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This group could do with an FAQ as their is
a lot of confusion in it with regards
to anarchism. As there is not one we
are going to send an explanation of
anarchism based on our pamphlet Anarchism
and Ireland to it on a monthly basis.
Workers Solidarity Movement
Anarchists are against chaos
When you hear about anarchists you are led to
believe that we are mad bombers. Every other
group that lets off a bomb is immediately labelled
'anarchist' whether they be nationalists, socialists or
even fascists. The myth is created that we believe in
violence for the sake of it. The other myth is that
anarchism is chaos It is claimed by politicians,
bosses and their hacks in the media that if there was
no government there would be chaos. But did you
ever wonder about society today and come to the
conclusion that perhaps we are already living in
chaos. At the moment thousands of builders are on
the dole yet homeless people need housing to live
in. The price of butter is scandalously dear yet
every year the EC has to deal with a butter
mountain. Thousands of people are dying of
starvation around the world yet millions of pounds
are spent every day on nuclear arms which have the
potential for wiping us and the world out.
You might ask why is this so? We say that there is
one big reason - PROFIT! At the moment we live in
a society in which there are two major classes - the
bosses and the workers. The bosses own the
factories, banks, shops, etc. Workers don't. All they
have is their labour which they use to make a living.
Workers are compelled to sell their labour to the
boss for a wage. The boss is interested in squeezing
as much work out of the worker for as little wages
as possible so that he/she can maintain high profits.
Thus the more wages workers get the less profits
the bosses make. Their interests are in total
opposition to each other.
Production is not based on the needs of ordinary
people. Production is for profit. Therefore although
there is enough food in the world to feed everyone,
people starve because profits come first. This is
capitalism.
What is the State?
There are other classes in society such as the self-
employed and small farmers but fundamentally
there are workers and bosses whose interests are in
opposition to each other. For workers needs to be
fully met we must get rid of the bosses. But this is
no easy task. The bosses are organised. They have
the media on their side. They also have the State
and the force of the army and police that go with it.
We only have to look at the 1984 miners strike in
Britain to see how the forces of the state can
be used against the working class.
The state (i.e. governments, armies, courts, police,
etc.) is a direct result of the fact that we live in a
class society. A society where only 7% of the people
own 84% of the wealth. (Irish figures c. 1984)
The state is there to protect the interests of this
minority, if not by persuasion then by force. Laws
are made not to protect us but to protect those who
own the property.
Compare this with the treatment handed out to the
multi-nationals who were able to take 500m in
profits out of the country tax free without the
government even knowing about it. If you think
that the state is there to protect you, think about the
fact that workers pay 88% of all income taxes
while the rest - farmers, self-employed ,and multi-
nationals pay only 12% between them.
(Irish figures c. 1984)
Elections: Putting numbers on a piece of paper
We are led to believe that the state is run in our
interests. Don't we have elections to ensure that any
government not behaving itself can be brought to
task? Democracy is about putting numbers on a
piece of paper every four years. We are given a
choice all right but between parties who all agree
with the system of a tiny minority ruling the
country.
People often say that if we really want to change
things we should run in elections. Take a good look
at this idea and it becomes clear that it cannot be
done if we are to remain true to our anarchism.
Electioneering inevitably leads to revolutionaries
forsaking their revolutionary principles. Look at the
so-called Labour Party. First of all they do not go to
the people with a clear socialist message. They go
for whatever is popular and will ensure that they
get elected. This becomes more important to them
than educating people about the meaning of
socialism. It also means that they look on the mass
of voters as mere spectators. People are seen as
voters, not as people who can be actually involved
in politics and bringing socialism about. We do not
accept that we should hand over the running of our
lives to 160 odd people who are not accountable and
can basically do whatever they like.
Can socialism come through Congress
There is another reason why we do not stand for
election. Socialism cannot come through Congress.
If we look at a country like Chile we can see why.
