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Libertarian Labor Review #15
Summer 1993, pages 13-16
A CONFERENCE IN SPAIN
by Mattias Gardell
The following article appeared in the December 1992 issue of
SAC-Kontakt, journal of the Swedish Workers Central-organization,
the syndicalist federation of Sweden. It was translated for LLR by
Christina Dagberger of the SAC. The article is significant because
it suggests a thaw in the relations between the SAC and the IWA
(syndicalist international federation).
Relations with the IWA and CNT
The Spanish Confederacion Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) invited
anarchist and syndicalist worker-organizations from the entire
world to a conference in Barcelona in August 1992. When the
invitation arrived at the Internationella Kommitten (IK--
International Committee) it was a clear sign that our continuous
work over the past years was finally beginning to pay off.
The background--which some readers are certainly familiar
with--consists of a conflict and a series of misunderstandings
which since the 1950's have characterized the relations between
Sveriges Arbetares Centralorganisation (SAC--the Swedish Workers
Central-organization) and the International Workers Association
(IWA), as well as the split of the CNT after the Franco
dictatorship's fall, which caused similar fissures in larger
portions of the anti-authoritarian European workers movement.
The following is a short description of these unfortunate
events as well as a description of the IK's effort to reach a
friendly and constructive relationship with the IWA and the CNT.
Following that is a detailed report from the conference as well as
my impressions of the CNT and the IWA.
The Conflict between the IWA and the SAC
The conflict with the IWA (AIT in Spanish) has two sides. Post
World War II Europe was characterized by the cold war and the well-
documented attempts of the CIA to influence West European workers
organizations into an anti-revolutionary and anti-communist
direction. In 1952, SAC adopted a Declaration of Principles which,
compared to its predecessor, was clearly more reformist. It was
decided the same year by referenda to build a state supported
unemployment fund, which became reality in 1954.
The IWA, which at that time organized very few working unions
(in practice only the SAC and the French CNT), and therefore able
to hold a more "orthodox" anarcho-syndicalist line, disapproved of
such "co-operation" with the state and supported opposition to this
reorientation, which not the least came from SAC's older
revolutionaries. The IWA, which worried about reformist tendencies,
decided to give their secretariat the responsibility of observing
different sections' tactical and principal stances.
In Sweden, this was perceived as the beginnings of a
centralized, opinion watchdog--something completely alien to an
anti-authoritarian and federal movement. In 1956, the SAC withdrew
from the IWA by not paying its membership dues.
The Spanish Split
The Spanish CNT, which during the Franco dictatorship was
forced to go underground and into exile, returned upon the fascist
collapse as the revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalist mass-movement it
had once been during the 1930's. In the summer of 1977, when the
CNT held its first mass meeting since the civil war, 300,000
enthusiastic supporters were present in Barcelona. Its
revolutionary power, however, was soon subdues by internal
struggles caused by intricate patterns of personal and political
conflicts. These conflicts escalated until the 1979 congress, where
a minority (according to the CNT, but a majority according to those
who became the CGT) of more reform-minded comrades left.
The situation became worse as both groups claimed the name
"CNT" as well as the resources confiscated by the Franco
dictatorship [ie. the funds and union buildings included in the
"Patrimony"--LLR]. The ideological and material legacy conflict was
not settled until 1989, when a Spanish court rejected the splinter
group's claims. They then changed their name to Confederation
General del Trabajo (CGT).
The Spanish conflict had immediate effects upon the global
movement. The IWA supported the CNT and anarcho-syndicalist groups
in different countries split up into enemy camps along the lines of
the internal Spanish division. Three camps crystallized in Sweden:
one pro-CNT, one pro-that-was-to-become-CGT, and one completely
uninterested or unknowing group.
These three groups within SAC were united in their
determination not to split upon the basis of the Spanish conflict.
None other than the employers and their collaborators--the
reformist unions--would benefit if the SAC split. The SAC decided
therefore to remain neutral (a Swedish tradition wouldn't you say).
We regretted the Spanish conflict, but at the same time we
explained that it could hardly be the Swedish workers
responsibility to decide which of the opposition groups was the
legitimate CNT. During the congresses of 1983 and 1990, we declared
our intention to cooperate and hold channels open to both parts.
