The Narcissism of National Solipsism: Civic Nationalism and Sub-State Formation Processes in Scotland, Part 2: National habitus and group charisma

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created by theconstellinguist on 22/11/2024 at 19:07 UTC*

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1: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/h/humfig/11217607.0006.206/--narcissism-of-national-solipsism-civic-nationalism-and-sub?rgn=main%3Bview=fulltext

2: https://quod.lib.umich.edu/h/humfig/11217607.0006.206/--narcissism-of-national-solipsism-civic-nationalism-and-sub?rgn=main%3Bview=fulltext

3: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer

4: https://narcissismresearch.miraheze.org/wiki/AIReactiveCodependencyRageDisclaimer

1. National habitus and group charisma

5: https://www.reddit.com/r/zeronarcissists/comments/1gnocr8/statement%5C_on%5C_reddit/

1. Properties of meaning do not emerge as a salient effect of the situation itself. They belong to a symbolic universe that precedes face-to-face interaction, itself made possible by long-run historical processes. While personal habitus is confined to the life course of a biological individual, nations transcend generations. Individuals die while the nation lives on.

1. Much of the time, daily routines impose high levels of self-restraint on the national habitus of familiar habits of mundane symbols and practices (Billig 1995). At other times, when collective fears and anxieties are aroused by tensions, crisis and inter-group conflict, the unremarkable drift of the banal national habitus shifts gear and arbitrary differences are intensified to an emotionally gratifying pitch.

1. Multi-layered, biographical variations of this collective habitus, the We-identity, come to be individualised as an I-identity in the process of personality formation. Long established and more recent group identification processes – family, neighbours, friends, workmates, leisure circles, through to wider associations of class, nation, religion, ethnicity, and humanity itself – are held in tensions of varying intensity with each other and with the widening or narrowing scales of group integration.

1. . ‘Societies may differ with regard to the beliefs and ideals which guide their ruling elites in their intra-state politics; but they all have in common the nationalisation of ethos and sentiment, of we-attachment and we-image of most of the individuals who form them’ (Elias 2013: 168). Survival of the national unit assumed a higher human value than the survival of single individuals. Prohibited for individuals, organised violence is permitted in defence of the essential value of the national We-ideal.

1. This is not primarily a relationship based on ‘identity’ as an inner psychological condition, where the individual and the nation appear as two entities separated in space that are only later brought together by integrative ‘norms’. In modernity, the individual habitus is always at the same time a national habitus. Individuals subordinate their needs and even their lives to an emotional reflex of unquestioning collective solidarity to the state-society.

1. The mutual disparagement between the English and the Scots.

1. We-identity manifests itself as ‘public opinion’ on the assumption that a national consensus exists beyond the state’s reach on how problems and issues are defined symbolically. Variations and deviations are uncovered by aggregating individuals offering isolated opinions on questions abstracted from power relations between groups. Dispositions of national habitus are thereby reduced to what Bourdieu (1993: 151) called the ‘consensus effect’ of public opinion as a discourse that demands prior coherence and competence. Such a ‘consensus effect’ was evident in the now vanished world of national newspapers, typically published in London but read widely throughout post-war Britain, that produced what Elias (2008b: 218) claimed was an ‘extraordinary uniformity of interest in the whole island’.

1. Clearly, civic virtue and ethnic essentialism are extreme poles between which the national habitus can travel. Yet, in the absence of popular anxieties aroused by crisis conditions or perceived threats represented by ‘outsiders’, in Scotland the national habitus has, thus far, followed a path-dependent tendency towards deeper integration. Contrary to elite perceptions, the referendum process did not lead to dangerous levels of inter-group aggression (Geoghegan 2015). Despite the heightened rhetoric between politicians and journalists in Edinburgh and London, inter-group ambivalences generally restrained, rather than intensified, anti-English and anti-Scottish feeling in both countries.

1. More recently, the official response of the Scottish government to Brexit emphasized the special charisma of Scotland as a humanist European nation, defined by ‘its desire for peace and justice, firm in its cultural, environmental, social and economic ambition, and inspired by a generous vision of our obligations to fellow human beings and to the world’ (Scottish Government 2016: 18). As further evidence of the charismatic we-ideal, the Scottish government appealed to the national genius of Scots for education, science and technology, boasting examples of ‘Scottish’ inventions and discoveries, including the steam engine, refrigerator, telephone, television, pneumatic tyre, penicillin, bicycle, mammal cloning, and the Higgs Boson particle.

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