In 1973 the people elected a moderate socialist
government led by President Allende. This
democratically elected government was toppled by
a CIA backed military coup. Repression followed in
which the workers movement was smashed and
thousands of militants lost their lives.
This happened for two reasons. The Chilean
socialists did not understand that real power is not
in the parliament but in the boardrooms of the
multinationals. It is those who have the money who
hold real power. Socialism does not come through
electing socialists to Congress but through the direct
action of workers taking control of the factories and
land. For us socialism can only come from below,
not from the top.
This point is not understood by the so called
socialist parties of Europe which are in government
at the moment. In the 80's in France, Spain and
Greece 'socialist' governments are pushed working
class peoples living standards down because
international banks want loans repaid and
multinationals want to maintain profits.
The second reason is that the Chileans did not
smash the state but tried to capture it peacefully.
We must understand that the army and police are
against us. They are there to protect the wealth of
the ruling class. To make a revolution it will be
necessary to use violence, not because we believe in
violence for the sake of it, but because we recognise
that the ruling class will not give up its wealth
without a fight. Allende refused to arm the workers
and so made the job of the military much easier.
How ideas change
>From the moment we are born we are taught that
we must give up control of our lives to those more
capable of running things - that we must put our
faith and loyalty in government to organise our
lives. In school, in the papers and on television the
working class are portrayed as sheep who need to
be led and governed over. Even in the unions, the
organisation of the working class, workers are
discouraged from taking any initiative by
themselves. Instead they are treated by the union
bureaucracy supposedly on the workers' behalf.
However, capitalists in their mad rush for profits
are forced to keep workers' pay and conditions at
the lowest possible level. In times of recession
competition between capitalists increases, and if
profits are to be maintained capitalists argue that
workers must accept cuts in their pay and
conditions. It is when workers are forced into
conflict with their bosses, when they go on strike,
that they realise their own strength.
Without labour all production grinds to a halt. The
bosses simply cannot run the factories by
themselves. Workers who go on strike begin to rely
on their own collective strength, they realise that if
they are going to win they must stick together.
They become more aware of what they can achieve
and they become open to more ideas, new ideas.
This was seen in the 1984/5 British miners strike.
Before the strike most miners believed womens' role
was in the home minding the children. But as the
strike began, women took the initiative and set up
support groups to aid the strike. Women actively
took part in picketing as well as fund-raising. Faced
with this many miners changed their sexist ideas.
Their ideas about the police and the courts also
changed. In conflict, they realised the main purpose
of the police and courts was to protect the bosses
and smash the strike.
This is not to say that workers going on strike set
out with socialist goals in mind. However when
workers win on `bread and butter' issues, their
confidence increases and so does their faith in their
own ability to organise themselves. That is one of
the reasons for the WSM being involved in
supporting strikes - to build the links between
workers' day-to-day struggles and our aim of a
truly equal society.
Socialism from Below
Central to our politics is the belief that ordinary
people must make the revolution. Every member of
the working class (workers, unemployed,
housewives, etc.) has a role to play. Only by this
participation can we ensure that anarchism is made
real. We believe in a revolution that comes from the
bottom up and is based on factory and community
councils. Freedom cannot be given, it has to be
taken.
This is where we disagree with what is called the
"revolutionary left". While they say that they agree
with all this they still hold to a belief that a party is
necessary to make the revolution for the people.
Most of them base their ideas on Lenin who
believed that workers were only capable of
achieving what he called "trade union
consciousness". According to him they needed a
party of professional revolutionaries to make the
revolution for them. The result of this thinking is to
be clearly seen in the Eastern Europe of today.
What we see in Russia has nothing to do with
socialism. Power rests in the hands of a tiny party
elite. The state is the boss and the workers are still
exploited and told what to do. This is state
capitalism. Workers do not control their
workplaces. All power is held by the bureaucracy.
A workers revolution will be necessary to
overthrow this bureaucratic elite and bring in true
freedom.
