decimate an old one, and produce a
completely new combination of parliamentary forces.
Conventionally the election race has been between the
Progressive Conservatives, and the Liberals. But this year
after a campaign dominated by the massive federal deficit,
health care, a helicopter deal, and serious blunders in the
Conservative campaign, the political landscape of this
country has changed dramatically. In brief the main parties
and their policies were and are as follows:
Progressive Conservative (PC)
Eliminate deficit in 5 years, reform social programs.
Encourage private sector, removal of trade barriers (via the
North American Free Trade Agreement -NAFTA).
Liberals
Job creation, public works programme, maintenance of social
programmes, support nationally regulated health care system.
Renegotiation of some parts of NAFTA.
New Democratic Party (NDP)
Larger scale job creation, scrap current sales tax,
investment in formative businesses. Fund raising by 14%
corporate tax. National child care programme. Maintain
universal health care. Oppose NAFTA.
Reform Party of Canada
Eliminate federal deficit in 3 years, cut taxes, halve
immigration. $19 billion spending cuts. Declared intention
to cut some social programmes. Increase provincial autonomy
on health care. No candidates in Quebec.
Bloc Quebecois (BQ)
Main policy, separation of Quebec from Canada. Support more
provincial autonomy over health care. New income support
programmes, transfer of funds to job creation. Candidates
only in Quebec.
The seats held in the House of Commons by each party both
before and after the election were as follows (excluding a
few independent candidates):
BEFORE AFTER CHANGE
PC 157 2 -175
Liberal 80 177 + 97
NDP 44 9 - 35
Reform 1 52 + 51
BQ 8 54 + 46
The total collapse in the Conservative vote has been
attributed to several factors, including general
disillusionment with their performance in office, the
introduction of a new sales tax, and continuing
constitutional wranglings over the last few years. But there
seems to be little doubt that in large part the final
magnitude of the damage has been due to a disastrous
election campaign.
There were two really memorable screw ups in the PC campaign
which are likely to be remembered for a long time, and made
a massive impact in the media. Number one was Ms. Campbell's
promise to "completely re-think Canada's Social Security",
although the 47 day election campaign was "not the time to
get involved in very, very serious discussions" on the
subject. It was a disastrous statement, leaving many voters
both shocked and insulted, and was seized on immediately by
the Liberals, the PC fell 12 points in the polls. The other
miscalculation came very close to the election as the PC
campaign became increasingly desperate. A TV advertising
campaign showed very unflattering pictures of Liberal leader
Jean Chretien, showing off the paralysis in one side of his
face. On the soundtrack people declared how they would be
"embarrassed" if he were to become Prime Minister. There was
immediate media outrage, the adverts were stopped, but it
was close to the election, and it was too late.
(Interestingly some media reports have suggested that the
strategy was starting to show positive results in the
polls). I was intrigued to see that both of these events
were ignored in an editorial in the October 27th Financial
Times. It pointed instead to Ms. Campbell's warning that
unemployment was unlikely to improve before the end of the
century as the decisive feature in the campaign. This also
allowed it's editorial writer to conclude that the major
Conservative error was telling the truth.
The results of the election are especially bewildering
because of the geographical distribution of the different
groups, with the opposition split almost equally between two
largely regional parties. The BQ is based only in Quebec
whereas Reform got practically all its support in the two
western provinces (British Columbia and Alberta), and ran no
candidates in Quebec. Half the Liberal seats came from
Ontario, the rest being fairly evenly distributed across the
country.
Some observers are predicting that the changes to come will
not match the campaign rhetoric, because of the financial
restrictions the new government must face. Skepticism has
been expressed about Chretien's ability and desire to
renegotiate NAFTA, partly because of a strong free trade
wing in the Liberal party. As to constitutional fallout from
the new picture, outsiders apparently see the Quebec vote as
protest rather than a victory for separatism. Some see
Reform as the greater threat to Canadian unity, forcing a
more rigid development of the federation, and giving the BQ
new grievances to exploit.
Certainly now that Chretien has appointed his cabinet and
canceled a controversial helicopter deal begun under the
Tories, the pundits have more to work on. Native leaders are
disappointed that there is no aboriginal representation in
the cabinet and it has also been noted that the main cabinet
figures are all white. Chretien's appointments to offices
dealing with finance and development are generally seen as
on the right of the party, but his other appointments in
areas such as Human Resources, are more to the left.
