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What we don't know about Obama

Jim VandeHei, John F. Harris Jim Vandehei, John F. Harris Thu Jan 22, 4:44 am

ET

We know a lot more about Barack Obama than we did on Election Day. He wastes

little time making big decisions. He was serious about surrounding himself with

seasoned people, even if they are outsized personalities likely to jostle one

another and unlikely to salute on command. He intends to move quickly to put

his personal stamp on government and national life.

Yet much about how the 44th president will govern remains a mystery perhaps

even to Obama himself.

The stirring rhetoric witnessed on the campaign trail and in Tuesday s

inaugural address is laced with spacious language flexible enough to support

conflicting conclusions about what he really believes.

Only decisions, not words, can clarify what Obama stands for. Those are coming

soon enough.

Until then, here are the questions still left hanging as the Obama

administration begins:

DOES HE REALLY THINK AFGHANISTAN IS WINNABLE?

The new president has strongly signaled that he thinks the answer is yes. But

neither his rhetoric nor his policy proposals so far have fully reckoned with

the implications.

If he intends to win in Afghanistan, he is not going to be a Peacemaker

President. To the contrary, he is committing himself to being just as much of a

War President as George W. Bush, certainly for the first term and very possibly

for a potential second.

Most military experts think a decisive win in Afghanistan as opposed to a

muddle-through strategy leading to a gradual withdrawal will involve a major

surge in troops and a willingness to tolerate high costs and high casualties.

In any event, the country and its unruly neighbor, Pakistan, will quite likely

dominate Obama s attention much more than Iraq.

Obama advisers say one of the biggest surprises of recent secret briefings on

trouble spots around the globe was how unstable, exposed and dangerous Pakistan

is. A nuclear neighbor that harbors terrorists injects all the more danger and

uncertainty to the war on the other side of its border.

Joe Biden s first trip abroad as vice President-elect included a stop in

Afghanistan. When he returned home, he told Obama: The truth is that things

are going to get tougher in Afghanistan before they re going to get better.

If that s true, Obama may in the end find muddle-through more attractive than

victory.

DO DEFICITS MATTER?

In the short-run, Obama and his advisers believe, just like Bush and his

advisers, that pumping up the economy is the top priority budget deficits be

damned.

But when does the short-run become the long-run?

Obama has said long-term, trillion-dollar deficits are unsustainable. His

inaugural address warned about the need to cut programs that don t work and

make hard choices.

Does he really mean it? If so, the second half of Obama s first term likely

will be marked by austerity just as much as the first half is going to be

marked by massive spending in the name of economic stimulus.

Embracing balanced budgets would also mean embracing steep cuts in weapons

systems and entitlement programs, as well as curbing his ambitions for new

initiatives in health care and energy. Tax hikes would also be part of the

remedy.

With unpleasant medicine like this, Obama may instead find common cause with

Democratic liberals and with Dick Cheney, who, according to former Treasury

Secretary Paul O Neill, once dismissed GOP deficit hawks by saying that Ronald

Reagan proved that deficits don t matter.

HOW FAST IS TOO FAST IN IRAQ?

The president says he still wants U.S. troops out of Iraq in 16 months.

Tellingly, he always adds caveats that conditions and advice from commanders

will dictate the pace. Defense Secretary Gates recently made this clear: He

also said he wanted to have a responsible drawdown. And he also said he was

prepared to listen to his commanders. So, I think that that s exactly the

position the president-elect should be in.

What if conditions change for the worse? Violence is way down and many of the

most troubled areas are showing signs of stability. But this remains an

extremely volatile region that could erupt in new bloodshed. Will Obama still

cling to a speedy pull-out if it means the country could implode?

Obama met with his military commanders on Wednesday. But it s anyone s guess

whose advice he ll be listening to most closely, and which members of his

heavyweight foreign policy team within which there are significant

disagreements over the Iraq war will really have his ear.

WHAT S IN THE FILES?