So we say it is up to ordinary people. Some ask is
this possible? Would it not be chaotic? Of course
not. At the moment capitalism would collapse
without the support of the working class. We make
everything, we produce all the wealth. It is possible
to organise production so that the needs of all are
met. It is also possible to create structures that
allow everyone to participate in making the
decisions that affect them.
Democracy and Freedom
As already stated society would be based on factory
and community councils. These would federate
with each other so that decisions could be made
covering large areas. Delegates could be sent from
each area and workplace. They would be recallable,
i.e. if those who voted them in are not happy with
their behaviour they can immediately replace them
with someone else. With the new technology it will
be much easier to involve lots of people in making
quick decisions.
Within this society there would be genuine
individual freedom. Individuals would have to
contribute to society but would be free to the extent
that they do not interfere with the freedom of
others. Fundamentally we believe that people are
good and if they won freedom would not easily
give it up or destroy it.
So where does the Workers Solidarity Movement fit
into all this? We are a new organisation - small in
numbers but rich in ideas. We don't set ourselves
up as "the leaders who know it all". We believe that
our ideas are good and are worth trying out. We
believe it is necessary for those agreeing with them
to organise together so that our ideas will spread
and be understood by a lot more people. To us it is
important that those revolutionaries active in
different areas are brought together so that
experiences can be shared and learned from. We
believe that in day-today struggles or in campaigns
it is important that the message is driven home that
only a revolution made by the working class can
give us the freedom to run society so that all our
needs are met. We see our role as encouraging the
initiative of working people and arguing for
structures which allow people to take part in local
or workplace activities.
We do not believe that the revolution is around the
corner. We believe that making it is a slow process
during which there may be huge jumps forward.
Overall though it is a slow process of spreading
ideas and building peoples confidence to bring
about change. We accept that winning reforms and
short term demands are all part of this process.
Below we set out some of our ideas in relation to the
Irish society of today.
The Trade Unions
Unions are defence organs of the
working class. They are not revolutionary
organisations. Today the majority of unions have
become conservative institutions with a lot of
emphasis being placed on the role of the full time
officials as problem solvers and negotiators. Whole
sections of the trade union bureaucracy have
become outright defenders of the status quo. This is
typified by the use of the two-tier picket (where
groups of workers from another union in the same
job are encouraged to pass pickets). Within the
unions decision making has shifted from the
shopfloor to the bureaucrats. With this the rank and
file have become more isolated from control of their
unions and thus more apathetic.
For us the unions have to be made into real fighting
organisations which are run and controlled by
workers on the shopfloor. We do not think you can
change the unions by capturing the full-time jobs at
the top. Our role is to encourage the self-activity of
as many workers as possible. The bureaucracy itself
has to be torn down.
We believe in building a rank and file movement
which would embrace workers from different
workplaces and areas of work. Its main function
would be to encourage solidarity between all
workers. It would support all strikes, fight for the
election of all full-time officials so that they are
responsible to the workers, fight for equal rights for
women and ultimately resist any attempts by the
bosses to make us pay for their crisis.
We see the organised labour movement as an
essential area of activity for revolutionaries. Politics
have to be brought into the workplaces and unions
as it is here that we have strength and can inflict
real damage on the bosses.
Unemployment
Unemployment is always a direct effect of living
under capitalism, it is used by the bosses to depress
wages "there are plenty of people out there who
work for less money than you" is a common threat
as is "behave yourselves or I'll close down". The
chaotic nature of also leads to regular crisis which
cause massive unemployment
Unemployment will not be stopped while the
capitalist system exists but there are immediate
demands that can be put forward. Any workplace
threatened with closure should be occupied.
The workers should demand continued
employment whether it be under a new owner or by
nationalisation. We believe it makes little difference
because, for us, nationalisation is not a cure-all. It is
no guarantee of better wages or job security and it
does not bring us any nearer to socialism. There is
no essential difference between a boss who is a civil
servant and one who is a private employer. We also
call for a shorter working week, an end to
systematic overtime and double jobbing and an end
to all productivity deals. Basic wages should be
high enough so that workers do not need to work
excess hours.