The new parliament will also provide a platform for the two
opposition parties to show their mettle, voters will soon
start to find out how the behaviour of their elected
representatives relates to the campaign rhetoric.
As to the Tories, they may not have much of a voice in
Commons now, but they retain their majority in the Senate (a
non-elected body), a base which maintains their influence
and gives them a foundation from which to rebuild. Despite
their poor showing in the house, a lot of Canadians voted
for them, and many observers believe they remain the only
national, rather than regionally based party that is a
credible alternative to the Liberals. Only time will tell.
- Dr. Euan Taylor, Winnipeg, Canada
Sources:
Macleans Magazine, September - October 1993.
Globe and Mail (Toronto), October issues 1993.
Financial Times (London), October 27th 1993.
CBC Radio.
-- Canada: A New Batter in the Box --
Hello sports fans, and welcome to the 1993 Parliamentary
Election draft choice. The ballots are counted, the people
have spoken, and here is the line-up.
The Liberal Party of Canadian -Governing Party-
One of the venerable parties in Canadian politics. Voted out
of office in 1984, under the leadership of the West Coast's
"Great White Hope", John Turner. Since then, Mr. Turner lost
the leadership of the party, and the respect of his
parliamentary colleagues by being conspicuously absent from
almost all important votes in Parliament. He was replaced by
Jean Chretien, who recently led his party to a massive
landslide victory over the Progressive Conservative Party,
led by Kim Campbell. (More on her further on.)
Outlook
The Liberals will institute massive government spending to
help stimulate job growth in Canada. They have a tough row
to hoe on the subject of taxation. The middle class in
Canada pays the majority of taxes, and are at the limit of
what they can pay. The Liberals have promised to repeal the
Goods and Services Tax (7% on just about everything).
However, they may be in trouble when they follow through,
and try to replace the tax with something "easier to
administer" (their words). In the long run, it looks like it
will be business as usual.
The Bloc Quebecois -Official Opposition-
An offshoot of the Progressive Conservative Party, the
Bloc's policy boils down to "Quebec first" (For those who
don't know, Quebec is a predominately French speaking
province in the East, that suffers from a persecution
complex.) The Bloc, led by Lucien Bouchard, believes that
Quebec is a distinct society, and should be responsible for
it's own destiny. If necessary, that means that Quebec
should secede from the Confederation. Due to the high
population in Quebec, this party won enough seats to become
the official opposition, after a close race with the Reform
Party.
Outlook
The next few years will be quite interesting, as the Bloc
tries to reconcile its separatist charter with its duties
for all of Canada. Unless a separatist party is elected to
the Quebec provincial government, the Bloc stands to lose a
lot of credibility. One way or the other, this will probably
be the last time they'll have this many seats in Canada's
government.
The Reform Party
A regional, western based party, whose platform is based
upon "grassroots" policies. Deficit slashing, and better
fiscal management are the priorities of Reform, led by
Preston Manning. This party narrowly lost opposition status
to the Bloc Quebecois after a closely watched race in the
West. Tied with the Bloc for most improved position, leaping
from less than 5 seats in the previous parliament, to 52
after the recent election. This is the party that really
killed the Progressive Conservative party in the West. Many
conservative voters became disenchanted with the PC's, and
jumped ship to Reform.
Outlook
The Reform could be the real voice of opposition in the
Parliament, if the Bloc decides to concentrate only on
Quebec issues. Like the Bloc, most of the members elected to
Parliament are new, and are likely to be a source of comedy,
as they find their way. Could be a real player next time
around.
The New Democratic Party
The "progressive" voice in Canadian politics, advocating
better social programs. They were a power, with over thirty
seats in the last Parliament, but got nailed to wall in the
recent election as voters looked for new alternatives. They
now have nine seats in the new Parliament, short of the
twelve needed for official party status. This means the NDP
no longer get a research budget, and are not guaranteed a
voice in the question period. Led by Audrey McLaughlin, the
NDP are in a deep hole and they will have to do a lot of
rebuilding to become a force again.
Outlook
Needs CPR and mouth to mouth, but still has a chance.
