created by theconstellinguist on 29/11/2024 at 08:05 UTC*
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3: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer
4: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer
1. The Treaty of Neah Bay (1855) unified five Cape Flattery, Nootkan local groups. A Clallam interpreter present at the Treaty signing called this group, Makahy '"the people who live on a point of land projecting into the sea'" (Swan 1820: 1; also see Colson 1953: 76; Günther 1960: 540). The Makah town of Neah Bay developed from the local group at Dia after the Treaty was signed. The other local groups maintained populations for several decades, though Neah Bay had the highest population (Günther 1960: 540; see table 2).
1. Within the reservation, the most important element affecting . . . [Makah] behaviour was the presence and the demands of the Indian agents. The government itself by its creation of the reservation and the institution of the agency ensured that the Makah would not be faced within their home area with any need to adjust to constant demands from other white groups. At the same time, the Makah, as individuals, lost all right to retain their own customs if these clashed with standards approved by the Indian Service.
1. (1) Festivals occur seldomly and are confined to power (ta-ma'-na-was) ceremonies (p. 13); (2) children play white children's games that were observed in Victoria, British Columbia, or elsewhere along the Strait of Juan de Fuca (p. H); (3) nearly all the people have white-style clothing (p. 15), and young women dress in calico gowns (p. 16); (4) whaling is no longer a successful subsistence pursuit (p. 22; see also Ruby and Brown 1981: 179); (5) Makah diet relies heavily on white products (e.g., flour, rice, sugar, molasses, pp. 23-24); (6) traditional Makah culinary items have been replaced by white objects (e.g., pots, kettles, pans; p. 25); (7) Makah ". . . readily learn the songs of the white men, particularly the popular negro melodies" (p. 49).
1. This [English] language ... is good enough for a white man and a black man, [and] ought to be good enough for the red man teaching an Indian youth in his own barbarous dialect is a positive detriment to him. The first step . . . toward civilization, ... is to teach them the English language.
1. Agent Huntington, founder of the boarding school, emphasized the role of English in Makah education; in 1878, Huntington reported that all school instruction was conducted in English. He emphasized the seriousness of formal education to Makah parents; for example, in 1877, he ordered the imprisonment of a Makah parent for not surrendering a child to the boarding school. By 1882, Agent Willoughby noted that parents were eager to send their children to school; however. Some Makah families resisted passively and fled to Ozette. Even the distant Makah families living on the Ozette Reservation accepted the school decree by 1900, and moved to Neah Bay to comply with white demands. In the 1895, the boarding-school was closed (Colson 1953: 19; cf. Günther 1960: 540); Makah children attended the Neah Bay day school (see table 4), or traveled to a large boarding school which served different Indian groups.
1. Some Makah parents reinforced the white education of their children when they transformed education into a "cash crop" (Swan 1820: 33).
1. Learning and using English was more than an accommodating behavioral gesture by the Makah; it was a means of avoiding open confrontation with whites, and symbolized the growing dominance of white cultural practices in the Makah conceptual system
1. As Makah became proficient in English usage, they assumed active roles in their community's socioeconomic affairs; however, Makah who could not speak English, were unable to participate in new economic opportunities (see table 4). The Makah's language learning achievement may have been motivated by their need to compete with whites, and their need to compensate for cultural and linguistic losses in their traditional culture. In learning to control English as a resource in their social environment, they may have been able to create a sense of self-control.
1. Cultural discontinuity led to the disintegration of traditional Makah social and ideological systems; this led to the failure of Makah people to develop a sense of self-love and self- worth. In an effort to restore the self, Makah have been motivated to seek satisfaction of personal needs through material means, as in the grandiose accumulation of potlatch property. Although assimilation plans enacted through day and boarding schools were principal foci for cultural and psychological change, whites served the Makah psychologically by providing them with the objects they required to satisfy their changing identities; this was witnessed by the Makah's decathexis of Indian objects, and recathexis of white self-objects.
1. Makah children were being reared in conflicting and confusing environments. An inadequate development of the self may have resulted from the absence of both an idealized parent, and stable cultural institutions to mirror in appropriate developmental stages. Their confusion of personal and communal identity, and feelings of anomie and worthlessness, have remained in the group as a narcissistic legacy of Makah childhood experiences in the Middle Contact Period (see DeMause 1974, 1975, 1982; Erikson 1963; Freud 1961: 69; Kohut and Seitz 1978
1. Narcissistic behavior, culturally uncontrolled expressions of self-aggrandizement and object idealization, occurred within an acculturated, sociopolitical structure and organization
1. During the Middle Contact Period, whites imposed a quasi-egalitarian, sociopolitical organization. They did not recognize the Makah's traditional, political hierarchy, social class structure, and ideology; for example, they considered slaves as the social equals of commoners and chiefs. This effected the "leaderless group," which had negative psychological consequences for the Makah.