We believe that the unemployed should accept no
responsibility for the situation. Dole payments
should be increased substantially. Where possible,
the unemployed should organise themselves to
defend their rights and link up with the broader
trade union movement.
Women's Freedom
We believe that women are oppressed as a sex.
They are denied equal rights, such as the right to
control their own fertility and the right to work, and
thus cannot fully participate in society. They have
been assigned the role of cooks and child minders,
their place is in the home.
We believe that the root of women's oppression lies
in the division of society into classes, and the
economic and social relationships that created. We
thus believe that for women to be really free we
have to smash capitalism and build a society based
on anarchism. We disagree with those feminists
who think that all you have to do is for women to
become bosses and politicians to achieve equality.
We want to destroy the existing power structures.
We also disagree with those who think that men are
the cause of women's oppression. We do not deny
that men gain from this but we identify the source
of this oppression as the class system, not
individual men.
Women's oppression is not purely a struggle for
women as it is a class issue but we hold that women
have the right to organise separately because it is
they who suffer the oppression. We do believe,
though, that the priorities of the woman's
movement have reflected the fact that it largely
consists of middle class women. We believe that it
must become more relevant to working class
women. Our priorities are those issues which
immediately effect thousands of working class
women e.g. work, childcare, housing, etc.
We believe in the right of women to control their
own fertility. Women must be free to decide to
have children or not, how many and when. Thus
we believe in the right to free contraception and
abortion on demand.
For these demands to won as many working class
women as possible must be brought together to
build confidence and defeat the isolation that comes
from being in the home. Thus in campaigns to win
these demands our emphasis is on building in
workplaces and on the estates where women are
directly affected.
Anarchism in Action
You probably agree that what you have read so far
are mostly good ideas. You probably accept that the
wealth of society should be distributed equally and
also that ordinary people should have more say in
the running of their lives.
Like most people who hear about Anarchism you
probably believe that it is a good set of ideas but
unfortunately it would never work. People are
naturally greedy and selfish, if there was no
government to look after our interests there would
be complete chaos".
It has already been stated that we believe capitalism
is chaos. It does not and never can meet the needs
of ordinary people. On the other hand, a society
run by those who actually produce can. This kind
of society is not myth we have dreamed up. At
various stages of our history it has become a reality.
Working people have taken their destinies into their
own hands and made a success of it. Far from being
naturally greedy and selfish these experiences
actually show that given the right conditions people
can co-operate and act in a spirit of mutual aid.
The next part of this FAQ goes on to discuss some
of the historical achievements of anarchism, showing
the heroic struggles that workers have waged in
the past to change this system.
********************
The Workers Solidarity Movement is an anarchist
organisation. We believe in a revolution by the
working class which will overthrow the bosses and
their governments, and create a society run and
controlled by those who actually produce the
wealth of the world. We believe that it is possible to
live without government and to put in its place
councils and assemblies where the "ordinary
people" can decide what happens to this wealth.
We believe in the equality of all and that maximum
solidarity is needed between workers and other
oppressed groups if we are to defeat those who live
off our sweat.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at
PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland
or by anonymous e-mail to an64739@anon.penet.fi
Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive
by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")
in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM
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Status: RO
In the Beginning
As Anarchists we trace our tradition back to the first
International Working Mens [sic] Association where
the Anarchists formed a distinct tendency
influenced mainly by the ideas of Michael Bakunin.
Since then Anarchism has always been deeply
rooted in the working class. Contrary to popular
belief Anarchists do not spend their time plotting in
back rooms. For most their activity means bringing
their politics into the daily struggles of the factories,
the offices and the communities. Anarchists have
been involved in all major modern revolutions They
have been there arguing and fighting for the right
and necessity of working people running society as
opposed to any so- called "socialist party" or
bureaucratic elite.
Russia
"We say to the Russian workers, peasants, soldiers,
revolutionists: above all continue the revolution.