The Swedish door was open for both.
The Problems of Neutrality
One of the many problems with neutrality is that the decision
does not appear quite as clear to the groups involved in the
conflict seeking international support. For those caught up in an
intensive, emotional struggle, thought of as decisive and a matter
of life and death, the lines of distinction between good and evil
are crystal clear. A naive Swedish attitude of we-want-to-be-
friends-with-everyone is destined to misunderstanding. The thought
that anyone who talks to the enemy are my enemy, is hard to ignore.
The fact that we even communicated with and visited the
"renegades" in the soon-to-be CGT was enough for the CNT to suspect
Swedish foul play. When in 1986, the SAC decided to lend 250,000
SKR [at 1993 exchange rates this would be about $35,000 U.S.--LLR]
to the soon-to-be CGT--money they would use for participating in
union elections--the situation became interpreted as: "The SAC,
those reformists, supports the trotskyist/reformists in the
splinter group!" That we could just as easily have lent money to
the CNT was unimportant. The SAC "schemes for those traitors and
for nothing less than the despicable purpose of the Francoist,
class-collaborationist institution of union elections." After that,
many members of the CNT and IWA saw the SAC as a sworn enemy.
Confusing and vicious rumors, which had the purpose of smearing
SAC's reputation, soon spread and of course, outraged the Swedish
syndicalists who were confronted with them. All this created a
situation of mutual suspicion, misunderstandings and hurt feelings.
The IK's Long Range Plans
The IK works under these circumstances. In the IK's
"International Program," which was ratified by the 1990 [SAC]
congress, it is clearly stated that we are "especially open...to
good relationship with ideologically similar organizations...both
within and outside the IWA." Over the years, the IK has
participated in many international events. As well as much else, we
have worked towards building up a working co-operation between non-
political-party-tied, anti-authoritarian, revolutionary unions both
in Eastern and Western Europe. This has included many trips and
meetings where we have either met or contacted IWA sections.
Meeting on a personal level has many benefits. As long as the
personal chemistry works, one soon understands that the other is
actually human and not the devil that rumors portray. Once a
political discussion begins, one discovers the other as an anti-
authoritarian socialist and a brother in a common revolutionary
struggle. Details about "who said what to whom in 1953" lose their
importance and a series of misunderstandings can be cleared.
Slowly, but surely, the SAC and the IWA sections could lower their
guard and begin to communicate with each other.
Untangling a Mess
When the CNT invited the SAC to participate in their
international conference, Certamen Anarquista Mundial (CAM), a
milestone was passed which clearly marked that we were well on the
way to the goal which we had set for ourselves--good and
constructive relationships with the CNT and the IWA. We have much
more in common than not. We understood, of course, that our
presence would be controversial, and I, who had the honor to be our
representative, prepared myself for many confrontations with
hardened anarcho-syndicalists who were still caught up in the old
patterns of conflict. I, however, felt confident that I could
accomplish that which I set out to do and looked forward to
tackling the Spanish bull by the horns.
And rest assured, I explained at least a thousand times over
our position in a series of central points:
-No, the SAC does not support the state. We are a
revolutionary union that fights both capital and the state.
-No, the SAC does not receive money from the state, however,
the individual member receives a grant if she becomes unemployed
("Oh shit, we have about the same system in Spain...")
-No, the SAC has not tried to split the Spanish anarcho-
syndicalist movement. You have done a good job of that yourselves,
which we regret.
-No, the SAC did not give money to the CGT so that they could
participate in union elections. We lent them money but what the CGT
decided to do with it was their responsibility, not ours.
-No, the SAC does not participate in union elections. We don't
even have such a system in Sweden.
-No, the SAC does not only support the CGT. Just look at the
decisions of our congress which clearly points to the fact that we
also want good contacts with the CNT.
-No, we do not need to take a position in the Spanish
conflict. The majority of our members are neither knowledgeable of
nor interested in the conflict. We can not demand that our new
members begin to study Spanish or Spanish anarcho-syndicalist
history. We are a working, direct-democratic revolutionary union
which has other issues that our members find more pressing to
engage in, such as the struggle in the workplace. For many members,
it is about as important to take sides in the Spanish conflict as
it is to decide which of the two guerilla groups in Cameroon to
support.