1. By 1920, the Makah persona was dependent, and lacked a strong sense of self-cohesion. These qualities were reinforced throughout the Late Contact Period by the following double bind (Bateson et al 1956: 251-264; also see Colson 1953: 3). White acculturative pressure had vanquished Makah cultural institutions; their symbols of cultural integration, social and cognitive systems, and affective patterns had been vanishing for decades; the assimilation goals established by Indian agents were being accomplished, yet whites were not able psychologically to accept the Makah as people unstigmatized in their communities. The Makah were trapped by their inability to return to the conditions of their traditional culture and were unable also to enter into white American communities, as the whites had encouraged and prepared them to do.
1. The culturally uncontrolled expression of narcissists is evident: the traditional pattern of grandiose property accumulation continues; however, it occurs outside of the ritual context of the potlatch. For example, stereos, televisions, cars, and expensive vacations are "accumulated and displayed" as expressions of self-worth. The compensatory effect of these activities is apparent against the background of poverty in the community
1. Only a few old people lacked a knowledge of American English; Makah who were 20-30 years of age distorted spoken Makah, and only elderly Makah could understand their speech. Makah who were over 40 years of age were ridiculed by the elders for speaking a simplified Makah (Colson 1953: 54, 1967; see Osborn 1970: 232-233 for a discussion of the significance of American English language assimilation among American Indians). By 1941-1942, American English was the dominant language in Neah Bay.
1. The United States Government granted citizenship to American Indians in 1924. The Indian Reorganization Act (1934) gave to Indians a voice in their own affairs: "The new policy of the Indian Service was to encourage Indians to improve their economic position and to learn new techniques and goals, but there was to be no further indiscriminate outlawing of customs simply because they were different from those known to the whites. The Indians were also given a voice in their own affairs and were consulted on matters involving them" (Colson 1953: 22-23).
1. The reservation served the Makah as they exerted control in their power struggle with white society: the reservation was a place to hide from outside responsibilities, such as defaulting on credit payment (Colson 1967: 222); to seek refuge while being pursued by law enforcement officials (Fleisher 1983); the reservation may have aided Makah men to cope with feelings of male inadequacy in an acculturated situation devoid of aboriginal, expressive mechanisms;5 and the status of 'reservation Indian' was used as a legal weapon by the Makah.
1. American Indian convicts comment that the "outlaw trail" is their substitute for the "war path." Also, two Makah in the Washington State Penitentiary, Walla Walla, Washington, are members of a Sweat House religious group, with whom I have been conducting research for the past eight months. The Sweat House religion is a revitalistic movement that has its origin in penitentiaries in the western United States (e.g., Oregon, Washington, Nevada). To my knowledge, there are no published studies of the effects of this movement on American Indians who reside on reservations. Sweat House participants leave prison, and establish, or join on-going, Sweat House movements. The Sweat House doctrine emphasis spirituality and brotherhood among Indian peoples, and achieving a sense of inner harmony and peace
1. The men in this age grade were the last to practice traditional sealing and whale hunting, and the last to seek power, while women were the last to undergo life crisis rites; there were fewer than 12 alive.
1. Showed the social and cultural effects of acculturation, and the infusion of white hostility toward "anything Indian" into the Makah concept of self (see Sherwood 1980).
1. The cultural adjustment stage began with the introjection of white characteristics seen, for example, in the cathexis of white personal and household objects. This was followed by a compensating aversion to white society, and hypercathexis of Indian objects and activities, such as quasi-ritual bathing. A balance of both white and Indian objects, and attitudes was expressed in activities such as the Makah program for the revitalization of traditional culture and language, Makah Day, and community support of the tourist industry.
1. t. Whites had control of economic, political, and acculturative mechanisms. The Makah tendency to control aggression and need to avoid open confrontation engendered them powerless to act in their own behalf.
1. alcoholism as social metaphor, which is analogous to the discussion of Makah dependency expressed through their reservation)
1. However, narcissistic tendencies continued to emerge through traditional cultural institutions, such as the potlatch, as individuals expressed themselves in culturallydystonic ways; the potlatch, for example, functioned to increase personal prestige only, and not the status and prestige of one's kindred and local group.
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