Continue to organise yourselves solidly and unite
your new organisations: your communes, your
committees, your soviets. Continue, with firmness
and perseverance, always and everywhere to
participate more extensively and more and more
effectively in the economic life of the country,
continue to take into your hands, that is into the
hands of your organisations, all the raw materials
and all the instruments indispensable to your
labour. Continue the revolution. Do not hesitate to
face the solution of the burning questions of the
present. Create everywhere the necessary
organisations to achieve these solutions. Peasants,
take the land and put it at the disposal of your
committees. Workers, proceed to put in the hands
of and at the disposal of your own social
organisations - everywhere on the spot - the mines
and the subsoil, the enterprises and the
establishments of all sorts, the works and the
factories, the workshops and the machines". Golos
Truda Russian Anarchist-Syndicalist paper August
25th 1917
The Russian Revolution was truly a turning point in
modern history. For the first time workers took
control and asserted their right to run society. At
the time of the revolution there were about 10,000
active Anarchists in Russia, not including the
movement in the Ukraine led by Nestor Makhno.
There were at least four Anarchists on the Bolshevik
dominated Military Revolutionary Committee
which engineered the seizure of power in October.
More importantly, Anarchists were involved in the
Factory Committees which had sprung up after the
February Revolution. These were based in
workplaces, elected by mass assemblies of the
workers and given the role of overseeing the
running of the factory and co-ordinating with other
workplaces in the same industry or region.
Anarchists were particularly influential among the
miners, dockers, postal workers, bakers and played
an important part in the All-Russian Conference of
Factory Committees which met in Petrograd on the
eve of the October Revolution.
It was to these factory committees that the
Anarchists looked as the basis for a new self--
management which would be ushered in after the
revolution. They resisted all efforts to undermine
the Committees and take away their power.
The Anarchists had co-operated with the Bolsheviks
in seizing power from the ruling class, believing
that once captured power could be diffused. It was
not long before they saw that the real intention of
the Bolsheviks was to take power and keep it. Their
concept of socialism did not allow them to trust in
the ability of ordinary people to run society in their
own interests. Power was wrested away from the
Factory Committees and placed in the hands of
bodies controlled by the Bolsheviks. Firstly they
were subjected to control by Bolshevik dominated
trade unions. These unions were then put under the
thumb of the state, which was totally dominated by
the Bolsheviks. Once the Anarchists' usefulness to
them had ended the Bolsheviks ensured they were
suppressed. Their papers were closed down and
many of the activists arrested.
Ukraine
Anarchist influence here was dominant right up to
1921. An insurgent army led by Nestor Makhno
played a central role in defeating the local counter-
revolutionary forces and the numerous armies of
foreign intervention. The Red Army led by Trotsky
signed a treaty of co-operation and Lenin talked of
giving the Ukraine over as an experiment in
building an anarchist society. The Makhnovists
were hailed as heroes of the revolution by the
Bolshevik press.
However as soon as the threat of invasion had been
overcome the Bolshevik leadership tore up the
treaty and declared war on the Anarchists as if they
were an army of reaction. This stab in the back led
to the destruction of the Makhnovist forces at the
hands of the same Red Army which attacked the
naval base at Kronstadt and murdered the
revolutionaries who had been in the forefront of the
struggle against the Tsar and the Provisional
Government. Their "crime" was to resist the new
elite and demand workers power and freedom for
all revolutionary organisations.
Collectivisation
The achievements of the Makhnovists were not only
military. As their army moved through the Ukraine
they encouraged and helped the setting up of
collectives among the peasantry and farm labourers.
Often this had to take second place to the need to
fight and defeat the varied foreign armies of
occupation. What was important was that it was
proved, even in the conditions of war and invasion,
that production could be organised to benefit all
rather than to line the pockets of a few.
The Russian experience also shows that the fake
socialists and their parties cannot be trusted. If
socialism is to triumph power must stay with those
who produce society's wealth. No party, no matter
how well intentioned, can deliver socialism on a
plate. Workers must take power and build the new
order themselves.