Any time someone criticized their policies on use of force, covert

surveillance, or detention or interrogation of terrorism suspects, Bush and

Cheney had an answer that was impossible for any outside critic to fully

contend with: You don t know what we know.

What they said they knew was top-secret intelligence showing how many people

with murderous designs on the United States are roaming the planet, how

imminent the threats are, or how effective controversial anti-terrorist

programs had been in averting another attack. Since no one else could see the

files, no one else could be on equal footing in deciding whether the

administration was right or wrong.

Since Tuesday, Obama has all the same files, and all the same access to the

nation s top secrets, that Bush and Cheney ever did.

How will Obama react when he gets a constant morning diet of dire warnings? The

president today moved to shut down the prison camp at Guantanamo Bay and end

torture and has surrounded himself with critics of both who are unlikely to

tolerate backsliding. But it is not unfathomable that Obama has a Few Good Men

moment and has to tell liberals and civil libertarians they can t handle the

truth and that drastic steps sometimes need to be taken to avert disastrous

consequences. What s more, it is hardly a given that any president no matter

his philosophy would wish to give up the expanded executive power that Bush

claimed in the name of national security.

DO UNIONS WEAR WHITE HATS?

Obama, for the entire campaign, said all the right things when it comes to

keeping peace with Big Labor. He praised the power and fairness of unions. He

expressed skepticism about free trade agreements like NAFTA. Most of all, he

proudly sponsored legislation to make it much easier for workers to unionize.

Lately, he sounds like a man rethinking his enthusiasm.

In a recent interview with the Washington Post, he suggested he would not

aggressively push for legislation to free workers to easily unionize (the bill

is known as the Employee Free Choice Act. If we are losing half a million jobs

a month, then there are no jobs to unionize. Even Nancy Pelosi seems inclined

to cut him some slack for a while on this one but at some point the pressure

will intensify and we will learn if this is truly a pro-union White House.

CAN U.S. POWER SAVE DARFUR?

Darfur will be the first test case - but almost certainly not the last one - in

which we will learn just how strongly Obama believes his stated view that the

United States should act aggressively when it can use its military power to

stop genocide or other humanitarian catastrophes.

There is powerful momentum inside the Democratic Party to come to the aid of

the suffering people of Darfur. Among the biggest advocates are two of Obama s

top advisers: Biden and U.N Ambassador-designate Susan Rice.

But with the military stretched thin, and with many others in his

administration more skeptical about the use of force on problems that don t

directly threaten national security, nothing is likely to happen unless Obama

puts his own influence and reputation strongly behind an intervention.

During the campaign, he signaled a willingness to intervene, but also

cautioned: There s a lot of cruelty around the world. We re not going to be

able to be everywhere all the time.

HOW MUCH DOES HE HAVE TO PLACATE THE LEFT?

In his inaugural speech, Obama spoke of tired ideologies and a time to think

anew about policy and politics. That is easy to do if he simply means rejecting

Bush s idea. But he has suggested this rethinking will hit the left, too that

s trickier.

Some times, Obama has been wiling to tick off the left. He picked Rick Warren,

a Christian conservative, to deliver Tuesday s opening prayer and filled his

cabinet and staff mainly with centrists. Other times, he seems to bend to

liberal frustration.

Obama nixed John Brennan s appointment to be CIA director after anti-torture

advocates expressed outrage over Brennan s involvement in Bush-era

interrogations. Brennan s going to be working in the White House anyway, but

not in any position that requires Senate confirmation. Obama also quickly moved

to give a prime role to Episcopal Bishop Gene Robinson, an openly gay religious

leader from New Hampshire, when liberals protested the choice of Warren to

deliver the inaugural prayer.

Politically savvy liberal activists are an important reason Obama beat Hillary

Rodham Clinton in the Democratic nominating contest, and a big reason he blew

through all fund-raising records. It will be hard for Obama to govern without

their enthusiasm, onthe other hand, it will be tough to reinvent politics if

Obama is forced to routinely throw bouquets to the various factions of the

Democratic Party.