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Keywords: Ireland, IRA, Imperialism, Unionist, Loyalist a Workers Solidarity Movement position paper THE NATIONAL QUESTION 1. The national question is important to us because: a) we oppose the oppression which imperialism and northern loyalism brings on the catholic population, b) we recognise that this question splits the northern working class, c) we recognise that this question can and has been used in the south to bind southern workers to their bosses. 2. The partition of Ireland in 1922 was carried out in the interests both of British imperialism which maintained military bases as a result and of the northern bosses as it provided a weapon to divide the working class. At the time the economic interests of northern and southern bosses were opposed. The north was well developed with export orientated industry (linen and shipbuilding) and needed access to English markets. The south was underdeveloped and for industry to develop southern capitalism would have to be protected from cheaper English imports, partition therefore favoured both sets of bosses. 3. The north was created in such a way to ensure a permanent unionist rule by tying protestant workers to their bosses in return for marginal privileges in a 6 county rather than a 9 county "Ulster". These privileges were maintained by northern bosses (e.g. Brookborough's famous statement about employing 'good protestant lads') and meant protestant workers can be mobilized against catholic workers demanding a fair share under Northern capitalism or unity with the republic . Examples of this in action can be seen in the Loyalist and police attacks on the nationalist ghettos in 1969 in response to a peaceful civil rights movement demanding basic democratic rights, in the 1974 unionist strike against power sharing and more recently in the mass demonstration of protestants against the Anglo-Irish agreement when it first came into being. The end result of this is there is no way of fundamentally reforming the 6 counties, the state is sectarian by its very nature. 4. Economically the southern state is no longer a colony of Britain but rather the Irish bourgeoisie have become junior partners in capitalism under the control of British and American imperialism. The north is still a British colony but also becoming increasingly dominated by multi-nationals. 5. The majority of the British ruling class are not ideologically opposed to withdrawal and/or the creation of a united Ireland. however, they remain for a variety of reasons including the fear of a politically unstable off the British coast, the weakening of the visible powers of the British state, and the absence of a strong & efficient local ruling class capable of either solving or containing the problems created by partition and sectarianism. 6. British troops were not sent into the North in 1969 in order to keep the peace but rather to provide a breathing space for the northern security forces and to stabilize in the interests of the British ruling class what could have became a revolutionary situation. This essentially is their role to-day, therefore we call for "Troops out now". In addition they were used also to break the back of any mass peaceful reform movement through actions like Bloody Sunday in 1972. 7. The UDR and the RUC are a sectarian security force created to protect protestant privilege and we call for their immediate disbandment. 8. Loyalism is a reactionary ideology in all its forms including those that try to appear socialist. It serves only to maintain sectarianism and protestant privilege and protect the interests of the British and northern ruling classes. 9. Republicanism is a petty-bourgeoisie ideology and not a socialist one. Even those brands which claim to be socialist preach a theory in which workers must submerge their own interests and fight alongside their catholic bosses until a united Ireland is achieved. Nevertheless it has considerable working class support in the north, but because of its stages theory where labour must wait it has little attraction for protestant workers and has no strategy for approaching protestant workers. 10. The current tactic of armed struggle as carried out by the republicans is incapable of achieving a solution as it is incapable of delivering a military victory and defeating the British army. In addition the British ruling class cares little for the deaths of individual soldiers in its army. 11. In addition we belive the armed struggle is also faulted as it relays on the actions of a few with the masses left in either a totally passive role, or one limited to providing intelligence and shelter to the few. However it has served to maintain the gains made in the late 60's and early 70's and to protect the nationalist community from some loyalist and state terrorism. 12. We hold the British state responsible for the continuation of the war in the North, permanent peace can only come after British withdrawal and this means we do not call for a cease-fire by the IRA. 13. The IRA is not responsible for the creation of or the continuation of sectarianism. Rather it was re-created in 1969 as a response to the sectarian attacks by the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries on what had been a peaceful civil rights movement. 