Spain
Of all the western countries Spain is where the
Anarchist influence predominated. Introduced in
the last century it rapidly spread throughout the
country. This led to the formation of the Anarchist
Union C.N.T. (National Confederation of Labour)
in 1911. In the years up to the beginning of the
Spanish Civil War in 1936 the CNT had over two
million members. It was the major union in the
most industrialised areas, especially Catalonia and
its capital Barcelona. It also had a large base among
day labourers and small peasants in most provinces.
The CNT was a revolutionary union of workers
(usually described as Syndicalist or anarcho-
syndicaIist). Its role was twofold. Firstly to fight to
improve conditions for workers and secondly to
organise for the overthrow of capitalism. Its beliefs
were translated into action at every opportunity and
this militant tradition attracted workers in their
hundreds of thousands.
The CNT organised itself from the place of work.
Each workplace joined in a federation with other
workplaces in their region to form a regional
committee. These regional committees were then
federated on a national basis and formed a national
committee. Within each particular industry there
was also a regional and national federation.
Assemblies of workers were the core of the CNT.
These made the decisions and elected delegates to
regional and national level. All delegates could be
recalled and replaced by the assembly if the
members were not satisfied with their conduct.
Thus no decisions could be made without
consulting the rank and file membership. There
were no full-time union bureaucrats beyond the
control of the workers.
The number of full-time officials was minimal.
They were elected for specified periods after which
they had to stand down and return to their previous
job. At all times they were subject to control by the
rank and file. The experience and organisation of
the CNT shows that contrary to popular belief
Anarchists are not anti-organisation. In reality
Anarchism is highly organised and allows for the
participation of all. Nor are we against
centralisation. What is important is that those at the
centre are recallable and directly responsible to
those they are elected to represent.
The Civil War
The Civil War started with an attempted fascist
coup following the victory of the Popular Front (an
alliance of liberal, republic, socialist, and Stalinist
parties) in the 1936 elections. In response to the
coup the workers mobilised to defeat fascism.
popular militias were formed by the unions and
workers seized factories. Peasants took over land
which had been abandoned by the landlords. This
marked the beginning of the revolution for the
Anarchists. They believed that the Civil War had to
be not just a fight against fascism but also against
the capitalist system which had spawned fascism in
the first place. Thus they set about seizing factories
and ranches and turning them over to workers
control.
In the zones controlled by the Anarchists workers
self-management became a reality. In Catalonia
there were at least 2,000 industrial and commercial
collectives. At least 60% of "republican" Spain's
agriculture (that part controlled by anti-fascist
forces including the Anarchists) was collectivised.
In the workplaces councils or "comite" elected by
assemblies of workers and representing all sectors
of the enterprise, were given the task of
administering the collectivised factory.
Collectivised enterprises in each sector of industry
were represented in an Economic Federation. This
in turn was topped by a General Industrial Council
which would closely control the whole industry.
Here is a description of the organisation of gas,
electricity and water in Barcelona. "Each type of job
(e.g. fitters )set up a section consisting of at least
fifteen workers Where they were not the numbers to
do this workers from different trades got together to
constitute a general section . Each section
nominates two delegates which are chosen by
assemblies of the workers. One of the delegates will
be of a technical calibre and will participate in the
"comite" of the workplace. The other will be
entrusted with the management of work in the
section.
The "comite" of the building or plant comes next. It
is nominated by the delegates of the sections and
consists of a technician, a manual worker and an
administrator. The manual worker has to solve
difficulties which might arise between different
sections. He or she receives suggestions from
workers in the different trades and the sections give
him or her daily reports on the progress of work.
Periodically the delegate calls the sections to general
meetings. At these proposals and initiatives which
are likely to improve production and productivity
are studied as well as ones to improve the workers'
situation. A copy of the deliberation is sent to the
Council for Industry
The delegates with administrative functions
supervises the arrival and warehousing of materials,
records requirements details with book-keeping for
supplies and reserves, and keeps an eye on the state
of income and expenditure. S/He also deals with
correspondence and it is his/her responsibility to
see that balance sheets and reports addressed to the
Council for Industry are prepared.