The Progressive Conservative Party
Oh, how the mighty have fallen. The PC's led the country for
the past 8 years, through recessions, a ballooning deficit,
and pork barrel politics. Led by Brian Mulroney for most of
that time, they cut spending and increased taxes in an
effort to get the national debt down. Mulroney stepped down
in the summer of '93, as it became apparent that his
popularity had slipped to the level of athlete's foot. Kim
Campbell, former Justice Minister and Defense Minister, took
over as party leader after a leadership convention. Her
chances seemed good at the start, but a poorly run campaign,
coupled with some bad gaffes on Kim's part, and a commercial
targeting Jean Chretien's unfortunate facial disabilities
that inflamed the country, led to the biggest political
defeat in recent Canadian history. Formerly holding over 145
seats, they have lost all but 2 seats in the Parliament. The
party, over one hundred years old, is now in danger of
disappearing completely.
Outlook
Start playing "Taps", and send flowers. If it does die, look
for a new party to spring from the ashes in it's place.
So there it is, sports fans. The political map has been
completely redrawn. I'm looking forward to 4 years of comedy
from entirely new sources. Comments? Inflamed opinions?
Write me care of Teletimes.
- Ryan Crocker, Vancouver, Canada
-- News From Vienna --
?new w!th U
.the CT of V!E pla2ned an EXPO
.wanted 2 do !t w!th BudapesT
.A tw!n CT EXPO @ the danubE
.1 bought !n the 2nd D. of V!E
.1 Started 2 MT the bu!ld!ngS
.the CT started 2 bu!ld alreadY
.a 50!es-dream turned 90!es-truE
.borders opened surpr!s!nglY
.V!E started 2 grow aga!n theN
.m!grat!on !ncreased over n!ghT
.a major!ty vote aga!nst EXPO
.budapest w!2l do !t alone noW
.speculat!on hangs on a cl!2F
?who w!2l f2ot the bi2l noW
- Dr. Michael Schreiber, Vienna, Austria
-- News From Manitoba --
The real local stories here in Manitoba are a pretty diverse
bunch.
Budget cuts in the Royal Canadian Mounted Police have led to
the end of a programme to help native candidates train meet
the minimum qualifications to join the force. The Manitoba
Grand Chief Phil Fontaine expressed dismay and anger at the
cutting of the programme, which he says has been successful
at both increasing the recruitment of native officers and
improving RCMP-native relations.
After a year in which the province opened a new bingo and
slot machine hall in Winnipeg and licensed 1800 new video
lottery terminals (VLT's), it has now declared a moratorium
on further gambling halls, although it will continue to
license new VLT's.
Four native teenagers on their way through Winnipeg to New
Zealand to take part in the Native Run for Indigenous People
were left stranded when their coach disappeared with the
money for their trip. When their situation made the papers,
voluntary donations came in to pay for their trip, at a cost
of over $15,000.
Finally, in an attempt to cut down on youth crime over
Halloween, police in Gimli, Manitoba hid behind their cars
and let children throw eggs at them. In return the kids had
to sign a form promising not to get into trouble when they
went out to "Trick or Treat", and if after all that they did
get into trouble... then nobody would be pulling any
punches.
- Dr. Euan Taylor, Winnipeg, Canada
Sources:
Winnipeg Free Press 1st to 4th November
-- Street Kids in Guatemala City --
The capital of this Central American nation, where a civil
war has raged for more than 30 years and human rights are
routinely violated, is overrun with tourists and street
children.
The perfectly cone shaped volcanic mountains, the
magnificent ruins of the Mayan civilization and one of the
poorest economies in the region are like catnip to North
Americans and Europeans whose dollars go a long way here.
Hotels ranging from basic and dirt cheap all the way to posh
cater to their whims and for those unwilling to trust their
tummies to the local food, there is the familiar McDonalds,
Taco Bell and Pizza Hut.
In the same place but in a seemingly different world are
some 5000 to 10 000 children who live on the street (no
reliable figures exist). They are runaways and throwaways.
They don't go to school, they don't eat three well balanced
meals a day and they don't get tucked into comfortable beds
at night by loving parents.
Their beds are the concrete of the streets and their pillows
are each other. Blankets are a rarity. The lucky ones might
have a piece of cardboard but for most street kids, the only
warmth at night comes from the cluster of their bodies
pressed closely together. Food comes from garbage or what
they can steal or purchase with money they beg. But more
important than spending what little money they acquire on
food is using it to buy glue which is usually manufactured
in the United States. The glue, inhaled from a plastic bag,
transports them to an oblivion where the hunger and the
daily misery of their lives no longer exists - at least for
a few hours.