14. We condemn all sectarian actions (i.e. those carried out because of religion) including any that may be carried out by republicans. We combat sectarianism not by appeals to the state forces for protection but by calling for workers to act through strikes, demonstrations etc against such outrages. 15. We defend the right of the IRA and other republican groups to carry out an armed struggle against the British state because we recognise that their struggle is a response to the the problem, not its' cause. We defend republican activists against persecution by the British or Irish states. We oppose all legislation introduced by either the Irish or British states aimed at criminalising or isolating republicans. We oppose all legislation aimed at making the states war machine more effective. 16. The current strategy of Sinn Fein revolves around an attempt to build various broad fronts around different issues, in an attempt to gain respectability by pulling in Fianna Fail members and church figures. This involves putting socialism off the agenda in order to maintain this unity. We are totally opposed to these rotten tactics which attempt to forge unity between workers and bosses and should refuse to take part on this basis. 17. We should however take part in demonstrations organised by such fronts as a separate group and in cases where these fronts gain some real support enter them in order to put forward our perspective and demand working class interests and methods be made central to campaigns. This will force those elements hostile to working class interests to break away. 18. When the potential exists we should argue for northern workers to refuse to handle any work for the security forces. We are opposed to any military campaign aimed at workers who do handle security force work. 19. On occasions where the potential exists (e.g. the 1981 hunger strikes) we should argue for the creation of a mass movement playing an active role through demonstrations, strikes etc and against any attempt to turn such a movement into one of passive support either for the military campaign or for the electoral one. 20. As anarchists we work for unity both between catholic and protestant workers and between British and Irish workers. The potential for unity has been demonstrated on a number of occasions in the history of the north including the 1907 Dockers strike and the outdoor relief strike of 1932 when the Falls and Shankill rioted in support of each other. More recently the 1980's actions in defence of the N.H.S. and strikes against sectarian intimidation in D.S.S. offices. Smaller examples of such unity are constantly thrown up in workplace struggles in the north. 21. We recognise that although protestant workers have marginal advantages over catholic workers these are far outweighed by the disadvantages faced by the division of the working class which means northern workers, both catholic and protestant are worse off in terms of housing, unemployment and wages then any comparable sized area in England. These are the fruits of partition. 22. It is therefore in the interests of protestant workers to break with their protestant bosses and loyalism and fight alongside catholic workers both in day to day industrial struggles and for a 32 county workers republic. 23. In the past the national question has been used before by northern bosses to split common struggles of catholic and protestant workers. It is therefore not possible to maintain the unity won in economic struggle without breaking the protestant workers commitment to loyalism and committing them to the fight for a united anarchist Ireland. 24. Our strategy should be geared toward involving ourselves in the struggles of Northern workers and in the course of these struggles breaking the loyalties tying the workers to the bosses of either religion and so enlisting them in the fight for a united anarchist Ireland. 25. In order for this approach to succeed we must never hide our opposition to repression and our anti- imperialism, we must attempt to link these with the on- going struggle. 26. The struggle to achieve workers unity in the North can not be separated from the struggle to build an anarchist workers movement in the south. Such a movement in the south attacking both capitalism and the dominance of religious law will be a great spur to winning over protestant workers in the North. The southern state is still politically dominated by the catholic church as demonstrated by the 1983 and 1986 amendment campaigns. The smashing of this domination by southern workers will play a major role in uniting northern workers. 27. We should aid British anarchist groups in developing a clear perspective on the national question committed to breaking British workers from any support for a continued British presence in Ireland. January 1991. This is a position paper of the Workers Solidarity Movement which can be contacted at WSM PO Box 1528 Dublin 8 Ireland Note: These documents come up for revision every 6 months, write to WSM to get an up to date copy. This was still valid August '93. Further reading Ireland and British Imperialism (WSM #1.50) Northern Ireland: The Orange state