-No, we are not trying to build a new international to compete
with the IWA. However, we seek constructive co-operation with non-
political-party-tied, ideologically similar, unions. Be my guest
and read this yourself in the International Program our congress
drafted.
-Yes, our Declaration of Principles in 1952 was more reformist
than it had been. Did you know that we decided upon a new
Declaration in 1972 that was ratified 4 years later? No? Be my
guest, see for yourself. Yes exactly, there is a difference. Not to
mention that we are revising and updating it now and it will
hopefully be even more radical and clear.
-Yes, we have employed functionaries. No, it is not the state
but our members who pay their salaries. Their salaries are based
upon the principle of equal pay and we see it as no more reformist
to work for our own union than to work for a capitalist company.
And that is how it went. My saving grace was that the Spanish
young people quickly understood the points and stepped in to
correct the older members as soon as they saw that I was bombarded
with the same questions that I had just answered. During the final
days, the Spaniards, English and French discussed amongst
themselves and a clear, positive view of the SAC spread throughout
the conference. We could unite behind the fact that in today's
circumstances, where the anti-authoritarian left is the only left
that is left and therefore the only organized resistance to robber-
baron-capitalism's havoc, it would be devastating to waste our
energy upon internal differences when we have a revolution to
organize. More about these concrete proposals later. It is now high
time to get into the actual conference.
International Workers Conference
Every Swedish syndicalist, who has ever taken part in an
international conference on the continent, be it in France, Italy,
or Spain, are acquainted with those special characteristics we
associate with problems in organizing a conference: an impossible
time table, endless philosophically oriented arguments which
challenge Fidel Castro's reputation for length, and poor--if even
that--translations (God knows that French, Italian and Spanish are
international languages spoken by all the workers of the world).
Mentally prepared to endure yet another conference under these
conditions, I was nearly bowled over by my confrontation with the
opposite reality: the time schedule was respected by the
participants and those who arrived late blushed in an almost Nordic
manner, simultaneous translations worked perfectly the entire
conference, every session was introduced by a prepared leading
statement, the following debates were disciplined and for the most
part pertinent and towards the end a five minute limit was set--and
it worked!
During three days, we worked with four main themes--the fall
of planned state capitalism in Eastern Europe; the capitalist
crisis in general; the situation of the anarchist workers movement;
as well as which types of methods that we should use to build a
dynamic and strong anti-authoritarian movement today.
The first two introductions of themes as well as the following
discussions, were predictable and held no surprises. The SAC and
most of the other participating organizations and individuals had
the same analysis and opinions regarding these subjects. The only
variation from an average Swedish syndicalist debate was the
portion which zeroes in upon and attacked the church. The process
of secularization has come further in Sweden than in Spain.
As expected, the last two themes were more interesting. Most
of the participating organizations presented the situation in their
own countries under the third theme. Participating in the
conference were, among other IWA sections, Italy (USI), England
(DAM), Germany (FAU), France (CNT) and Bulgaria (CNT). There were
as well, many autonomous groups and communes from Spain, Groupo
Malatesta from Portugal, autonomes and anti-fascists from Germany,
the French Anarchist Federation, Italian railway workers and many
more.
One interesting topic, among others, which I would like to
highlight is that of an anarchist school in Estremadura, Spain. We
watched a video and listened to a pair of teachers who worked
there. The presentation was impressive. The school was located in
town and the children picked up by a school bus, just as all the
other children in the area. It was directed towards a balanced,
overall view, with a well thought out pedagogy, which was truly
revolutionary and a brilliant anarchistic alternative to the
bourgeois indoctrination that otherwise characterizes the western
school system. If we had something similar here, I would send my
children without a moment of hesitation. And why not? We have
enough teachers in our organization to start similar schools in
Sweden, at least in the larger cities.
I have two personal reflections concerning the third theme.