Rarely do the worlds of the tourists and the street children
collide and when they do it is usually by way of a light
tapping on the tourist's arm and the mumbled words "por
comer", "for food" which may or may not be true. It is easy
to give a kid a few Quetzals (1 Quetzal is worth 20 - 25
cents depending on where you change your money) but glue
only costs four and a half Quetzals for an afternoon's high.
Many in Guatemala City have little compassion or concern for
the street children. They are nuisances, pests and sometimes
even dangerous. Until recently, they were the victims of
extra-judicial execution by members of the National Police.
The Murder of Nahaman Lopez
In 1991, Amnesty International released an Urgent Action
Bulletin documenting the death of Nahaman Carmona Lopez.
Published reports and court testimony from witnesses
indicate that four policemen found 13 year old Nahaman and
nine other children -- ages 6 to 14 -- sniffing glue. The
officers seized the glue and poured it over the children's
heads. Nahaman resisted and the officers, according to the
witnesses, viciously kicked Nahaman rupturing his liver,
breaking six ribs and two fingers and left him with open
wounds on his face. It was said that Nahaman's screams could
be heard for three blocks. Unconscious, Nahaman was taken to
a state run hospital where surgery was performed to repair
his liver. Nahaman died ten days later. No police report was
ever filed.
It was through the efforts of Casa Alianza, an agency which
provides services to street children, that the world learned
of Nahaman's murder. Executive Director Bruce Harris led an
investigation into the incident and brought formal charges
against the four policemen. The first trial resulted in a
conviction but on appeal, the conviction was thrown out. A
second trial also resulted in a conviction and an appeal
but, this time much to everyone's surprise, the conviction
was upheld. Nahaman's killers will be in jail for 18 to 20
years.
Nahaman's last recorded words were "I only wanted to be a
child and they wouldn't let me." His coffin was paid for by
other street children.
Nahaman was not the first to be murdered by the police or by
their friends in the Death Squads. In 1990 when Casa Alianza
started counting, fourteen children were murdered; in 1991
there were four. So far, there have been no reports of
street children murdered in 1992.
Founded 11 years ago as part of the New York based Covenant
House, Casa Alianza is the only ray of hope for many of the
street children in Guatemala City and several other Central
American cities. Its extensive network of services includes
"Street Educators" who befriend the children while they are
on the streets, offer counseling and provide basic first aid
for their cuts and bruises, real or imaginary. In a
backpack, art supplies are carried so the kids can draw or
paint. And then there is "Where's Waldo". The book
fascinates the kids to the point that they will put aside
their bags of glue and pour methodically through the pages
of the book.
For children who want to leave the street, there is the
"Refugio", a crisis center open twenty four hours a day
seven days a week which offers a place to live, eat, shower,
clean clothes, and receive counseling and adult support to
begin the process of re-socialization.
"Leaving the street is difficult" says Eugenia Montorroso,
Casa Alianza's Guatemala Director. "Children have total
freedom on the street and in the Refugio there are rules and
structure and expectations and," she added, "the longer a
child has been on the street, the harder it is to leave it."
According to Montorroso, only about half of the children who
enter the Refugio will stay for the several months it takes
to get ready for the next level -- the Transition Home where
the groups of children are smaller and expectations, which
include school attendance, are higher. Once successful in
the Transition Home, the child moves into a Group Home -- an
even smaller group of children who live in ordinary houses
scattered throughout the city. Currently, Casa Alianza has
two Transition Homes and twenty-eight Group Homes. They also
operate a drug rehabilitation center. Some 550 children
reside in these various facilities.
"Poverty and family factors" says Montorroso, drive kids out
of families or cause them to be thrown out. "Sometimes it is
alcoholism or physical or sexual abuse which causes a child
to run away. Sometimes it is poverty, sometimes it is
cultural. In our society men do not accept the children of
another man in a family. Step children become slaves.
Sometimes they are just abandoned to the streets because
there is no food to feed them."