The delegate with technical functions supervises the
activities of his section, and uses every endeavour to
increase productivity. to lighten the workers'
burden by introducing new methods. S/He checks
on production at the power stations, the state of the
network, prepares statistics and charts indicating
how production is developing. At the summit there
are the Councils of Industry. One each for gas,
electricity and water, Each is composed of eight
delegates, four from the U. G. T. (the socialist
trade union) and four from the C.N.T. These are
capped by the General Council of the three
industries, which is also made up by eight delegates
drawn equally from the two unions.
This Council co-ordinates activities of the three
industries; attunes the production and distribution
of raw materials from a regional, national and
international point of view; modifies prices;
organises general administration; indeed takes and
uses all initiatives useful to production and the
workers' needs. Meanwhile it is obliged at all times
to submit its' activities to the scrutiny of local and
regional union assemblies"
This account is taken from "Collectives in the
Spanish Revolution" by Gaston Leval.
On the Trams
The achievements of collectivisation in Barcelona
were many. Take for example the tramways. Out
of the 7,000 workers 6,500 were members of the
CNT. Because of the street battles all transport had
been brought to a halt. The transport syndicate (as
unions of the CNT were known) appointed a
commission of seven to occupy the administrative
offices while others inspected the tracks and drew
up a plan of repair work that needed to be done.
Five days after the fighting stopped 700 tramcars,
instead of the usual 600, all painted in the black and
red colours of the CNT, were operating on the
streets of Barcelona.
With the profit motive gone, the trams had
belonged to a Belgian company before the workers
took over, safety became more important and the
number of accidents was reduced. Fares were
lowered and services improved. In 1936,
183,543,516 passengers were carried. In 1937 this
had gone up by 50 million. The trams were running
so efficiently that the workers were able to give
money to other sections of urban transport. Wages
were equalised for all workers and increased over
the previous rates. For the first time free medical
care was provided for the workforce.
As well as giving a more efficient service the
workers found time to produce rockets and
howitzers for the war effort. They worked overtime
and Sundays to do their share for the anti-fascist
struggle. To further underline the fact that getting
rid of the bosses and rulers would not lead to a
breakdown of order it can be pointed out that in the
three years of collectivisation there were only six
cases of workers stealing from the workshops.
On the Land
The countryside also saw collectivisation. In
Aragon which was near the war front-line
collectivisation took root and spread like wildfire.
In February 1937 there were 275 collectives totalling
80,000 members. Three months later there were 450
collectives with 180,000 members. Often the
peasants and farm labourers went further than their
counterparts in the towns and cities. Not only was
production collectivised but in rural areas
consumption too. In many of these areas money
was abolished.
Large estates were taken over by landless labourers,
small holders put their land together so that it could
be worked more efficiently by the use of machinery.
Collectives were based around the villages and
federated on a regional basis.
Usually the decision to collectivise was made at an
assembly (a meeting of all the village). It meant
handing over land, livestock, tools, seed, stocks of
wheat and other produce. The land was then
divided into sectors, each of which was assigned to
a work group of about a dozen who elected their
own delegate. Produce went into the "pile" for
communal consumption. Each would produce
according to their ability, each would consume
according to their needs.
Collectivisation did not only apply to the land. In
the villages workshops were set up where all the
local trades people would produce tools, furniture,
etc. for the village and also carry out repairs to the
collectivists houses. Bakers, butchers, barbers and
so on were also collectivised.
The lot of rural workers and peasants was improved
by the introduction of machinery. Living standards
rose, in the words of one collectivist "those who had
less now ate more and better - no one went short".
Education became a central concern and young
children who had never been to school were given
the education denied to them by the landlords and
their system.