The first is that this conference, despite its global claims, was
clearly Euro-centered. With two exceptions, Morocco and the Spanish
colony in Africa (known as the Canary Islands), everyone at the
conference was from Europe. This points out the importance of
attempting to tie new knots and establish contact with worker
organizations in, above all Asia and Africa (we already have got
good contacts in America). In this context, we must understand that
anarcho-syndicalism is a western phenomenon, which is why we cannot
expect to find groups who actually call themselves "syndicalists"
or "anarchists." In both Africa and Asia, there are other
traditions which mean that anti-authoritarian ideas are clothed in
other words. The second observation, which was immediately
noticeable, was that the conference was overwhelmingly dominated by
men. Not that we have anything to brag about but I hope that
Swedish anarcha-feminists establish contacts with Mujeres Libres,
the CNT's "Free Women," who expressed such a desire.
The conference ended with more concrete, action-oriented
discussion. The debate was both intensive and interesting. The same
type of contradictions that we usually find at home arose: tensions
between union and political poles, between intellectual and anti-
intellectual workers, between a men's and women's perspective and
between generations. It was quite comforting to note that those
stances which I thought the sensible "won the debate." The
importance of a wide and anti-authoritarian mobilization against
the right-wing was emphasized. In order to realize this, we must
set dogmatic beliefs aside and be more flexible. Many speaker's
noted the positive in SAC's participation: we must respect the fact
that the anarchist workers movement will express itself differently
in different countries depending upon different circumstances, and
find the necessary forms for a working co-operation in our common
struggle against capital.
How to Continue?
As usual, the unofficial parts of the conference were the most
rewarding. Many long discussions lighted up the breaks and nights
and good personal contacts could be made. Those which were most
important for the SAC and the future deserve to be documented: the
unofficial bargaining with the CNT and IWA.
The CNT's new general secretary, Jaime Pozas, was easy to get
along with. He had lived in Sweden where he worked as a cook, and
had been a member of the SAC. He is therefore quite familiar with
the Swedish situation. We agreed that we must work towards a good
and friendly relationship and should cooperate on questions of
mutual interest. My impression of the CNT is that it is a well
working anarcho-syndicalist organization--contrary to what is
occasionally said by CGT-influenced comrades in Sweden. They are
similar to us on a series of ideological and practical questions,
even if there are, naturally, points upon which we differ. The CNT
is absolutely not a small, orthodox, dogmatic sect; but a
revolutionary, anarchistic, workers organization which we should
take a positive stance towards and cooperate with.
The IWA's new secretary, Pepe Jimenez, was even more easy to
get along with. The IWA's secretariat moved to Valencia after the
1992 IWA Congress. We had a very long and constructive meeting
where we ventilated opinions on everything from the IWA's
organization and internal democracy, the controversy with the SAC,
to a series of burning political questions. We soon found that we
had similar points of view concerning the most serious questions
and problems facing the working class today. We also agreed that we
had everything to gain by cooperating. The SAC's participation in
the conference is a beginning to normalizing relations between the
IWA and the SAC. We should begin by cooperating on general
questions and slowly work towards expanding the level of contact.
Today, the IWA consists of only two working unions, the CNTs
in Spain and France. The rest are actually best seen as propaganda
groups. It is also from these propaganda groups--due to that lack
of practical experience of the realities that a union works under--
that the most confusing attacks against the SAC come. It is quite
clear that we need each other--the IWA, the CNT and the SAC!
Invitations Delivered
I delivered an invitation to both the IWA and the CNT, to come
and visit Sweden and the SAC to have the opportunity to find out
who we really are. Likewise, members of the SAC should visit the
CNT, travel around in the country and form our own opinions instead
of listening just to what others say. We should also begin working
towards the goal of improving our contacts with the IWA (including
forgiving the mistakes that have been made on both sides). In the
long run--and when the time is right--my personal opinion is that
the SAC should seek to be reinstated in the IWA. In times such as
these, when the supposed "truly existing socialism" has fallen, we
anti-authoritarian socialists make up the only active alternative
left! The internationalization of capital must be met with
international organization and mobilization. An undogmatic and
federal IWA is a good form for the necessary cooperation. Let us
hope that the SAC once again can take place where we belong: as
part of a world-wide, anti-authoritarian, revolutionary workers
movement.