On The Street With the Street Educators
It is early in the morning and 24 year old Mary (it has been
requested that, for security purposes, last names not be
used), a volunteer from Vancouver, and Wellington, a 23 year
old Guatemalan economics major at San Carlos University, are
checking the contents of their backpacks and refilling the
first aid kit. Wellington checks the battery on the walkie-
talkie which is carried by all Casa Alianza staff when they
are away from the facilities or offices. Harassment or worse
actions by the police and death squads has been a problem.
We leave the Refugio and head south on a city bus that costs
about a dime. We are going to a street nicknamed "El Hoyo",
The Hole. It is an apt description.
Garbage litters the street and the sweet smell of chocolate
from a nearby factory mixes with the odor of urine and
feces. Plastic bags from yesterdays or last weeks glue are
all over. On one side of one block more than two hundred
discarded bags were counted. Flies are everywhere.
Children live here. On this street.
Soon, one by one, a dozen boys ages ten to fifteen gather
around us. They are wary of the gringo with the cameras and
some exclaim "no foto, no foto" and wave their arms as if to
make the gringo go away. But the gringo doesn't go away and
soon the lure of the cameras is too much. They all want
their photograph taken and want to take photographs
themselves. The camera is handled almost reverently.
All of the boys have bags of glue and when they are asked to
put their glue in their pockets when they are handling the
camera, they respond immediately and without question.
No one tries to steal the camera and they all patiently wait
their turn. They also want to be close to the adults, to
have an arm around their shoulder and, for some kids,
cuddled. For, in truth, despite the grime that covers them
and the rags they are dressed in, despite their aggression
and youthful bravado, despite the glue that has blitzed them
to oblivion, they are very needy little boys.
Out of the back packs come paper, colored pencils and water
color paints. A small boy is sent off with plastic cups to
get some water. One boy has a cut that needs cleaning and
dressing.
As they quiet down and begin to work on their drawings or
paintings, Mary and Wellington quietly circulate among them,
spending a few minutes with each boy. Mary says that the
boys are subdued, almost depressed today. A couple of the
older boys talk about how miserable their lives on the
street are. They are not, however, willing to give up the
street. This is their home, their family. It is where they
feel they belong. And so amid the garbage, they stay.
There is one new boy, Jose. He came to the city from the
highlands because there was no food. But El Hoyo is not what
he thought the city would be like and he wants to get out.
The resources available at the Refugio are explained to him
and he elects to return with Mary and Wellington.
After about an hour and a half, it is time to leave. The
boy's drawings are labeled with their name and date and
collected -- the boys themselves have no place to keep them
-- and will be saved at the Refugio for future study. The
boys are unhappy with the ending of the visit by Mary and
Wellington but they dare not show sadness. They play becomes
aggressive - the older ones intimidating the younger ones.
Jose leaves the street, maybe for good, maybe not; but at
least it is a start.
There are seven Street Educators and they work in only three
zones, a very small portion of the city. Yet in the average
week, they will visit with and provide a measure of comfort
to more than 500 street children
Out For A Drink At The Bar El Ray
"Come have a drink with us" Bruce Harris said. "We are going
out at 7:30." The bar we visited, Bar El Ray, wasn't much
but, in some circles, it is well known and, if Harris gets
his way, it will soon have a worldwide reputation.
Not very large, the decor consisted of a few colored lights
and dozen or so mirrors on one wall. About twenty tables
were scattered around and only half of the chairs were
filled. The beer and Pepsi were over priced and all of the
records in the juke box were scratchy. But this was of
little concern to the customers - all men except for one boy
about sixteen who was barely able to contain his excitement.
The customers did not come the El Ray for the ambiance or
the drinks.
They came for the girls and not one of the eight young women
working the place tonight appeared to be over thirteen years
old. The youngest looked about ten and they all knew the
ropes. They were real pros.
"Kimberly" -- at least that is what she said her name was,
and only Kimberly as she would not divulge her last name --
was dressed in a semi-clean t-shirt and a short, red frilly
skirt. Her physical development suggested that, at best, she
was twelve or thirteen.
She came over to our table and flirted with us before taking
our order of four Pepsis. When she returned with our drinks
she subtly checked out if we seemed interested in anything
more and when she realized that we didn't, she was quickly
off to another table. Other girls came by and left as soon
as it was apparent that we were tourists not interested in
purchasing a few moments of cheap sex...
