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Libertarian Labor Review #15
Summer 1993, page 12
BRITAIN'S DIRECT ACTION MOVEMENT
Editorial Note: The following article appeared in Number 4 of
K.S.L., the bulletin of the Kate Sharpley Library. The Kate
Sharpley Library publishes several interesting pamphlets on
syndicalism in Britain and other countries. Write them at:
KSL, BM Hurricane, London W.C.1 3XX, United Kingdom
The DAM (British section of the International Workers
Association) was founded in 1979. The founders of the DAM, which
included the Manchester Syndicalist Workers Federation, rump of
what had been since the 40s a national organization, recognized the
need for better organization and for anarchists to address working
class issues in a more coherent way than the existing Anarchist
Federation (last of many such attempts) which was grounded in
disorganization and with too many interested only in pacifism and
the punk scene. In a way, the DAM could be said to have fulfilled
part of its original aims. The DAM's early years were spent in
finding its feet and consolidating the organization as well as
intervening in industrial disputes wherever possible.
The big break for the DAM came with the miners' strike [in
1984]. This had a twofold effect. Firstly it shook a lot of the
anarchist movement out of its life-stylist torpor and into
activity. More importantly for the DAM it showed the relevance of
syndicalist ideas for the British working class. The sterling work
done by DAM members and other anarchists won them the respect of
many of the most militant miners.
The middle to late eighties saw a number of other disputes
which the DAM supported, including Kent Messenger, Silent Night
Traders, Meathouse and the printers' dispute at Wapping. Particular
mention must be made of the Ardbride workers. DAM members mounted
a consumer boycott of Laura Ashley, Ardbride's chief customer,
which was later mounted internationally through the IWA. This
forced Laura Ashley to threaten Ardbride and force them to make
concessions. Unfortunately, the union (for recognition of which the
workers had been fighting) called off the strike at a critical
moment and the strikers failed to get their jobs back.
Experience of these disputes led the DAM to develop a new
industrial strategy. This broke decisively with the previous
syndicalist tactic of working within the [TUC] unions. The unions
were seen by the DAM as beyond reform and to have failed the
working class. New strategies are needed, based on direct action,
workplace assemblies, and strike committees. The first step is to
form 'industrial networks' of militants in the service industry
whose long-term aim is to form an anarcho-syndicalist union. (The
change of direction was not unanimous and a number of people left
the DAM, some of whom went on to set up the short-lived Anarchist
Workers Group.)
The DAM tried to implement this strategy over the last few
years, with mixed success. Workplace groups, which would be the
basic building block of any union, have yet to be established. Nor
is the DAM able to develop the ideas much further than at present.
This is in part due to the nature of the DAM--a political group
with its own share of dogmatism. But it is also because any further
development must come from the practice of workers organizing
rather than the theory of those who aren't.
This lack of progression on the industrial front is linked to
the DAM's high turnover of members, and stagnation of the last few
years. However, the DAM was never going to be perfect and it's easy
to criticize such things as the poor internal education, but it
doesn't look so bad compared to other anarchist groups.
The DAM has been involved in a number of campaigns where it
had a disproportionate influence to its numbers. In the anti-Poll
Tax movement, the only challenge to the dead hand of the Militant
[a British Trotskyite group] came from the DAM. Needless to say,
others who hadn't heard of the Poll Tax before Trafalgar Square
were quick to claim responsibility. Nor will it surprise us when
the historians say these organized it!
DAM played a capital role in the re-launching of Anti-Fascist
Action, the organization which actually fights fascists rather than
just talking about fascism (or shouting at fascists, like the SWP-
organized Anti-Nazi League).
Whatever the future of the DAM, it has certainly made a great
impression on the anarchist movement in Britain. Anarchists are now
better organized than they were in 1979. The task now is not to
organize the anarchists, but for the workers to organize.
M.H.
LLR Note: The author unfortunately left out DAM's one
industrial success, the Despatch Industry Workers Union. DAM
members successfully organized a number of urban messenger
businesses in the early 90s. A report on the DIWU was printed in
LLR No. 10. A pamphlet published by DAM on its industrial strategy,
Winning the Class War, was reviewed in LLR No. 13.