Women's' Action
Gains were also made by women. In relation to
their role during the Civil War observers have
pointed out that they played a full part in the anti-
fascist resistance. They were present everywhere -
on committees, in the militias, in the front line. In
the early battles of the war women fought alongside
men as a matter of course. It was not merely a case
of women filling in for men who were away at the
front. (Which is usually the case in wartime. When
the war is over and women are no longer needed in
the labour force, they are pushed back into the
home).
They were in the militias and fought alongside the
men as equals. They were organising the collectives
and taking up the fight for against the sexist
attitudes of the past which have no place in any real
revolution.
The Anarchist women's organisation, Mujeres
Libres (Free Women), had 30,000 members. It had
been active before the Civil War organising women
workers and distributing information on
contraception. During the war abortion was
legalised in the "republican zone". Centres were
opened for women, including unmarried mothers
and prostitutes.
>From all accounts there truly were changes in
attitudes towards women. One woman participant
in the Civil War has said "It was like being brothers
and sisters. It had always annoyed me that men in
this country didn't consider women as beings with
full human rights. But now there was this big
change. I believe it arose spontaneously out of the
revolutionary movement" Margorita Balaguer
quoted in "Blood of Spain" ed. Ronald Fraser. page
287
This sort of thing is common to most revolutionary
situations. When people begin to throw off the old
ideas and start creating a new society their views on
many things change. This is not inevitable though
and does not negate the need for propaganda and
activity against sexism, not only in society as a
whole but also within the revolutionary movement
itself.
Not all Roses ...
This account of the collectivisation is, of necessity,
brief. The main point is that given the right
conditions mutual aid and co-operation will flourish
- Problems did arise in Spain as is inevitable. The
Anarchists made mistakes. In our opinion they
hesitated in carrying out their programme - Instead
of seizing power and making a direct appeal to the
workers to take control of economic and social
affairs, they collaborated with the Popular Front
and ended up joining the government.
They were also attacked by the Communist party
who preferred defeat by the fascists then the
victory of anarchism. The Communists were tied to
the needs of Stalin's foreign policy which meant not
upsetting the Western powers. To them the
restoration of the capitalist order was preferable to
seeing the working class take power. And that
should come as no surprise as the Stalinist system in
Russia is no more than another form of capitalism.
The Lessons
History is not neutral. What we learn in school is
the necessity for government, rulers and capitalism.
What we do not learn is that many times it has been
shown that this government is not necessary.
People are not inherently bad. Given the right
conditions a spirit of mutual aid and co-operation
can grow. People are not naturally evil and greedy.
We only have to look at the response from ordinary
people to the appeal for aid for Ethiopia to see this.
Economic conditions determine peoples' behaviour.
How we act is related to the structure of society and
the dominant value system within it. When
structures are changed and oppression and
exploitation is done away with the "goodness" that
is in most of us come through and flourishes as it
did when the workers held the reigns in Russia and
Spain. The experience of self-management is not
limited to these countries but is something that has
been seen in most countries at some stage. In the
early 1920's creameries, farms, Cork Harbour and
Kilkenny gasworks were taken over and run as
Soviets (the Russian word for workers councils).
What Anarchists are saying are not just' `nice ideas.
History shows us that these ideas can work. A new
society can be created with the workers in control.
But it won't happen spontaneously - We must
organise for it.
That is why we need revolutionary organisation.
An organisation that draws together all those
fighting for workers control. An organisation that
gives us the chance to exchange ideas and
experiences, and to learn from the lessons of history.
An organisation that allows us to struggle together
for a new society.
We do not need a group of leaders and their passive
followers. We do need an organisation working
towards mobilising the mass of ordinary people in
the process of making the revolution. If you
like what you have just read, you should start
working to build just such an organisation.
+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
The Workers Solidarity Movement can be contacted at
PO Box 1528, Dublin 8, Ireland
or by anonymous e-mail to an64739@anon.penet.fi
Some of our material is available via the Spunk press electronic archive
by FTP to etext.archive.umich.edu or 141.211.164.18
or by gopher ("gopher etext.archive.umich.edu")
in the directory /pub/Politics/Spunk/texts/groups/WSM