According to Harris, the girls cost ten Quetzals - about
$2.00 depending on where you changed your money. He said
"the girls are expected to turn ten tricks a night" to pay
for room and board at the bar. If they don't, he added "then
they are charged and must make it up another night."
Harris explained that the girls are not being paid for their
work and contends that this is slavery. He plans on going
after the bar owners -- yes, there are many more places like
this -- using Guatemala's labor laws.
"All of the evidence was turned over to the government
months ago" he said, adding "they have done nothing." Harris
would prefer that Casa Alianza not play a major role in
closing down the bars where the girls sell their bodies.
Rather, he would like the government of Guatemala to take
the lead but so far that doesn't seem to be the case.
Nor does it seem to be the case that the girls at the Bar El
Ray will be making their quota tonight. Business is very
slow. But there is tomorrow and there will be more men.
Bar El Ray is not unique. On the street nicknamed "El Hoyo"
there are many like it. Most don't have names but they all
have little girls turning tricks in order to survive.
The Boy the US Didn't Want
Dressed in a ragged red t-shirt and pants held tight around
his thin waist by string, he was covered with grime and his
hair was matted with filth. His blue Nike rip-off sneakers
were falling apart. Maybe he was fourteen, maybe he was
twelve. He stood there and said in perfectly fluent English:
"Excuse me sir, could you please buy me something to eat?"
Meet Michael Valasquez, now fourteen years old. His real
first name is Mynor but he prefers Michael. There is no
reason why his English shouldn't be fluent because he lived
in Arizona and Florida for ten years before the United
States threw him away..
Michael got a pizza and told a little of his story. He was a
year old when his father, Mynor Valasquez Sr., brought him
to the US illegally. Valasquez Sr., said to be a machinist
by trade, was working in the United States -- legally -- in
order to save enough money and return to his native
Guatemala.
Having a one year old must have been difficult for Valasquez
because, as the records of the Real Life Children's Ranch
indicate, Michael was immediately given to his grandmother
in Phoenix, Arizona, where he lived for the next eight or
nine years.
Of his natural mother, Michael only says "She is lost." For
unexplained reasons, when Michael was about nine or ten, he
was returned to a father he did not know and became a
chronic runaway. "My Dad kept beating me," Michael says
though this never came out in court records.
Michael came to the attention of the Juvenile Court, was
made a ward of the court and placed in the Real Life
Children's Ranch where the records reveal that he was a
couple of grade levels behind in reading and math. The
psychologist who evaluated him, however, was optimistic in
his appraisal. "Michael was no angel but he was a warm,
loving boy who actively sought out father figures and
related well with them" said the Ranch's director, Scott
Fraser.
After a year of making slow but steady progress at the
Ranch, Michael's father petitioned the Court for a return of
custody. He had saved $40 000 while working in the US. and
now wanted to return to Guatemala. The father who had never
really been a father wanted to take his son back with him.
"The hearing took about fifteen minutes" said Mr. Fraser,
"and the Judge ruled that Mike's dad could take Mike back to
Guatemala." Fraser says that he and his wife were
devastated. On June 1, 1991, Michael was forced onto an
airplane at Miami International Airport and was brought,
against his will, to a country he did not know.
Once in Guatemala City, Michael says "my Dad left me at the
airport" though it also has been reported but not confirmed
that Michael was deposited in Rafael Ayau - a government run
children's home from which Michael escaped. Whichever the
case, Michael's father continued the pattern of abandoning
him.
Now Michael lives on the street near a market in Guatemala
City's central zone. It is not a nice neighborhood. He
spends his days sniffing glue to starve off the hunger and
the memories. At night he sleeps on the streets with the
other boys he hangs with. He begs for food and money. It is
how he eats and how he buys his glue. He is distrustful of
adults yet at the same time still seeks them out for
affection. He is small for his age and is often picked on by
older or bigger kids. Recently all of his clothes were
stolen. He tries to be aggressive and obnoxious but he isn't
very good at it. He is as out of place as a fish would be on
a bicycle and he is struggling to survive in a place where
the police kill, torture and routinely harass kids like him.
And he is not being successful.
As for Michael's father, it is said that he is back in the
United States and his specific whereabouts are unknown.
Michael says he would like to return to the US and more
specifically to Scott and Doris Fraser. The Frasers would
like to have him back. What stands in the way is the US
government and Michael himself.
