Nursing Injustices: An Unsparing Psychological Profile of Vladimir Putin will Reveal a Deeply Vulnerable Kremlin Leader Part 5

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created by theconstellinguist on 21/01/2025 at 18:16 UTC*

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Nursing Injustices: An Unsparing Psychological Profile of Vladimir Putin will Reveal a Deeply Vulnerable Kremlin Leader Part 5

1: https://centerforsecuritypolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Waller%5C_AriasKing%5C_Putin%5C_July2021%5C_Optimize.pdf

2: https://centerforsecuritypolicy.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Waller_AriasKing_Putin_July2021_Optimize.pdf

3: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer

4: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer

1. However, these experts do convey this idea discreetly by weaving the well-known symptoms of gay men in denial in their writings on Putin, perhaps as Hill and Gaddy did in their biography (on the multiple identities), Khrushcheva did with Putin’s knack for injusticecollecting (a central Berglerian “telltale sign”),

1. Hill, before writing her Putin biography, had served as the Russia expert at the National Intelligence Council and had access to classified materials on the Russian president. She later served as special assistant to the president for Russian affairs on the Trump National Security Council. Even though the authors collaborated for years with Hill in the journal Demokratizatsiya, it is not revealed whether Hill was aware, while writing her book, that her descriptions of Putin show a high degree of coincidence with the literature on the psychopathologies of gay men in denial.

1. Putin after 2016, they got the sense that the Russia policy people already knew this information about Putin, and even seemed slightly disappointed that they had lost their monopoly on that knowledge.

1. On the other hand, we see how Trump used his uncanny and unorthodox business methods ably to gauge the psychological profiles of both allies and adversaries in his personal high-level, behind-thescenes actions, and other unconventional politics to innovate in certain forms of personal statecraft with world leaders. Throughout his presidency, Trump maintained an uncharacteristically low-key approach toward Putin as he reluctantly signed congressionallymandated tighter Magnitsky sanctions on Russian oligarchs, and then enthusiastically broke precedent to send lethal weapons to Ukraine, pressed reluctant and unwilling NATO allies to live up to their share of the mutual defense burden, strengthened NATO’s most anti-Russian allies like Poland, reversed his predecessor’s support for Russian military presence in Syria and even used armed force to kill Russian combatants there, began a more robust ballistic.

1. Russia’s gas export economy hard by opposing the Nord Stream 2 pipeline to Germany—all without visibly antagonizing Putin or incurring his retaliation. Did Trump have something personal on Putin? History will tell.

1. It is striking how Russian history is replete with instances of minorities coming to power with a burning desire for revenge. Lenin’s Latvian or Lettish guards, whose motivation in part stemmed from their mistreatment by tsarist authorities (as did Lenin’s) and protected their patron with a vicious loyalty while he unleashed terror upon the land. This is true of most empires, as the medieval English did in Scotland, or as the more modern British did in Arab and African conquests and in India to empower aggrieved minorities to rule over those who had oppressed them. Russia’s minorities (ethnic, religious, ideological, cultural, sexual) occasionally come to power. How those minorities were treated by the average Russian will likely influence how they govern Russia. Putin, as many KGB officers before him, seems to have set out to mistreat a Russia that “conspired to make him a secret leper” all his life.

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