Eugenia Montorroso is familiar with Michael's plight and
says "Before anyone can help Michael, Michael has to help
himself. He must decide that he is worth helping, he needs
to get off the street." Those who know Michael concur but
Michael has been effectively taught not to trust nor to take
risks.
So until Michael decides to help Michael, he is slowly dying
on the streets of Guatemala City.
What will happen to Kimberly? Will Jose stay in the Refugio?
Will Michael get off the street? What will happen to the
kids who live in El Hoyo?
Their future is very dim. Many will die, many will wind up
in jail, some will eventually get marginal employment.
"Kids," says Harris, "are on the lowest rung of the ladder.
Nobody gives a damn."
Even Casa Alianza has had its difficulties. Harris said "one
of our workers was murdered and three others have been moved
to Canada for their own safety. We have had bomb threats,
death threats and the Refugio has been machine gunned. They
have tried to get rid of us, kill us and shut us down and
all that we want to do his help kids. We are not against the
army, the police or the government (but) we are sick and
tired of burying kids (and) we are not about to be patient.
These things happen because no one is there to say 'this
should not be.'"
- Brian Quinby, Aurora (Illinois), USA
Casa Alianza works with street kids in Mexico City,
Guatemala City, Tegucigaipa, Honduras and in Panama City.
Readers wishing to support their work with street children
may do so by sending a tax deductable contribution to:
Covenant House/Casa Alianza,
P. O. Box 731, Times Square Station,
New York City, NY 10108-0731
------------------------------------------------------------
DEPARTMENTS
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-- The Keepers Of Light: No Exit --
(Photos only appear in the Macintosh version.)
Greetings Cyberspace, and welcome to another "Keepers Of
Light". This month I thought I'd do something a little
different, and take this opportunity to share some of my own
kept light with you. We'll be looking at some of the images
from "No Exit", an exhibition first mounted at the L.S.P.U.
Hall in St. John's Newfoundland in 1982.
The L.S.P.U. Hall
Located on beautiful Victoria Street in downtown St. John's
the L.S.P.U. Hall is an artist-run performance and
exhibition space. At one time the building was one of the
largest in town, and was the meeting hall for the Long
Shoreman's Protective Union from which it gets the name. The
Hall, as it's called, remained in the union's hands until
the late seventies when it was purchased by the Resource
Foundation for the Arts, and became home to the Mummer's
Troupe, a professional theatre group led by Chris Brookes.
The building was renovated and upgraded in the mid-80's, and
now lives on as the Resource Centre for the Arts. There are
dozens of plays and special events at the hall throughout
the year. There is theatre, dance, musical events, and in
the gallery, exhibitions by local artists and photographers.
It was for one such event, a Michael Wade production of
Sartre's "No Exit", that I was approached to do a poster. I
had had several ideas for the poster, none very exciting,
and the deadline was fast approaching. I decided to escape
work for the afternoon and go on a picnic with a friend of
mine and her young son. We packed up into my disintegrating
Volkswagen and drove around to the south side of the
harbour. At the mouth of the harbour, overlooking the famous
narrows is a well known, but seldom visited souvenir from
World War II. The Americans took an interest in the
strategic value of St. John's during the war and, apparently
expecting U-boats or some other sort of floating trouble,
the US Naval Engineers were called on to build huge
reinforced gun emplacements and ammo dumps at the entrance
to the harbour. These strange concrete bunkers and boxes
have weathered and crumbled in a most interesting way, and
the incomparable north Atlantic light turns the scene into a
spooky alien landscape.
I puttered around in the ruins for hours, in amazement at
the quality of the light and totally forgetting lunch until
my young companion began to complain of boredom and hunger.
I looked up and he had curled up into a ball in the square
window opening in a thick concrete wall. The light from
outside streamed in around him. I snapped a picture. Then
another and another. I began to see where I would get the No
Exit poster shot, and what my next photography project would
be.
I returned to my home and rushed straight into the darkroom
to develop the negatives. They were all I'd hoped for and
more. They were brilliant negatives, impossible negatives. I
immediately started to print them. They were very difficult
to interpret. The highlights were incandescent where direct
sunlight played on the lime formations that seeped from the
cracks in the walls, and in the same negative there would be
a window into another room with detail in shadows that were
black with age and gloom.
I printed the bulk of the show on Agfa Portriga paper, and
naturally made extensive use of dodging and burning to bring
out the details in a number of the images, but most of them
required surprisingly little manipulation. Others, such as
the poster shot, I decided to alter with a printing-out-
posterization technique. The range of lighting and the
strangeness of the location made for exciting
posterizations, and yet it also meant that the altered
images coexisted with their less exotic neighbors in the
exhibition without seeming loud or gratuitous. The overall
effect is one of harmony.
As soon as practical, I returned to the site, this time with
three models. It was the first experience they had had with
modeling (aside from birthday pictures and so on) and they
were terrific sports, I must say. They all worked hard to
give me whatever feeling I would ask for, and never
complained if I made them crawl up walls or jump up in the
air thirty times in a row. And they worked for
cheeseburgers, something today's models might not consider.
All in all, I'm extremely pleased with the way the shoots
worked out, and the prints are some of my most prized. I
hope you enjoy them.
- Kent Barrett, Vancouver, Canada
-- Deja Vu: A Talk With Thabo Mzilikazi --
The Deja Vu article this month centres around the theme of
Human Rights (see October '93 issue).
Q: Could you tell us a little bit about yourself?
A: Yes. My name is Thabo Mzilikazi. I am from South Africa.
I was born in a city called Johannesburg. I am a member of
the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC is a political
organization currently fighting for the struggles of the
South Africans today, and is guaranteed to have 80% of the
vote sometime next year in April.
I have been an activist all of my life, and I have been to
prison for some time. Right now, I feel very strongly that
the ANC has done a lot. And it is about time that the people
in America should know about what is happening in South
Africa.
Q: How do you feel about what is happening in South Africa
today?
A: As much as I say a lot has been done, I also feel that we
shouldn't just relax and say the apartheid system is going
out the window or the apartheid system is dying, because it
hasn't. It is still alive and kicking. And we need people to
march with us in this last mile of our struggle. So it will
be very important for people to come and listen to what I
have to say. Also I think they will be in a position to gain
a lot in terms of other struggles happening in other
countries like Somalia and Haiti. I feel that those who are
so-called "minorities" in this country have a lot to gain
from our struggle because they, too, have their own
struggles; they're all making waves and they have always
supported us in our struggle.
However, I'm not quite sure if I will be talking directly
about amnesty...I shouldn't speak for the ANC itself, but my
feeling is that we are not going to simply allow general
amnesty because we are changing the system...There has been
a lot of damage since this regime has been in power (from
1948). And I don't think it is fair for us to just let
everything go and call for general amnesty.
Q: You have heard of Amnesty International, the
organization?
A: Yes, I have.
Q: What have they done in South Africa, to your knowledge?
A: To my knowledge, they haven't done much -- yet. I think
they also want to drive for general amnesty in South Africa,
of which I say again, in many ways, it is not going to
work...Some kind of pardoning has to be done, but on the
other hand, it has to come with a lot of work.
Q: So, not a blanket amnesty?
A: Yes.
Q: What do you see in the future of South Africa, both in
the short term and the long term?
A: In the short term, I would say, things are going to get
worse before they get better. And in the long term, of
course, we are guaranteed to become the most powerful
country. A lot of African countries look up to South Africa,
and they have supported our struggles. So the liberation of
the South African people is the liberation of the African
people at large. It is also an example for other countries
working for democracy.
Q: What do you think that the youth of today, both here in
the US and in other countries, what can they do to help
facilitate peace and democracy in South Africa?
A: We are not specifically calling for the youth to help
facilitate democracy in South Africa. It is difficult for
people to facilitate peace and democracy right here [in the
US], but the little that they can do, we appreciate. For
example, I would urge them to call upon their
representatives to speed up the process in South Africa
because, as it is right now, there has been a lot of
violence in our country, and none of it ever comes up on the
news. Only when there is one specific issue that they have a
vested interest in, then you will see it on the news. Other
than that, nothing ever comes up. Yet, I feel that this
country especially has a lot to benefit from my country. So
it is important then that the youth of this country -- they
should be in a position to know about not only South Africa,
okay, but other struggles in other countries. That will help
because I feel that people have been shut out for too long
and, yet, they have a role to play. ... So they should try
and minimize ignorance and start sharing with each other.
My favourite quote, one which is usually used in the African
National Congress, is: "Each one, teach one."